Artigo Revisado por pares

Exceptionalism and Globalism: Travel Writers and the Nineteenth‐Century American West

2006; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 68; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1111/j.1540-6563.2006.00154.x

ISSN

1540-6563

Autores

David M. Wrobel,

Tópico(s)

American and British Literature Analysis

Resumo

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes1. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978).2. Thomas R. Hietala explores this tension in his chapter “American Exceptionalism, American Empire” in Manifest Design: Anxious Aggrandizement in Late Jacksonian America (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), 173–214. Paul Kennedy positions the United States within this larger story of empires in The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict From 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1987).3. Elliott West, “Thinking West,” in The Blackwell Companion to the American West, ed. William Deverell (Malden, Mass., and Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 25–50. For more on the travel narratives about Mexico during the Mexican–American War see Howard R. Lamar, “Foreword,” in Down the Santa Fe Trail and Into Mexico: The Diary of Susan Shelby Magoffin, 1846–1847, ed. Stella M. Drumm (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982; orig. pub. with the Lamar “Foreword,” New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1962, and first published by Yale in 1926), ix–xxxv.4. Hietala, 2.5. Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton, The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, 1500–2000 (New York: Viking, 2005), emphasize how the realities of territorial acquisition undermine the rhetoric of exceptionalism, xv.6. On Stephen A. Douglas's use of the phrase, see John Mack Faragher and Robert Hine, The American West: A New Interpretive History (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000), 199. Patricia Nelson Limerick, “Empire of Innocence,” in The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West, with a new Preface (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006; orig. pub. 1987).7. Henry Nash Smith's Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (1950) (emphasizes early Anglo exploration of the West as a search for trade routes to the Orient) and Walter Prescott Webb's The Great Frontier (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1952) are classic examples of the early global contextualization of Western American history. See also Howard Lamar's and Leonard Thompson's pioneering anthology, The Frontier in History: North America and South Africa Compared (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981); Walter Nugent's broad comparative piece, “Comparing Wests and Frontiers,” in The Oxford History of the American West, eds. Clyde A. Milner II, Carol A. O'Connor, and Martha Sandweiss (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 803–33; Gunther Peck, Reinventing Free Labor: Padrones and Immigrant Workers in the North American West, 1880–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); and Patricia Nelson Limerick's presidential address to the Western History Association, “Going West and Ending Up Global,” Western Historical Quarterly 32 (Spring 2001): 5–23. For an excellent example of the successful forays of a historian of the U.S. West into Pacific World history, see . World historians have comfortably incorporated the story of U.S. expansion into the global contexts of their works. See for example J. M. Roberts, The New Penguin History of the World (New York and London: Penguin, 2004; orig. pub. 1976). Roberts writes: “there was much that was barely distinguishable from imperialism in the nineteenth‐century territorial expansion of the United States, although Americans might not recognize it when it was packaged as a ‘Manifest Destiny,’ ” 827–28.8. The obvious imperial parallels include British colonization of India (under a policy of “Dual Control” from 1784, followed by the formal assumption of control in 1858), the French conquest of Algeria (1830–1847), and the European nations' carving up of the African continent at the West African Conferences of Berlin (1884–1885). Algeria's two most prominent leaders and resistors of French colonial authority, Abd‐el‐Kader and Ahmad Bey, surrendered to the French in 1847, the same year that American forces entered Mexico City.9. For more on American exceptionalism see Michael Kammen, “The Problem of American Exceptionalism: A Reconsideration,” American Quarterly 45 (March 1993): 1–43; ; David Noble, Death of a Nation: American Culture and the End of Exceptionalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002); and Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998).10. Richard Slotkin, in Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1800 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1973); The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800–1890 (New York: