From collective representation to the right to individual defence: James Steuart's ius populi vindicatum and the use of Johannes Althusius’ politica in restoration Scotland1
1998; Routledge; Volume: 24; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1016/s0191-6599(98)00005-9
ISSN1873-541X
Autores Tópico(s)Scottish History and National Identity
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes NOTES 1. The paper presents first results on research on Althusius and his reception in the British–Atlantic world. I do thank the Reformation Studies Institute, University of St. Andrews, that allowed me to pursue research on this matter as a Cameron Faculty Fellow in 1997. For stimulating advice I owe special thanks to James Cameron, Bruce Gordon and Andrew Pettegree, St. Andrews, to Horst Dreitzel and Wolfgang Mager, Bielefeld, and to the participants of the second EFS meeting on Republicanism at Perugia, May 1997. 2. A. Van Doren Honeyman, The Honeyman Family in Scotland and America (Plain field (NJ), 1909), 26–41. 3. A. Honeyman, A Survey of the insolent and infamous libel, entituled, Naphtali (Edinburgh, 1668); idem, Survey of Naphtali, Part II (Edinburgh, 1669); Van Doren, Honeyman, 20–43. 4. John Willcock, A Scots Earl in Covenanting Times. Being life and Times of Archibald 9th Earl of Argyll (1629–1685) (Edinburgh, 1907), 140–6: Spreading from disturbances after the arrest of a man at Dalray, Galloway, on 13 November 1666, the man had been freed, a little garrison stormed and finally around 700 men had gathered that were crushed on 28 November by c. 2600 soldiers. 5. Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the church of Scotland, for the Kingdom of Christ, contained in a true and short deduction thereof, from the beginning of the reformation of religion until the year 1667, together with the last speeches and testimonies of some who have died for the truth since the year 1660 …, n.p. 1667, ed. William Wilson (Perth, 1845); George W.T. Omond, Sir James Stewart, in: idem, The Lord Advocates of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1883), 243–276, 246–7; Robert Wodrow, Analecta: or Materials for a History of Remarkable Providences, 4 vols. (Edinburgh, 1842–83), Vol. I, 71, Vol. II, 202–7, 327–8; The Coltness Collections 1608–1840, (Edinburgh, 1842), Part II, 38–52, 359–67. 6. Survey, I, pp. 106–7. 7. Survey, I, Preface. 8. Omond, p. 246. 9. James Steuart, Jus populi vindicatum (London, 1669). 10. James Steuart, Jus populi (the title is perhaps owed to Henry Parker, Ius Populi, 1644, see Margaret Atwood Judson, ‘Henry Parker and the Theory of Parliamentary Sovereignty’, in: Essays in History and Political Theory (Cambridge, 1936), 138–67, 159–64; Johannes Althusius (1557/63–1638), Politica Methodice Digesta, Herborn 1603, 1610, 1614. The 1614 edition has been made accessible, although with omissions, by Carl Joachim Friedrich (ed.), Politica Methodice Digesta of Johannes Althusius (Harvard Political Classics Vol. II, Cambridge (Mass.) 1932; the abridged English translation by Frederick S. Carney (ed.), The politics of Althusius, London 1964, is useful as a first glance at the text. But both the translation itself and the omissions—primarily the text printed in little print in the original and providing illustrations, quotations and examples on core statements, make the translation almost useless for any more serious approach. 11. Space does not permit an exhaustive treatment of either the debate or the Jus populi. Moreover, further research is needed on Steuart's biography and his intellectual development, in particular before his involvement in the Pentland rising. Once that is completed, a monograph is planned on the topic. 