The Liberal Foundations of Environmentalism: Revisiting the Rockefeller-Ford Connection
2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 19; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/10455750802091495
ISSN1548-3290
Autores Tópico(s)Environmental Philosophy and Ethics
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1Joni Seager, Earth Follies: Coming to Feminist Terms with the Global Environmental Crisis (New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 14–69. 2For a recent summary of the critiques of sustainable development, see the special edition of the journal Sustainable Development, 13, 2005. 3Irwin Sperber, ‘‘Alienation in the Environmental Movement: Regressive Tendencies in the Movement for Environmental Justice,’’ Capitalism Nature Socialism, Vol. 14, No. 3, 2003, pp. 1–43; Pushkala Prasad and Michael Elmes, “In the Name of the Practical: Unearthing the Hegemony of Pragmatics in the Discourse of Environmental Management,” Journal of Management Studies, Vol. 42, No. 4, 2005, pp. 845–867; Aasim Sajjad Akhtar, “The Professionalization of Political Culture,” Capitalism Nature Socialism, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2006, pp. 88–99. 4Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962); Barry Commoner, Science and Survival (New York: Viking Press, 1966). 5Frances B. McCrea and Gerald E. Markle, Minutes to Midnight: Nuclear Weapons Protest in America (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1989), p. 37. For example, in 2000, some 50,000 American philanthropic foundations—with total assets worth over $450 billion—distributed grants amounting to some $26.7 billion. Joan Roelofs, Foundations and Public Policy: The Mask of Pluralism (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003), p. 19. 6Damien C. Cahill, The Radical Neo-liberal Movement as a Hegemonic Force in Australia, 1976–1996, unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Wollongong, 2004; Alex Carey, Taking the Risk Out of Democracy: Propaganda in the U.S. and Australia (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995); Sally Covington, “Moving a Public Policy Agenda: The Strategic Philanthropy of Conservative Foundations,” National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, Washington, D.C., 1997. 12Roelofs, op. cit., p. 8. 7Here it is interesting to note that liberal foundations played a key role in shaping the evolution of mass communications research throughout the 20th century: moreover, such philanthropy was integral in helping media scholars devise ways by which the mass media could be used to manufacture public consent for elite interests. See Michael J. Barker, “The Liberal Foundations of Media Reform? Creating Sustainable Funding Opportunities for Radical Media Reform,” Global Media Journal, in press. 8Robert F. Arnove (ed.), Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1980). 9Craig J. Jenkins, “Channeling Social Protest: Foundation Patronage of Contemporary Social Movements,” in W.W. Powell and E.S. Clemens (eds.), Private Action and the Public Good (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), pp. 206–216. 10Arnove, op. cit.; Donald Fisher, “The Role of Philanthropic Foundations in the Reproduction and Production of Hegemony: Rockefeller Foundations and the Social Sciences,” Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 2, 1983, pp. 206–233; Roelofs, op. cit.; John Wilson, ”Corporatism and the Professionalization of Reform,” Journal of Political and Military Sociology, 11, 1983, pp. 52–68. 11Roelofs, op. cit., p. 5. 13Antonio Gramsci, Selections From the Prison Notebooks (New York: International, 1971). The work presented in this paper is also strongly influenced by power elite theory. See William G. Domhoff, Who Rules America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1967); C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956). 14Edward H. Berman, The Ideology of Philanthropy: The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983), p. 16. 15Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1934). 16It is important to add that to date, most Gramscian scholars have overlooked the detrimental influence of liberal philanthropy on progressive activism; although, perhaps this should be expected, since Gramsci himself did not discuss these vital organs of hegemonic power. However, unlike contemporary scholars who have easy access to books documenting the anti-democratic nature of liberal philanthropy, Gramsci's oversight is more understandable, mainly because he lived in Italy, but also because the influence of foundations on civil society only became apparent some decades after his death in 1937. 17Jenkins, op. cit., p. 297. 18Craig J. Jenkins and Craig M. Eckert, “Channeling Black Insurgency: Elite Patronage and Professional Social Movement Organizations in the Development of the Black Movement,” American Sociological Review, 51, 1986, pp. 812–829. Support for the Voter Education Project dovetailed with the interests of the Kennedy administration, which created the project in an attempt to dissipate black support of sit-in protests while simultaneously obtaining the votes of more African-Americans, a constituency that helped Kennedy win the 1960 election. Jenkins, op. cit., p. 212. 19This practice has been referred to as the “radical flank effect.” Herbert Haines, “Black Radicalization and the Funding of Civil Rights,” Social Problems, 32, 1984, pp. 31–43; Herbert H. Haines, Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954–1970 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988). For more details on the Congress for Racial Equality's engagement with the Ford Foundation, see Karen Ferguson, “Organizing the Ghetto: The Ford Foundation, CORE, and White Power in the Black Power Era, 1967–1969,” Journal of Urban History, 34, 2007, pp. 67–100. 20John D. McCarthy, David W. Britt, and Mark Wolfson, “The Institutional Channeling of Social Movements by the State in the United States,” in L. Kriesberg and M. Spencer (eds.), Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1991), pp. 69–70. 21McCrea and Markle, op. cit., p. 37. 22Jack L. Walker, “The Origins and Maintenance of Interest Groups in America,” American Political Science Review, 77, 1983, p. 401. 23Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2005 [1993]), p. 170. 24Mark Dowie, Losing Ground: American Environmentalism at the Close of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995); Mark Dowie, American Foundations: An Investigative History (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001); Brian Tokar, Earth for Sale: Reclaiming Ecology in the Age of Corporate Greenwash (Boston: South End Press, 1997); Robert J. Brulle, Agency, Democracy, and Nature: The U.S. Environmental Movement from a Critical Theory Perspective (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000); Daniel Faber and Deborah McCarthy (eds.), Foundations for Social Change: Critical Perspectives on Philanthropy and Popular Movements (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005). 