Atheneum, 1985); and Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth‐Century America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), contends that there was a more conscious construction of the national identity on a foundation of frontier mythology.11. Benjamin Franklin, “The Internal State of America: Being a True Description of the Interest and Policy of that Vast Continent,” in The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Albert K. Smythe, vol. 10 (New York: Macmillan, 1907), 117–18. See also James Paul Hutson, “Benjamin Franklin and the West,” Western Historical Quarterly 4 (October 1973): 425–34.12. For the Jefferson quotation see Gilbert Chinard, Thomas Jefferson: The Apostle of Americanism (Boston: Little, Brown, 1929), 80–2; James C. Malin, The Contriving Brain and the Skillful Hand in the United States (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Edwards Brothers, 1955); and H. A. Washington, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1854), 332.13. John L. O'Sullivan's article “Annexation,” addressing the opposition of European powers to the annexation of Texas, appeared in the Democratic Review 17 (July–August 1845): 5–10. His later, more famous expression of the concept of Manfiest Destiny appeared as an editorial in the New York Morning News, 27 December 1845. For more on Manifest Destiny see Hietala, Manifest Design; David M. Pletcher, The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973); Robert W. Johannsen, “The Meaning of Manifest Destiny,” in Manifest Destiny and Empire: Antebellum American Expansionism, eds. Sam W. Haynes and Christopher Morris (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1997), 7–20; and Julius Pratt, “The Ideology of American Expansion,” in Essays in Honor of William E. Dodd: By His Former Students at the University of Chicago, ed. Avery Craven (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1935), 335–53. Pratt is also the author of two other useful articles, “The Origin of Manifest Destiny,” American Historical Review 32 (July 1927): 795–98 and “John L. O'Sullivan and Manifest Destiny,” New York History 14 (July 1933): 213–34. Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” (1893), in The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1920), 1–38.14. Dorothy Ross, “Historical Consciousness in Nineteenth‐Century America,” American Historical Review 89 (October 1984): 909–28.15. For a good coverage of the American debate over the war with Mexico including Lincoln's “Spot Resolutions,” see Chapter Ten “Conquest and Controversy, 1846–1850,” in Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier, 6th ed., ed. Ray Allen Billington and Martin Ridge (an abridgement) (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001), 215–36, especially 220–21.16. Hietala, 173.17. Francis Parkman, The Oregon Trail: Sketches of Prairie and Rocky‐Mountain Life (Boston: Little, 1872; orig. pub. 1849); Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, 4 vols. (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1889–1896). Turner's essays were collected in The Frontier in American History.18. Among the more notable New Western History critics of Turner's frontier thesis are Limerick's “Introduction: Opening the Frontier and Closing Western History,” in The Legacy of Conquest, and various essays by Limerick, Richard White, Donald Worster, and others in Trails: Toward a New Western History, ed. Patricia, Nelson Limerick, Clyde Milner, II, and Charles Rankin (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991).19. The leading New Western historians, Limerick, White, and Worster, all viewed the West within a broader context of imperialism. The titles of Limerick's The Legacy of Conquest and Worster's Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of American West (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985) speak to a comparative global contextualization. Richard White's seminal textbook, It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own: A New History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), also parallels American empire building in the West with the efforts of other empires around the globe.20. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer (New York: Fox, Duffield, 1904; orig. pub. 1782), 41, 43–44.21. