Artigo Revisado por pares

The European security order between American hegemony and French independence

2011; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 20; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09662839.2011.605121

ISSN

1746-1545

Autores

Ulrich Krotz, James Sperling,

Tópico(s)

Defense, Military, and Policy Studies

Resumo

Abstract Abstract We investigate the impact of historically rooted domestic constructions of purpose and ambition on the patterns of discord and collaboration in the Franco-American relationship over the course of the postwar and post-cold war periods. We stress the importance and tenacity of domestic historical constructions for explaining and understanding the foreign policy strategies that would otherwise confound a power-based analysis. The Franco-American bilateral relationship, in particular, illustrates the persistence and tenacity of each nation's historically constructed foreign policy conception during the bipolar distribution of power during the cold war and the contested unipolarity of the post-cold war era. We conclude with an assessment of the salience and relevance of domestic elements of foreign policy role and purpose for explaining and understanding how their bilateral relationship has affected the European security order into the second decade of the twenty-first century. Keywords: FranceUnited Statesbilateral relationship Acknowledgements For helpful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article, we thank Joachim Schild and Keery Walker as well as two anonymous reviewers. The usual disclaimer applies. Notes 1. For in-depth treatments of the cold war era, compare Peter J. Katzenstein (2005 Katzenstein, P.J. 2005. A world of regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. [Google Scholar]), David Lake (1999 Lake, D. 1999. Entangling relations: American Foreign Policy in Its Century, Princeton: Princeton University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), Geir Lundestad (1998 Lundestad, G. 1998. Empire by integration: The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997, New York: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar], 2003 Lundestad, G. 2003. The United States and Western Europe since 1945: From 'Empire' By Invitation to Transatlantic Drift, New York: Oxford University Press. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), and Richard Ullman (1989 Ullman, R. 1989. The Covert French Connection. Foreign Policy No., 75: 3–33. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 2. On liberal hegemony, see John G. Ikenberry and Charles Kupchan (1990). 3. On European anti-Americanism and American anti-Europeanism, respectively, see Timothy Garton Ash (2005 Ash, T.G. 2005. "The new anti-Europeanism in America". In Beyond Paradise and Power, Edited by: Lindberg, T. 121–133. New York: Routledge. [Google Scholar]), Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert O. Keohane, eds. (2007 Katzenstein , P.J. and Keohane R.O. , 2007 . Anti-Americanisms in World Politics . Ithaca : Cornell University Press . 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For a comprehensive discussion of the factors and forces promoting or undermining Europe's emergence as a fully formed foreign policy, security, and defense actor, see Ulrich Krotz (2009 Krotz, U. 2009. Momentum and impediments: Why Europe won't emerge as a full political actor on the world stage soon. Journal of Common Market Studies, 47(3): 555–578. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). 17. That expectation ranged from an unquestioned acceptance of the American strategy of containment during the tenure of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles to a tolerance of European dissent when American and European interests diverged during the Ford and Carter administrations. 18. On the importance of the state in shaping the postwar French economy, see William James Adams (1989 Adams, W.J. 1989. Restructuring the French economy: government and the rise of market competition since World War II, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. [Google Scholar]). 19. 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On the institutionalization of the integrated military command, see Lawrence S. Kaplan, NATO before the Korean War, April 1949–June 1950 (unpublished manuscript). Membership in NATO as an international organization, from France's point of view, did not infringe upon French sovereignty and independence in a way that membership in NATO's integrated military command did. The semantic distinction between 'OTAN' (military) and 'Alliance Atlantique' (political) in Gaullist or general foreign policy diction, at times still prevalent today, mirrors the difference. See Frédéric Bozo (1991 Bozo, F. 1991. La France et l'OTAN: De la Guerre Froide au Nouvel Ordre Européen [France and NATO: From the Cold War to the New European Order], Paris: Masson. [Google Scholar]), Frédéric Bozo (2001 Bozo, F. 2001. Two strategies for Europe: De Gaulle, the United States, and the Atlantic Alliance, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. 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Védrine's assessment can be as easily and perhaps more appropriately applied to the American relationship with its allies; the difference, of course, is that American dominance of the Atlantic alliance has obviated any need to consider whether it too is allied, but not aligned with its allies. 39. For broader considerations regarding France's milieu goals, France within Europe, Europe in the world, as well as role and significance of the French nuclear forces today, see Défense et Sécurité Nationale (2008 Défense et Sécurité Nationale , 2008 . Le Livre Blanc; Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et Européennes, La France et l'Europe dans le Monde: Livre Blanc sur la Politique Étrangère et Européenne de la France 2008–2020 (directed by Alain Juppé and Louis Schweitzer) . Paris : Ministry of Foreign Affairs . [Google Scholar]), and Barthélemy Courmont (2007 Courmont, B. 2007. Doctrine Nucléaire Française: Questions en Suspens. Revue Internationale et Stratégique, 65: 80–90. 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