12. Naphtalie, p. 90; reference is made to Samuel Rutherford, Lex Rex, London 1644; and John Knox, Apologetical Relation, see on Knox J.H. Burns, The True Law of Kingship. Concepts of Monarchy in Early Modern Scotland (Oxford, 1996), 122–51; on Calderwood Colin Kidd, Subverting Scotland's Past. Scottish Whig History and the creation of an Anglo-British identity 1689–c. 1830 (Cambridge, 1993), 22–26; on Rutherford John D. Ford, ‘Lex Rex iusta posita: Samuel Rutherford and the origins of government’, in: Scots and Britons. Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603, ed. Roger A. Mason (Cambridge, 1994), 262–92. 13. Edward J. Cowan, The Making of the National Covenant, in The Scottish National Covenant in its British Context 1638–1651, ed. John Morrill (Edinburgh, 1991), 68–89, 78 on the Politica as a ‘blueprint for the Scottish Revolution’. 14. Quentin Skinner, ‘The Origins of the Calvinist Theory of Revolution’, in After the Reformation, ed. Barbara C. Malament (Philadelphia, 1980), 309–30; Heinz Schilling, ‘Calvinismus und Freiheitsrechte’, Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Niederlanden 102 (1987), 404–34; Francis Oakley, Natural Law, Conciliarism and Consent in the Middle Ages, London 1984; idem, ‘Nederman, Gerson, Conciliar Theory and Constitutionalism: Sed Contra’, History of Political Thought 16 (1995), 1–19; Brian Tierney, Religion, law, and the growth of constitutional thought 1150–1650 (Cambridge, 1982), 50–78 on Althusius’ debt to these developments. 15. See on new evidence found in an hitherto unpublished disputation by Althusius of 1602, immediately before the first edition of the Politica, discovered in Wolffenbüttel, Michael Stolleis, ‘De Regno Recte Instituendo et Administrando’, Guiseppe Duso et al., Su una sconosciuta’ disputatio’ di Althusius (Quaderni Fiorentini 25, 1996), 13–46, 20; on Emden see Andrew Pettegree, Emden and the Dutch revolt, Oxford 1992. 16. On Henning Arnisaeus’ (1575–1632) attacks see Horst Dreitzel, Protestantischer Aristotelismus und absoluter Staat. Die ‘Politica’ des Henning Arnisaeus (ca. 1575–1636) (Wiesbaden, 1970), 145–47; Gerhard Menk, ‘Johannes Althusius und die Reichstaatslehre’, in: Politische Theorie des Johannes Althusius, eds Karl Wilhelm Dahm et al. (Berlin, 1988), 255–300, 261–72 on Hermann Conring's attack on both Milton and Althusius and on Mathies Pasor, shortly lecturing in Oxford in the 1620s and later in Groningen, who intervened in a debate between Claudius Salmasius (Leiden) and John Milton over the execution of Charles I with reference to Althusius. 17. See the account of the debate on the issue of representation involving also Besold and Becmann from Hasso Hofmann, Repräsentation. Studien zur Wort- und Begriffsgeschichte von der Antike bis ins 19, Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1974), 381 on Christoph Besold, Dissertatio Politico-Iuridica, 1625, Sectio I; 211, 357–375, 392 on Johann Christoph Becmann, De Majestate, in: Meditationes Politicae XXIV. 18. To 1620 in nearly every major German university at least one ‘politica’ did appear, see Dreitzel, Arnisaeus, 411–4; idem, ‘Die Staatsräson und die Krise des politischen Aristotelismus: Zur Entwicklung der politischen Philosophie in Deutschland im 17, Jahrhundert’, A. Enzo Baldini (ed.), Aristotelismo Politico e Ragion di Stato (Florence, 1995), 129–56; Michael Stolleis, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts, Vol.1 (München, 1988), 111; Wolfgang Weber, Prudentia gubernatoria. Studien zur Herrschaftslehre in der deutschen politischen Wissenschaft des 17, Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1992), 9–89; e.g. Arnold Clapmarius (1574–1604), Altdorf, De arcanis rerumpublicarum libri sex, 1605; Henning Arnisaeus (1575–1632), Helmstedt, Doctrina politica in genuinam methodum, quae est aristotelis, 1606; Adam Contzen, Mainz, Politicorum libri decem, 1620; Dietrich Reinkingk, Tractatus de regimine saeculari et ecclesiastica, 1619; Johannes Limnaeus, Juris publici Imperii Romano–Germanici, 1619–34; Bartholomaeus Keckermann, Systema politica, 1607; Lambertus Danaeus, Politices Christianae Libri Septem, 1596; Hermann Kirchner, Res publica, Marburg 1608. Althusius and Keckerman were Reformed, Contzen was a Catholic, the rest Lutheran. 