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Henry Reeve text as revised by Francis Bower, ed. Phillips Bradley, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1945); James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1893–1895).22. See Jennifer Pitts' “Introduction” in Alexis de Tocqueville, Writings on Empire and Slavery, trans. and ed. Jennifer Pitts (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), ix–xxxxviii, especially xxi. The pertinent Tocqueville writings in the volume are: “Essay on Algeria” (October 1841), 59–116, “First Report on Algeria” (1847), 129–73, and “Second Report on Algeria” (1847), 174–98.23. I refer here to the broad concept of westward expansion and to Ray Allen Billington's textbook, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York: Macmillan and Co.), which first appeared in 1949 and has played an influential role in sustaining the notion that the story of the West is the story of white westward movement into the West.24. An example of this placement of the West within the wider world in the genre of travel writing can be found in The Western Journal, and Civilian, published in St. Louis. In vol. 11 of this publication, subscribers could read about “Aubrey's Journey from California to New Mexico” (no. 1, October 1853, 84–96), a fast‐paced, blood‐filled, and highly questionable account of white endurance against Indian attacks and, just a few months later, could read Man Butler's “Exploration of the River Amazon: A Sketch from Lieutenant Herndon's Travels,” a U.S. government‐sponsored expedition to the Amazon that began in May 1851 (no. 5, February 1854, 342–49).25. Sarah Bird Wright, “Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811–1896),” Dictionary of Literary Biography, vol. 189: American Travel Writers, 1850–1915, eds. Donald Ross and James J. Schramer (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Research, 1998), 305–20, 307; hereafter referred to as DLB. Mary Suzanne Shriber notes that 1,765 books of travel were published in the United States between 1830 and 1900; see her Writing Home: American Women Abroad, 1830–1920 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1997), 2. Lynne Withey, in Grand Tours and Cook's Tours: A History of Leisure Travel, 1750–1915 (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1997), 234, notes that at least 1,044 travel books about the Middle East were published in the nineteenth century. Max Berger in The British Traveller in America, 1836–1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 14, notes that 230 accounts by British travelers to America were published between 1836 and 1860.26. Later in the century, in 1888, National Geographic Magazine first appeared to satiate the public's hunger for knowledge about far‐flung places.27. Mary K. Edmonds, “Paul Belloni Du Chaillu (1831?–1903),” in DLB vol. 189, 109–31.28. Jeffrey Alan Melton, “Samuel Langhorne Clemens (Mark Twain), 1835–1910,” DLB vol. 189, 65–78.29. A good introduction to these archives can be found in the various essays Travelers on the Western Frontier, ed. John Francis McDermott (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1970). See also Ray Allen Billington, Land of Savagery, Land of Promise: The European Image of the American Frontier in the Nineteenth Century (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981); and, most recently, Roger L. Nichols, “Western Attractions: Europeans and America,” Pacific Historical Review 74 (2005): 1–17.30. James Schramer and Donald Ross in their “Introduction” to DLB, vol. 183: American Travel Writers, 1776–1864 (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Research, 1997), xxv, explain that “the basic mimetic impulse in travel writing is sociological or anthropological rather than psychological—a major difference between travel literature and the novel.” Generally classified today as nonfiction, the best travel writings are far more literary than the average book of essays in the nonfiction genre but are nonetheless very different from the novel and short story traditions.31. Barbara Brothers and Julia M. Gergits, “Introduction,” DLB, vol. 204: British Travel Writers, 1940–1997 (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Research, 1999), xv–xxi, xviii.32. Ibid.33. I do not mean to suggest that this particular vein of historical scholarship first began to be mined in the World War II years. We can go back all the way to the Civil War and find Henry T. Tuckerman's America and Her Commentators: With a Critical Sketch of Travel in the United States (New York: Charles Scribner, 1864); this seems to be the earliest secondary work available on the topic of travel writers' perceptions of America. John Graham Brooks, As Others See Us: A Study of Progress in the United States (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1908) appeared during the Progressive era; and Allan Nevins's American Social History as Recorded by British Travelers (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1923) was published another decade and a half later.34. Berger, 5.35. Allen Nevins, America Through British Eyes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948), originally published under the title American Social History as Recorded by British Travelers. Oscar Handlin, This was America: True Accounts of People and Places, Manners and Customs, as Recorded by European Travelers to the Western Shore in the Eighteenth, Nineteenth, and Twentieth Centuries (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1949).36. Robert G. Athearn, Westward the Briton (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1962, 1969); Thomas D. Clark, “The Great Visitation to American Democracy,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 