Artigo Revisado por pares

A Jew amongst Christians and Muslims: introspection in Solomon ibn Adret's response to ibn Hazm

2010; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 25; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09518967.2010.536667

ISSN

1743-940X

Autores

Harvey J. Hames,

Tópico(s)

Language, Linguistics, Cultural Analysis

Resumo

Abstract Solomon ibn Adret, one of the foremost Rabbis of the Jewish community in the Iberian peninsula in the late thirteenth century, wrote a treatise that engaged directly with the claims and arguments of ibn Hazm, a Muslim scholar who had been dead for some two hundred years. His preoccupation with ibn Hazm seems strange given his many other concerns such as the spread of Averroism and Christian attacks on the Jewish post-biblical texts. One of ibn Adret's Christian interlocutors was the famous Dominican, Ramon Martí, and it is he who provides the key for understanding the treatise written against ibn Hazm. Ibn Adret's treatise is his way of exploring his own religious beliefs in the face of the Christian attacks against rabbinical Judaism. Keywords: Solomon ibn AdretRamon Martíibn Hazmintrospection tahrif polemics Notes 1. On Solomon ibn Adret, see Perles Perles, J. 1863. R. 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Maestro Guillem, a judge, then says: 'The debate now is not about Jesus, but the question is whether the messiah has come or not.' Chavel, Writings of Nahmanides, 1 306 para. 23. 10. Chavel, Writings of Nahmanides, 1: 308. See Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 1224.2, fol. 15v, which has a different reading for the word 'racionamento' in the Chavel edition, which, according to the Hebrew, is supposed to define what the Aggadot are: 'like when one person recounts to his companion'. The manuscript has 'racosiament', which is probably a scribal mistake for the Catalan 'recontament' (pronounced racontament), which means 'the act or effect of recounting'. See Ben-Shalom Ben-Shalom, Ram. 2006. Facing Christian Culture: Historical Consciousness and Images of the Past among the Jews of Spain and Southern France during the Middle Ages, Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute. 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Daggers of Faith: Thirteenth-Century Christian Missionizing and Jewish Response, Berkeley: University of California Press. [Google Scholar], Daggers of Faith, 70–85, and his Barcelona and Beyond Chazan, Robert. 1992. Barcelona and Beyond: The Disputation of 1263 and its Aftermath, Berkeley: University of California Press. [Google Scholar], with a more nuanced reading. See also Limor, 'Polemical Varieties', 58–9, 68–75. Caputo, Nahmanides in Medieval Catalonia, 91–127, emphasizes the first passage of the Hebrew, whereas Nahmanides highlights the dangers posed to the Jewish community from converts. 13. There were preaching campaigns in the synagogues (and mosques) of the Crown, but these were not sustained but rather sporadic and, thus, ineffectual. This is a very different reality from the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. See Vose Vose, Robin. 2009. Dominicans, Muslims and Jews in the Medieval Crown of Aragon, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 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See also Mulchahey Mulchahey, M.M. 1998. 'First the Bow is Bent in Study': Dominican Education before 1350, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies. [Google Scholar], 'First the Bow is Bent in Study', 345 and Vose, Dominicans, 105–6. See also Garcías Palou Garcías Palou, Sebastián. 1977. El Miramar de Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca: Diputación Provincial de Baleares. [Google Scholar], El Miramar de Ramon Llull, 269–80; however Burns Burns, Robert I. 1984. Muslims, Christians and Jews in the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar], Muslims, Christians and Jews, 95–6, suggests that it was in Tunis. On mission to the Muslims in general, see Kedar Kedar, Benjamin Z. 1984. Crusade and Mission: European Approaches towards the Muslims, Princeton: Princeton University Press. [Google Scholar], Crusade and Mission. 16. See Ramon Llull's Ramon, Llull. 1980. Vita coeatanea. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina VIII. 