19. E.g. the forced recatholisation of Würzburg, the fruitless efforts to defend protestantism in areas surrounded by Catholic imperial estates (1575–76) and the struggle for the protestant administration of Magdeburg, to name but a few, see Dietrich Kratsch, Justiz—Religion—Politik (Tübingen, 1990). 20. Notker Hammerstein, ‘Comment’, idem (ed.), Staatslehre der frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt, 1995), 1011–78. 21. Jean Bodin, Six livres de la république, 1576, latin edition 1586, see J.H.M. Salmon, ‘The Legacy of Jean Bodin: Absolutism, Populism or Constitutionalism?’, History of Political Thought 17 (1996), 500–21; Julian H. Franklin, ‘Sovereignty and the mixed constitution: Bodin and his critics’, in: The Cambridge History of Political Thought, 1450–1700, ed. J.H. Burns (Cambridge, 1991), 298–328, 308–9. 22. Heinz Angermeier, Königtum und Landfriede im deutschen Spätmittelalter (München, 1966); idem, Die Reichsreform 1410–1555 (München, 1984). 23. Hofmann, Repräsentation, 370–1. 24. The champion of monarchical absolutism Henning Arnisaeus was quoted for promoting this view, see Henning Arnisaeus, De republica seu relectionis politicae libri duo, Frankfurt 1615, cap I, s. 1 n. 14 (see Dreitzel, Arnisaeus, pp. 171–4, on his break with the received tradition by failing to mention the moral mission of the state) just as his opponent Althusius, see Christian Liebenthal, Collegium Politicum, Amsterdam 1652, VI, 185. 25. Althusius, Politica, c I, 30. 26. Althusius, Politica, c XIX, 18. 27. ‘Pactum’ appears only twice in his own index of the 1614 edition of the Politica with reference to the Jewish commonwealth and the establishment of the church, see Althusius, Politica, c XIX, 34; c XXVIII, 16–17. 28. Althusius, Politica, c XVIII, 48. 29. Althusius, Politica, c XIX, 23. 30. Althusius’ chapter on democracy is part of his appendix of special subjects treated in the last chapters and is handled only marginally and with distrust in its working, see c. XXXIX “De speciebus summi magistratus”, 11, 32); see Hasso Hofmann, ‘Der spätmittelalterliche Rechtsbegriff der Repräsentation in Reich und Kirche’, Der Staat 27 (1988), 523–45; idem., ‘Repräsentation in der Staatslehre der frühen Neuzeit’, in: Dahm, 513–42, 520–22. He stated his view on popular participation much earlier. To him, any kind of election by the common men is riddled with danger for the unity of the body politic and will trigger rebellion and sedition: Althusius, c XVIII, 56. 31. See Weber, Prudentia, pp. 321–57; on the need for harmony Althusius, Politica, CI, 36; for an attempt at categorization see Dreitzel, ‘Krise des Aristotelismus’, pp. 129–31: Lutherans promoting the Monarchia Christiana (e.g. Reinkingk, see Luise Schorn Schütte (ed.), Strukturen des politischen Denkens in der frühen Neuzeit, Baden-Baden 1998, forthcoming); Neo-Aristotelians (Arnisaeus), Tacitists (e.g. Arnold Clapmarius, De Arcanis rerumpublicarum libri sex, 1605; see Stolleis, Öffentliches Recht, 98–101), Catholic ‘Thomist-Aristotelians’ (such as Contzen) and authors interested mainly in the development of imperial public law (e.g. Limnaeus, see Stolleis, Öffentliches Recht, 221–4. 32. Dreitzel, Absolutismus, 23–35. 33. Althusius, Politica, c V, 5. Althusius’ politeuma resembles in that respect the res publica of Arnisaeus, see Dreitzel, Arnisaeus, 341. 34. Francis Oakley, Natural Law, Conciliarism and Consent in the Middle Ages (London, 1984); idem, ‘Nederman, Gerson, Conciliar Theory and Constitutionalism: Sed Contra’, History of Political Thought 16 (1995), 1–19; Brian Tierney, Religion, law, and the growth of constitutional thought 1150–1650 (Cambridge, 1982), 50–78 on Althusius’ debt to these developments; suffice to say that Althusius and Arnisaeus alike accepted the existence of private individuals having private property and private interests, see Dreitzel, Arnisaeus, 202–26, 336–57. 