44 (June 1957): 3–28. That same year also saw the publication of Earl S. Pomeroy's In Search of the Golden West: The Tourist in Western America (New York: Knopf, 1957), which included a commentary on the observations of travel writers as well as of tourists.37. This post‐World War II search for an American character helps explain the appearance of various works that we tend to lump together as examples of the “myth and symbol school.” Henry Nash Smith's classic Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1950) and John William Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), are particularly notable examples. In the field of American intellectual history, Henry Steele Commager's The American Mind: An Interpretation of American Thought and Culture Since the 1880s (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1950) stands as the most significant example of the postwar explorations of a distinctive Americanism. Likewise, another body of works that are generally defined as “consensus history” can be understood within the context of the post‐World War II effort to define the national character and include: Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (New York: Knopf, 1948); Daniel Boorstin, The Genius of American Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953); David M. Potter: People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954); and Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955).38. These works were not simply paeans to a benign national distinctiveness, to be sure (Smith's Virgin Land, for example, offered a highly cautionary tale), but they are all marked by their efforts to chart the sources of the nation's distinctiveness and generally emphasize the benign nature of the national character and democratic institutions. Nevins' collection America Through British Eyes and Handlin's This was America both contained a number of very critical assessments of the American character and American institutions. Clark, to offer another example, concluded his Mississippi Valley Historical Association presidential address, “The Great Visitation,” 27, with criticism of American materialism and of the nation's failure to live up to its vaunted purpose as outlined in the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights. Yet, characteristic of the time when it appeared, Clark carefully added that even the most “malicious comments” of some foreign travelers “have never provoked a desire [among Americans] to deny free visitation to America and its institutions” (28).39. The Henry Reeve text of Tocqueville's Democracy in America was published in New York by Alfred A. Knopf in 1945, 1953, 1954, and 1956. Oxford University Press also republished the Reeve text in 1947 and 1959.40. Tocqueville, xxi.41. David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993), 1. Spurr's book begins with a chapter titled “Surveillance: Under Western Eyes,” emphasizing the privileged nature of the writer's gaze that renders her/him as an objectifier but never as an object. Subsequent chapters on “Appropriation,” “Aestheticization,” “Classification,” “Debasement,” “Negation,” “Affirmation,” “Insubstantialization,” “Naturalization,” and “Eroticization,” and a final chapter titled “Resistance” leave no doubt as to where the author stands vis‐à‐vis the nature, purpose, and consequences of the imperialist gaze. For more on this topic see Steve Clark, ed., Travel Writing and Empire: Postcolonial Theory in Transit (London: Zed Books, 1999).42. Ibid., 4.43. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994; orig. pub. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), xxi. David Cannadine offers a different perspective on the British empire and the ways in which it was perceived. He argues that “pace Edward Said and his ‘Orientalist’ followers, the British Empire was not exclusively (or even preponderantly) concerned with the creation of ‘otherness’ on the presumption that the imperial periphery was different from, and inferior to, the imperial metropolis: it was as least as much (perhaps more?) concerned with what has recently been called the ‘construction of affinities’ on the presumption that society on the periphery was the same as, or even on occasions superior to, society in the metropolis,” Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), xix.44. Ibid., 99.45. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994), 70.46. Ibid., 112.47. Mary Louise Pratt, Travel Writing and Transculturation (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 2, 4, 5, 201, 205–06. See also Inderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996).48. For more information on the ways of viewing the “traveled upon,” see Leah Dilworth, “Tourists and Indians in Fred Harvey's Southwest,” Sylvia Rodriguez, “Tourism, Whiteness and the Vanishing Anglo,” and David M. Wrobel, “Introduction: Tourists, Tourism, and the Toured Upon,” in Seeing and Being Seen: Tourism in the American West, eds. David M. Wrobel and Patrick T. Long (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001), 1–34, 142–64, and 194–210, respectively.49. There does seem to be a new generation of scholarship emerging, a kind of post postcolonialism that moves us beyond the easy assumptions concerning the imperialist gaze. An excellent example is Maya Jasanoff's Edge of Empire: Lives, Culture, and Conquest in the East, 1750–1850 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005).50. George Catlin, Catalogue of Catlin's Indian Gallery of Portraits, Landscapes, Manners and Customs, Costumes, &c. . . . Collected During Seven Years' Travel Amongst Thirty‐Eight Different Tribes, Speaking Different Languages (New York: Piercy and Reed, 1837), and Catlin's North American Indian Portfolio: Hunting Scenes and Amusements of the Rocky Mountains and Prairies of America/From Drawings and Notes of the Author, Made During Eight Years' Travel Amongst Forty‐Eight of the Wildest and Most Remote Tribes of Savages in North America (London: George Catlin, 1844; New York: James Ackerman, 1845).51. See for example the review of Catlin's exhibit from the East India Chronicle, reprinted in George Catlin, Adventures of the Ojibbeway and Ioway Indians, in England, France, and Belgium; Being Notes of Eight Years Residence in Europe With the North American Indian Collection, vol. 1, 3d ed. (London: George Catlin, 1852), 216. The book was originally published under the title Catlin's Notes of Eight Years' Travels and Residence in Europe, With His North American Indian Collection. With Anecdotes and Incidents of the Travels and Adventures of Three Different Parties of American Indians Whom He Introduced to the Courts of England, France, and Belgium (London: George Catlin, 1848).52. The coverage here draws on Paul Reddin's excellent account, “Trembling Excitements and Fears: Catlin and the Show Abroad,” in his Wild West Shows (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 27–52, quotations on 29–30.53. A number of these broadsides are included in the George Catlin Collection, Frederick W. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.54. Catlin was presenting an interesting, albeit not particularly new reversal of the standard travel narrative form in which white travelers comment on their experience among peoples of color. Voltaire and other French enlightenment thinkers had, nearly a century earlier, used the Indian travel narrative as a vehicle for illuminating the irrationality of Europeans.55. Catlin, Adventures of the Ojibbeway and Ioway Indians, 1:129–30.56. King Louis Philippe abdicated the throne in 1848 and died in England in 1850. The French conquest of Algeria took place during his rule and that of his predecessor Charles X.57. Catlin's wife, Clara, died in 1845 and his only son, Goergie, died the next year. Reddin's Wild West Shows covers these Catlin family deaths and the Indian deaths in excellent detail, 45–51.58. Volume 1 is available as an electronic book and volume 2 is available as a paperback (Scituate, Mass.: Digital Scanning, Inc., 2001).59. Ibid., 1:61–62. Reddin provides coverage of the “Museum of Mankind” in Wild West Shows, 48.60. Friedrich Gerstäcker may be best known to historians of the California Gold Rush as the author of a very handsome volume, California Gold Mines (Oakland, Calif.: Biobooks, 1946). The book serves as a good example of how the West has literally been taken out of the world in the public memory of the Gold Rush. California Gold Mines radically abridged Narrative of a Journey Round the World. Gerstäcker's Narrative of a Journey Around the World . . . also appeared the next year in an abridged British edition, Gerstäcker's Travels: Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Ayres, Ride Through the Pampas, Winter Journey Across the Cordilleras, Chile, Valparaiso, California and the Gold Fields, trans. Friedrich Gerstäcker (London: T. Nelson and Sons, 1854).61. Jeffrey Sammons, “Friedrich Gerstäcker,” in DLB, vol. 129: Nineteenth‐Century German Writers, 1841–1900, ed. Siegfried Mews and James Hardin (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Research, 1993), 110–19, notes that this trip was financed in part by a small grant from Germany's provisional government and Gerstäcker later claimed to be the only person to have ever benefited from that government.62. Howard R. Lamar in his “Foreword” to J. S. Holliday, The World Rushed In: The California Gold Rush Experience (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002, orig. pub. Simon and Schuster, 1981), xii, points to this global context. Holliday is certainly well aware of the world context surrounding the California Gold Rush but chooses to focus on the American overlanders. For more on maritime journeys to the goldfields see Charles R. Schultz, Forty‐Niners ‘Round the Horn’ (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999).63. Gerstäcker's life, marked by its alternating periods of writing and wanderlust, is strangely reminiscent of Theodore Roosevelt's, which is marked