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There is some logic to the suggestion that the De seta was written first as by denigrating Muhammad as a false prophet, and therefore, the Koran as a book full of lies, Martí can then go on to dismiss later Muslim claims about the Old and New Testaments and prove the articles of faith in the Explanatio. Ramon Martí's MartíRamon Capistrum Iudaeorum. Ed. Adolfo Robles Sierra. 2 vols. Würzburg: Echter Verlag and Altenberge: Telos Verlag 1990–3 [Google Scholar] Capistrum, 21 has the date 1257 with a question mark for the De seta. Bonner Bonner, Anthony. 1989. "L'Apologètica de Ramon Martí i Ramon Llull davant de l'Islam i del Judaisme". In El debat intercultural als segles XIII i XIV. Actes de les Jornades de Filosofia Catalana, Girona 25-7 d' Abril de 1988 Girona Collegi Universitari [Google Scholar], 'L'Apologètica de Ramon Martí', 171–85 dates the composition of the De seta to 1260 after the Explanatio. 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In Teshuvot ha-Rashba: Le-Rabenu Shelomoh b[e]n R[abi] Avraham ben Aderet: teshuvot ha-shayakhot la-Mikra midrash ve-de'ot ve-tsuraf la-hen Sefer Minhat kenaout le-R[Aba] Mari de-Lonil, ed. Haim Z. Dimitrovsky. 2 vols. Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kuk, 1990 [Google Scholar] Adret, Response to a Christian, 1: 201–6. 35. Yitzhak Baer seemed to have sensed this, though he does not spell it out. See Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, 1: 281. 36. Lourie Lourie, Elena. 1990. "Anatomy of Ambivalence: Muslims under the Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century". In Crusade and Colonisation: Muslims, Christians and Jews in Medieval Aragon, Variorum Collected Studies 317 Aldershot: Variorum Collected Studies. [Google Scholar], 'Anatomy of Ambivalence', 56 n. 175 suggested that this response was actually a camouflaged polemic against Christians. Jacobs Jacobs, Martín. 'Interreligious Polemics in Medieval Spain: Biblical Interpretation between Ibn Hazm, Shlomoh ibn Adret, and Shim'on ben Semah Duran'. In Gershom Scholem (1897–1982): In memoriam, 2 vols, ed. J. Dan. Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought 21 (Jerusalem 2007) vol. 2: 35*–57* [Google Scholar], 'Interreligious Polemics in Medieval Spain', 2:35*–57*. Jacobs points out the importance of the Christian context, but does not consider Ramon Martí as ibn Adret's probable source, nor the possibility that the treatise against the Muslim is really introspective. Nirenberg Nirenberg, David. 1996. Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages, Princeton: Princeton University Press. [Google Scholar], Communities of Violence, 195–9, views the treatise in lights of Morisco anti-Jewish polemic, though the Morisco sources cited are from the late fourteenth century. 37. Ibn Adret refers directly to ibn Hazm's claim of biblical forgery in the fourth part of his response to Martí. See Response to the Christian, 170–71. 38. MS Jewish Seminary, Breslau, Codex Saraval 26a, fols. 271r–282r. The manuscript which contained a whole series of Jewish polemical works was in two volumes, the second of which survived the war. See Steinschneider Steinschneider, M. 1853. Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de littérature hebràique et orientale et d' Auteurs hébreux de feu Leon V. Saraval, Trieste: Autrich. [Google Scholar] , Catalogue de la Bibliothèque, 100, num. 26; Zukermann, Katalog der Seminar-Bibliothek, 7, no. 59: I–VIII; Loewinger and Weinryb Loewinger, D.S. and Weinryb, B.S. 1965. Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts in the Library of the Juedisch-Theologisches Seminar in Breslau, Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. [Google Scholar] , Catalogue of the Hebrew Manuscripts, 164–5 as num: 233–234. For the printed editions, see Perles, R. Salomo ben Abraham ben Adereth, 1–24 [Hebrew section]; ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 1: 116–58. It has recently been published again with a short religious ideological introduction and notes in Naor Naor, B. 2008. Ma'amar al Yishma'el: Rabbi Solomon ben Abraham ibn Adret, with an Introduction and Notes, Spring Valley, NJ: Orot. [Google Scholar], Ma'amar al Yishma'el. For an English summary of the contents, see Adang, 'A Jewish Reply to ibn Hazm', 185–209. 39. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 115–18. Compare with Ramon Martí's claim on this issue in his Explanatio simboli apostolorum, 453 where he says with reference to possible forgeries in the Gospels as well: 'Given the unfriendly relations between Christians and Jews with regard to scriptures, Christians would not remain silent if Jews had corrupted the text, and neither would Jews conceal Christian corruption'. Ibn Adret also uses the Christians as witnesses to the integrity of the scriptures. Zucker, 'Inquiries', 36–42 shows that almost all of the claims brought by the Muslim in ibn Adret's treatise appear in ibn Hazm's works though Zucker is unclear on what work ibn Adret might have consulted. 40. See for instance the third and fourth parts of ibn Adret's Response to a Christian, 166–84, where he deals with the Christian criticism of the rabbinical understanding of the commandments and the claim of forgery because of the eighteen scribal corrections to the biblical text. 41. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 147, 151. Martin Jacob's claims that this is ibn Adret's response to Christian and Muslim doctrine of abrogation – that the Torah was to be superseded. He connects it to comments made at the start of ibn Adret's response to a Christian. However, here the focus is on Rabbinic methodology and it makes more sense to see these passages as arguing for the validity of Rabbinic hermeneutics. See Jacobs, 'Interreligious Polemics', 48*–49*. See ibn Adret, Response to a Christian, 161–5. 42. Cohen Cohen, Jeremy. 2002. "Christian Theology and Anti-Jewish Violence in the Middle Ages: Connections and Disjunctions". In Religious Violence between Christians and Jews: Medieval Roots, Modern Perspectives, Edited by: Sapir-Abulafia, A. Basingstoke: Palgrave. [Google Scholar], 'Christian Theology and Anti-Jewish Violence', 53–8. 43. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 152. 44. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 154. 45. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 119–26. In attempting to deal with this issue, one can see that ibn Adret is working hard to convince himself that what he is saying is correct because he does see the problem here, and it gets worse if you look at the birth rates and population growth of other tribes as well. Ibn Adret suggests that God can do this if He wants to, or, even today, aristocratic Muslims take many wives and have many offspring. 46. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 127. 47. Ibid., 127–8. Adang seems to misunderstand ibn Adret's response here explaining that Jacob transferred the birthright because he loved Joseph more, and that Reuben did not really have conjugal relations with his stepmother. See Adang, 'A Jewish Reply to Ibn Hazm', 195. 48. See b. Talmud, Shabbat, fol. 55b. 49. Ramon Martí, Explanatio, 452–5. 50. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 134–5. Ibn Adret was forced to deal with what he considered false Jewish prophets as well. See Hames Hames, Harvey J. 2007. Like Angels on Jacob's Ladder: Abraham Abulafia, the Franciscans and Joachimism, Albany: State University of New York Press. [Google Scholar], Like Angels on Jacob's Ladder, 44–9. 51. Ibn Hazm does cite some Talmudic passages and Midrashim, such as Shi'ur Komah, which he clearly obtained second-hand, perhaps from his conversations with a Karaite. See Adang, Muslim Writers, 94–109. 52. b. Talmud, Shabbat, fol. 138b, and Succot, fol. 20a, respectively. 53. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 130–43. In the middle of this detailed reply to ibn Hazm's claims, there is a long digression dealing with the permission given to eat meat after the Flood, even though before the Flood the eating of meat was forbidden. This seemingly shows a contradiction between an earlier and later ruling. 54. Ibn Adret, Treatise against the Muslim, 117–18. 55. See for instance, 117, 118, 119, 120, 130, 147, among others. 56. Pulcini, Exegesis, 163. 57. See almost every page of Pugio fidei. See also Colomer Colomer, Eusebio. 1988. Ramon Llull y Ramon Martí. Estudios Lulianos, 28: 1–37. [Google Scholar], 'Ramon Llull y Ramon Martí', 1–37, esp.18.

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