35. Hofmann, Repräsentation, pp. 132–36; Dreitzel, Arnisaeus, pp. 188–93; Antony Black, ‘The Juristic origins of social contract theory’, History of Political Thought 14 (1993), 57–76. 36. Wolfgang Mager, ‘Republik’, Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie, ed. Joachim Ritter, Karlfried Gründer, Vol. 8 (1984), 858–78, 862–3; Hofmann, ‘Repräsentation’. 37. Hofmann, Repräsentation, p. 211; idem, ‘Repräsentation’. 38. In the description of the universitas, consociationes privatae—families to guilds—make up consociationes publicae particulares—towns and provinces, that form the regnum. The term ‘consociatio’ stems avowedly from Cicero, see Althusius, Politica, c I, 7. 39. Althusius, Politica, c V, 32–42 on various forms of settlements, 42 on the transfer of jus to a city. 40. Althusius, Politica, V, 10. 41. Althusius, Politica, c IX, 23–24. 42. Althusius, Politica, c XVIII, 49–66, 84–88. 43. Elections are mentioned as one of a number of possibilities of establishing magistrates, but for well known reasons one to abstain of if possible, see Althusius, Politica, XVIII, 56, quoted above. The detail allotted to the description of procedure in elections in the account of a true republican such as James Harrington, Political Works, ed. J.G.A. Pocock, Cambridge 1977, pp. 361–8: “The Manner and Use of the Ballot”, stands in marked contrast to Althusius’ account. 44. Althusius, Politica, c XVIII, 59; see Hermann Schubert, Die deutschen Reichstage in der Staatslehre der frühen Neuzeit (Göttingen, 1966), 410–12 on the model of the imperial estates being the Empire; Hofmann, ‘Repräsentation’, 517–18; likewise, only the territorial estates make up the legal representation within each province, see Althusius, Politica, V, 52–55; Hofmann, ‘Repräsentation’, p. 527. 45. Althusius, Politica, c XVIII, 48, “Ephori sunt, quibus populi in corpus politicum consociati consensu demandata est …” He shows little interest in detail as to how the ephores might be instituted and accepts the existence of any body of ephors already doing the job by precedent, see on this Stolleis, Öffentliches Recht, p. 108. 46. Hofmann, ‘Repräsentation’, p. 533: “Eigenlogik des vom Hoheitsrecht geprägten Charakters der staatsrechtlichen Beispiele”. 47. Ibid, p. 533, “ … der sozialwissenschaflichen Theorie des genossenschaftlichen Aufbaus des Gemeinwesens”. 48. Hofmann, Repräsentation, pp. 368–72; idem, ‘Repräsentation’, pp. 529–35. 49. Jürgen Dennert, ‘Einleitung’, idem (ed.), Beza, Brutus, Hotman (Wiesbaden, 1968), IX–X; Hans Ulrich Scupin, ‘Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede der Theorien von Staat und Gesellschaft des Johannes Althusius und des Jean Bodin’, in: Dahm, Althusius, 301–11, 301 disagrees with that denomination; Horst Dreitzel, Absolutismus und ständische Verfassung, (Mainz, 1992), 23–25 cautiously defends it. 50. Richard Tuck, Philosophy and government 1572–1651 (Cambridge, 1993), 158 accordingly criticises Gierke's interpretation; Michael Behnen, ‘Herrscherbild und Herrschaftstechnik in der Politica des Johannes Althusius’, Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 11 (1984), 417–72, quotes p. 422 Althusius, Politica V, 4 (“Homines congregati sine jure symbiotico, sunt turba, coetus, multitudo, congregatio, populus, gens”) and hints towards Althusius’ reception of Cicero, De officiies, Liber primus, 25. Cicero refers to Plato there, and recently Horst Dreitzel has suggested that it is the Ciceronian view on Plato that helps to explain the development and importance of the concept of harmony for Althusius. 51. Behnen, ‘Herrscherbild’, p. 423. 52. Behnen, ‘Herrscherbild’, p. 426; Giovanni Botero, Della Ragion die stato (Venice, 1589); Clapmarius, De arcanis. 