by its segmented periods of public service and adventuring. For excellent overviews of Gerstäcker's travels see Sammons, DLB, vol. 129; his fuller coverage in Ideology, Mimesis, Fantasy: Charles Sealsfield, Friedrich Gerstäcker, Karl May, and Other German Novelists of America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 113–200; and “Friedrich Gerstäcker: American Realities Through German Eyes,” in his Imagination and History: Selected Papers on Nineteenth‐Century German Literature (New York: Peter Lang, 1988), 249–63.64. Erwin G. Gudde writes that Gerstäcker was “known throughout the Western world,” in “Friedrich Gerstaecker: World Traveller and Author, 1816–1872,” Journal of the West 7 (July 1968): 345–50.65. These popular stories were fictions based on real familiarity with the settings—which places them well above the work of the average dime novelist.66. Gerstäcker, Gerstäcker's Travels, 231–33. The story of the Bombay Indian is also told at somewhat greater length in the American edition of the book, Narrative of a Journey Round the World, Comprising a Winter Passage Across the Andes to Chili, With a Visit to the Gold Regions of California and Australia, the South Sea Islands, Java, &c (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1853), 214–17. The American edition, as the title suggests, includes coverage of the whole of Gerstäcker's trip.67. Ibid., 214.68. See for example, Richard Brantlinger, Dark Vanishings: The Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Peoples, 1800–1930 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003).69. Faragher and Hine, 249–50.70. Hine and Faragher in ibid., 249, refer to the campaign against the California Indians as the clearest case of genocide in the history of the American frontier. See also George Harwood Phillips, Indians and Indian Agents: The Origins of the Reservation System in California, 1849–1852 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 167, and Benjamin Madley, “The Yuki of California and the Question of Genocide in America,” unpublished paper.71. Gerstäcker, Narrative of a Journey Round the World, 216.72. Ibid., 395, 409, and 473.73. In addition to the indigenous population decline that accompanied the gold rushes in both California and Australia, both places saw anti‐Chinese rioting by white prospectors. Furthermore, in both the United States (with California leading the way) and Australia, restrictive immigration legislation in the late nineteenth century barred Asian immigrants. The White Australia policy of 1888 remained intact until the 1970s and, in the United States, the Chinese Immigration Act of 1882 (renewed in 1892 and made permanent in 1924) was not overturned until the Hart–Cellar Immigration Act of 1964.74. Brantlinger in Dark Vanishings offers a quite extensive treatment of the discourse on extinction and argues quite compellingly that the language of inevitable extinction, the “ghosting of the primitive,” amounted to a kind of “self‐fulfilling prophesy,” thereby contributing to the broader acceptance of these “dark vanishings” in western culture. However, within the broad discourse on extinction there existed a very wide range of positions—from the forceful advocacy of extermination of indigenous people to the stinging critiques of governments that allowed genocidal acts to take place. Brantlinger lumps these highly divergent, indeed antithetical, positions together into a single category—“extinction discourse”—which fails to distinguish advocates from critics. For a fuller treatment of the topic as it relates to American Indians, see Brian Dippie, The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and U.S. Indian Policy (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991, 1982) and Billington, Land of Savagery, Land of Promise, 129–49.75. Gerstäcker, Narrative of a Journey Round the World, 569–70.76. The five parts of the book cover South America, California, the Hawaiian Islands, Australia, and Java.77. See Eric Sterling, “George Catlin,” in DLB vol. 189, 55–64.78. See Dippie, 27.79. Renato Rosaldo, “Imperialist Nostalgia,” Representations 26 (1989): 107–22. The cynic might, of course, argue that Catlin, through his displaying of Indians and his pervasive evidence of their vanishing, was complicit in their destruction (though such arguments do rather undercut the role of Indian agency in these cultural displays). Nonetheless, Catlin's vociferous critique of his nation's Indian removal policy was clearly motivated more by anger over what was being done to Indians rather than by nostalgia for what was past.Additional informationNotes on contributorsDavid M. WrobelDavid M. Wrobel is the immediate past-president of the Phi Alpha Theta History Honor Society and a professor of history at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. An earlier version of this article was delivered as the Presidential Address to the Phi Alpha Theta Biennial meeting in Philadelphia on 5 January 2006.

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