53. The assertion that such passages describe the establishment of a Tacitist dictatorship, reflected in Althusius actual role in Emden, has been criticised as too far a swing of the pendulum Behnen, ‘Herrscherbild’, p. 425 on Tacitist dictatorship and Stolleis, Öffentliches Recht, p. 108; on the actual practise of pious ecclesiastical discipline and the enforcement of social order in German towns and small territories see Monika Hagemeier, Predigt und Policey. Der gesellschaftspolitische Diskurs zwischen Kirche und Obrigkeit in Ulm 1614–1639, Baden-Baden 1989; Heinz Schilling (ed.), Kirchenzucht und Sozialdisziplinierung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa (Berlin, 1994). 54. Althusius, Politica, c XIX, 23, 24, 31. 55. See Weber, Prudentia; Menk, p. 276. It is, however, dubious whether subjects in rebellion in midcentury middle-Europe did fail to make use of Althusius for this reason, not even participants of the most conspicuous rebellion at midcentury, the Swiss Peasant War, did make use of him. 56. In what follows, I rely on Burns, Kingship; Jenny Wormald, Court, Kirk and Community. Scotland 1470–1625, Edinburgh 1981; eadem, ‘James VI and I, Basilikon Doron and The Trew Law of Free Monarchies: the Scottish context and the English translation’, in: The Mental World of the Jacobean Court, ed. Linda L. Peck (Cambridge, 1991), 36–54; Roger A. Mason, ‘George Buchanan, James VI and the presbyterians’, Mason, Scots and Britons, pp. 112–37; idem, The Scottish Reformation and the origins of Anglo-British imperialism, in: Mason, Scots, pp. 161–86; idem, Usable Pasts: History and Identity in Reformation Scotland, Scottish Historical Review 76 (1997), 54–68; Kidd, Scotland's Past; Ford, ‘Lex Rex’; A.H. Williamson, ‘A patriot nobility? calvinism, kin-ties and civic humanism’, Scottish Historical Review 72 (1993), 1–21; idem, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI. The Apocalypse, the Union and the Shaping of Scotland's Public Culture (Edinburgh, 1979). 57. See Burns, Kingship, pp. 64–64; Kidd, Scotland's Past, pp. 12–18; Williamson, Consciousness, pp. 95–103; Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 93–94 takes up the argument from the election of Fergus by the people. 58. John Morrill, ‘The National Covenant in its British Context’, idem (ed.), The Scottish National Covenant in its British Context (Edinburgh, 1990), 1–30; for an exception to this rule see on the claim of the Earl of Menteith to the earldom of Strathearn as direct heir-male of David, son of Robert II, Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, The staggering state of Scottish Statesmen, From 1550 to 1650 (1660) ed. Charles Rogers (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 90–107; Allan J. Macinnes, Charles I and the Making of the Covenanting Movement 1625–1641 (Edinburgh, 1991), 83–85; Maurice Lee Jr., The Road to Revolution Scotland under Charles I (Chicago, 1985), 43–118. 59. Wormald, Court, pp. 143–8; Mason, ‘George Buchanan’, pp. 113–31; Burns, Kingship, pp. 155–226; Morrill, ‘Covenant’, reminds us that Charles I was the first Scottish Monarch in over a hundred years to become King as a grown up. 60. After the Ruthven raid in 1582 and his escape 1583, see for the Black Acts attempting to control Presbyterianism in 1584 and further crises triggered by the execution of Mary 1587 and the threat from the Armada in 1588 Mason, ‘Buchanan’, 129–35; Burns, Kingship, pp. 223–44; Wormald, Court, pp. 149–68. 61. Michael Lynch, ‘Calvinism in Scotland, 1559–1638’, in International Calvinism 1541–1715, ed. Menna Prestwich (Oxford, 1985), 225–50. On the Golden Acts 1592 see Wormald, Court, pp. 128–129; G.D. Henderson, The Burning Bush. Studies in Scottish Church History (Edinburgh, 1957), 61–73; R.G. Cant, The St. Andrews University Theses 1579–1747, Edinburgh Bibliographical Society Transactions, Vol. ii (1946); idem, The University of St. Andrews (Edinburgh, 1970), 50–67; Burns, Kingship, pp. 266–73. 62. Lee, Road to Revolution, pp. 4–5; Wormald, Court, pp. 129–138; Mason, ‘Buchanan’, pp. 131–5. 63. George Gillespie, A Dispute against English Popish Ceremonies obtruded on the Church of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1637). The Works of Mr. George Gillespie, ed. W.M. Hetherington (Edinburgh, 1846), Ch. VIII, 136 and 145 on the limited duty to obey magistrates, quoting Gerson (see Oakley, Natural Law), and IX, p. 184: “This is, therefore, the first precept of the law of nature, that man seek his own conservation, and avoid his own destruction”; David Calderwood, Parasynagma Perthense et Iuramentum Scotinae Ecclesia, 1620 (Leyden, 1626); idem, Altare Damascenum, ceu Politia Ecclesia Anglicia nae obtrusa Ecclesia Scoticanae, 1623 (publ. in the Netherlands), quoting p. 112 Beza and p. 116 supporting the authority of councils; idem, A re-examination of the Articles of Perth anno 1618, 1636, p. 136 on the duty to God to “maintaine the puritie and integritie of God's ordinances”; idem, The Pastor and the Prelate on Reformation and Conformity, Edinburgh 1628, in: Presbyterian Armoury (Edinburgh, 1846), Vol. III. 64. Mason, ‘George Buchanan’, p. 114. 65. To complicate matters, in this process statutes had been passed such as the Black Acts 1584 and the Golden Acts 1592, that factions within and outside church could cite as proof for their conflicting claims. 66. Burns, Kingship, p. 145. 67. Alexander Henderson, Instruction for Defensive Arms, 1639, in: Andrew Stevenson, History of the Church of Scotland. From the Accession of Charles I to the Restoration of Charles II, 4 vols., Vol. II (Edinburgh, 1753), 683–93; Anon, A short relation of the state of the kirk of Scotland since the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1638); Archibald Johnston of Wariston, Causes of the Lord's Wrath against Scotland, 1651, in: Presbyterian Armoury, Edinburgh 1846; George Gillespie, A Treatise of Miscellany Questions (Edinburgh, 1642); idem, Aaron's rod Blossoming, or, The Divine Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated (London, 1646); Ian Michael Smart, ‘The Political Ideas of the Scottish Covenanters, 1638–88, History of Political Thought, 167–92, 172–83. 68. Henderson, Instruction, p. 692; Morrill, ‘Covenant’; Margaret Steele, ‘The Politick Christian: The Theological Background of the National Covenant’, in: Morrill, Covenant, pp. 31–67. 69. See e.g. A.A.W. Ramsay, Challenge to the Highlander (London, 1933); Morrill, ‘Covenant’. 70. Ford, ‘Rutherford’, pp. 262–4. 71. David M. Walker, The Scottish Jurists (Edinburgh, 1985), 111–3; idem (ed.), The Institutes of the Law of Scotland by James, Viscount of Stair (Edinburgh, 1981), 10–14; Omond, Lord Advocates, pp. 188–9. 72. Omond, Lord Advocates, pp. 189–90; Coltness Collections, Part II, pp. 40–41. 73. “A True and short deduction of the Wrestling of the church of Scotland for the Kingdom of Christ, contained in a True deduction thereof from the beginning of the reformation of religion until the year 1667, together with the last speeches and testimonies of some who have died for the truth since the year 1660”. 74. Naphtali, p. 208. 75. E.g. Naphtali, pp. 70–77. 76. E.g. Naphtali, pp. 80 and 180, backed up by narratives of the 1560s and 1570s on pp. 94 and 120 and on events after 1660 culminating in the Pentland rising. 77. Naphtali, pp. 181–187. 78. Naphtali, pp. 81–89, quotation p. 87; again pp. 180–184 on God's wrath who not defend his ordinances. 79. E.g. Naphtali, p. 92 on Deut. xxvii, 14 to prove that God “delivered the kingdom to the people, and not to the king”. 80. Naphtali, pp. 84–87. Moreover, with respect to Phineas’ alleged resistance his membership of common stock is stressed and later refuted by Honeyman, Survey I, pp. 59–60. 81. Naphtali, p. 127. 82. Naphtali, p. 104. 83. Naphtali, p. 177. 84. Naphtali, pp. 120–170. 85. Naphtali, p. 177; on the contemporary application of the argument from necessity by the opposition to Charles I, see Tuck, Philosophy, pp. 222–3. 86. Naphtali, p. 174, on the soldier “who was killed in his resistance”. 87. Naphtali, pp. 91–2, 161, 182. 88. Naphtali, p. 112. 89. Naphtali, p. 110. 90. Naphtali, p. 92. 91. See Calderwood, History, p. 223, on “The Bond … subscribing the King, Council and divers of the Estates …”. 92. It is crucial here to sharply distinguish between reformed academic learning on Covenant theology in Heidelberg and Herborn in Germany and its subsequent teaching at St. Andrews and Edinburgh in Scotland (David Alexander Weir, The origins of the federal heology in sixteenth century Reformation thought, Oxford 1990), its pious practise and political rhetoric in England (Michael McGiffert, ‘Grace and Works: The Rise and Division of Covenant Divinity in Elizabethan Puritanism’, Harvard Theological Review 75 (1982), 463–502; Stephen Baskerville, Not Peace but Sword. The Political Theology of the English Revolution (London, 1993), 96–130) and the merging of notions of Covenant with the notion of those bonds that bound all subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland into allegiance against a specific threat, see Henderson, Burning Bush, 61–74; Williamson, National Consciousness, pp. 76–85. 93. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 5. 94. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 35; see on the problem of such nominalism Quentin Skinner, Reason and Rhetoric in the Philosophy of Hobbes (Cambridge, 1996), 308–15. 95. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 68, quotations from pp. 327–9. 96. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 53. 97. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 48. 98. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 100. 99. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 100. 100. Ford, ‘Rutherford’. 101. Burns, Kingship, pp. 232–53. 102. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 103. 103. Honeyman, Survey I, p. 106–7. 104. Similarly Smart, ‘Political Ideas’, p. 184. 105. Steuart, Jus Populi, quotes pp. 23, 29 among others Barclay and Arnisaeus. However, his notion of the King of Spain being a Tyrant unto his American slaves and thus in flagrant breach of the law of nature (p. 169) runs counter Arnisaeus’ notion of that law. To Arnisaeus, conquest provided lawful title, even for slavery. Steuart thus cites an author supporting the right of self defence, but transfers that claim into another context by providing examples that this very author would not have understood as cases allowing self defence. In this vain, he insists that what was at issue was not the minor part of a community “against all the rest”, but “self-defence (against) tyrannical oppression” (pp. 15–16). Metaphors from a woman “defending her chastity” (p. 28) serve both to nourish the rhetoric of self-defence and to keep the issue in the sphere of common allowances in the case of self-defence, as they have done since the theories of resistance of the early German reformation. 106. Stewart, Jus Populi, 6–14, pp. 41–45 on the law of nature providing for self defence and on Rutherford and Paul Voetius. On Rutherford see Ford, p. 276. A number of minor qualifications sought to make his statements seem less harsh, i.e. that not “any private person” (p. 14) but “considerable company, joining together, upon just grounds, may endeavour their own safety” (p. 14). On the reception of Johannes Voetius see T.B. Smith, ‘Scots and Roman–Dutch Law’, idem, Studies Critical and Comparative (Edinburgh, 1962), 46–61, 49–52 with respect to Stair; Walker, ‘Introduction’, idem (ed.), Institutes. 107. Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 80, 85, 87: Marcus Zuerius Boxhorn, De Majestate Regum, Leiden 1649; Johannes Calvin, Christianae religionis Institutio, 1st ed. 1536, Steuart does not indicate which edition he used; Johannes Gebhardt, De Magistratus. 108. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 81. 109. See the argument from the rights of beasts to self defence which men must never be deprived of, Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 40–41. 110. Peter Jochen Winters, ‘Johannes Althusius’, Michael Stolleis (ed.), Staatsdenker im 17 und 18 Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1977), 29–50, 33–37; Howell A. Lloyd, ‘Constitutionalism’, J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Political Thought 1450–1700 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 254–292. 111. Althusius, Politica, c I, 36; c XIX 23; similarly, Honeyman, Survey II, p. 105: “As when a great Prince commits to an Architect a master of work, the building of a far palace to him, diverse sorts of men, Borrow men, Masons, Sklaiters, Wrights are all imployed about the work … the master of work doth none of all their work, yet he looketh to the right ordering of all … put order to their differences … So the magistrates of a town, although they be not tradesmen … may be appealed to by the wronged party”. 112. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 81; and see below chapter VII, p. 146, where he explicitly rejects the metaphor from head and body for a number of reasons associated with his insistence on the equality of men and in marked contrast to what Althusius has to say on the magistrate being the soul of the body and the navigator of the ship, see e.g. Althusius, Politica, XIX, 23. 113. Steuart, Ius Populi, p. 83. 114. Steuart, Ius Populi, p. 80. 115. See for his stress on rational choice and calculation to maximise the use of those rights already enjoyed in the state of nature, Steuart, Ius Populi, pp. 80, 83, 88, the key term being “the people’ interest in the erection of civil government” (p. 80). 116. Althusius, Politica, c I, 30–31. 117. Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 82–83, 85, 88–90. More conventionally is his insistence that, while the way to find the person to hold office may differ, the office is created by God's ordinance, quoting Althusius, e.g. c. XIX, for both. See on his use of Althusius below. 118. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 95, quoting Althusius, Hoenonius and Junius Brutus. 119. Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 110–2, quoting Althusius and a number of historical and scriptural examples. 120. Indeed, it is here (Steuart, Jus Populi, pp. 112–20) that Steuart feels obliged to use Rutherford against what he believes to be Arnisaeus’ understanding of the legitimacy of monarchy and to defend his notion against Honeyman that any monarch is at least depending on a tacit contract. On the argument of James VI against the notion of mutual contract, perhaps having in mind Buchanan, see Burns, Kingship, 231–4. 121. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 112, similarly p. 117. 122. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 98; see L.W. Towner, ‘“A Fondness for Freedom”: Servant protest in Puritan society’, William & Mary Quarterly 19 (1962), 201–19. 123. Steuart, Jus Populi, p. 98. 124. Ibid, pp. 98, 117, and quoting Althusius c 19 to buttress that instituting a tyrant was against the law of nature. It goes without saying that conquest ceases to constitute lawful title. Further, he argues pp. 120–27 against Honeyman, that a monarch remained bound to the specific terms of the contract that made him magistrate, refering to Fergus being elected, agreements among Monck and the Scottish nobility for Restoration (pp. 128–137), the coronation oath of Charles in 1651. Further, he argues that the fact that
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