25In 1973, a pioneering study of environmental philanthropy noted that three foundations, the Ford, Rockefeller, and Mellon, “constitute[d] the biggest national force in private foundation philanthropy.” The Mellon Foundation is not considered here for reasons of concision and because it's funding activities do not appear to be as far-reaching as that of the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller Foundation. The significance of its funding will be investigated by the author in the near future. William G. Wing, “Philanthropy and the Environment: A Report on the Nature and Extent of Philanthropic Activity in the Environmental Field,” Conservation Foundation, Washington, D.C., 1973, p. 53. 26Along with the Carnegie Corporation, the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller Foundation have been collectively referred to as the “big three” liberal foundations. More recently the philanthropic activities of the Ford Foundation (which used to be the largest foundation in the world) have become eclipsed by the work of the Gates Foundation, which in 2006 alone distributed over $1.5 billion in grants. For further details on the big three, see Robert Arnove and Nadine Pinede, “Revisiting the ‘Big Three’ Foundations,” Critical Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 3, 2007, pp. 389–442. 27Tokar, op. cit., p. 10. 28Tokar, op. cit., p. 10; Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976), p. 401. 29Robert Brulle, J. and J. Craig Jenkins, “Foundations and the Environmental Movement: Priorities, Strategies, and Impact,” in D. Faber and D. McCarthy, op. cit., pp. 151. 30Gottlieb, op. cit., pp. 73–74. 31Donald Gibson, Environmentalism: Ideology and Power (Huntington, NY: Nova Science, 2002), p. 40. Before joining the Conservation Foundation, from 1951 to 1961 Vogt had been national director of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America. 32Donald Gibson, Environmentalism: Ideology and Power (Huntington, NY: Nova Science, 2002), p. 40. Before joining the Conservation Foundation, from 1951 to 1961 Vogt had been national director of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America., p. 44. 33Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 328. 34In 1961, Train worked with Kermit Roosevelt (famous for masterminding the CIA-led 1953 coup in Iran that overthrew that country's democratically elected Prime Minister, Mohammed Mossadegh) and three others to found the African Wildlife Foundation. Stephen Kinzer, All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror (Hoboken, NJ: J. Wiley & Sons, 2003), p. 4; Annon, 40 Years of Conserving Wildlife and Wild Lands in Africa, 1961–2001, African Wildlife Foundation, online at: http://www.awf.org/documents/AWFAnnRpt2001.pdf, accessed Feb. 12, 2008. 35William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 42–45. 36William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 43–44. Ruckelshaus first served as EPA administrator under Richard Nixon and then again under Ronald Reagan. 37William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 43–44. Ruckelshaus first served as EPA administrator under Richard Nixon and then again under Ronald Reagan., p. 42. 38William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 43–44. Ruckelshaus first served as EPA administrator under Richard Nixon and then again under Ronald Reagan., p. 44. 39William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 43–44. Ruckelshaus first served as EPA administrator under Richard Nixon and then again under Ronald Reagan., p. 44. 40William Greider, Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 43–44. Ruckelshaus first served as EPA administrator under Richard Nixon and then again under Ronald Reagan., p. 44. 41Joaquin Sapien, “Human Exposure ‘Uncontrolled’ at 114 Superfund Sites: EPA secrecy about sites’ toxic dangers extends even to senators’ inquiries,” from Wasting Away, Center for Public Integrity, online at: http://www.publicintegrity.org/Superfund/report.aspx?aid=870, accessed Feb. 12, 2008. 42John D. Rockefeller, Jr. was the father of John D. Rockefeller III, Laurance, David, and Nelson. 43Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 303. RFF's first president was Reuben Gustavson. 44Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 303. RFF's first president was Reuben Gustavson., p. 306; Wing, op. cit., p. 44. 45Note that the figures cited by the Foundation Center only include foundations that give more than $10,000. This gives an incomplete picture, because many philanthropic organizations cap their grants at rates lower than this threshold amount. 46Wing, op. cit., p. 34. 48Barkley and Weissman, op. cit., p. 16. Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, was also a former chairman of the Rockefeller Foundation. 47Katherine Barkley and Steve Weissman, “The Eco-Establishment,” in Ramparts (eds.), Eco-Catastrophe (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), p. 16; Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., pp. 304–305. 49Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 305. 50Barkley and Weissman, op. cit., p. 16. 51Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 74. 52Wing, op. cit., p. 44. 53Dowie, 1995, op. cit., p. 56. 54This funding does not include grants to special projects like the new Energy Policy Project, which was allocated $3.5 million in 1972, or their massive support for Resources for the Future. Wing, op. cit., p. 45. 55This funding does not include grants to special projects like the new Energy Policy Project, which was allocated $3.5 million in 1972, or their massive support for Resources for the Future. Wing, op. cit., p. 48. In 1973, the Rockefeller Foundation planned to “devote about $5 million of its annual $40 million in grants to environmental projects. … [for] activities in harmony with national interests.” ibid., p. 49. 56In 1966, the Ford Foundation also helped the Nature Conservancy rise to prominence within the environmental movement by giving a $550,000 grant to help it expand its operations. A couple of years later, the Ford Foundation then guaranteed the Nature Conservancy a $6 million line of credit to buy land. However, this credit was cancelled in 1972 after the Nature Conservancy had proved itself successful enough to no longer need Ford's support. 57Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 395; Robin W. Winks, Laurance S. Rockefeller: Catalyst for Conservation (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1997), p. 85. Save the Redwoods League was co-founded by Fairfield Osborn's father in 1918, and during the 1940s and 1950s the younger Osborn served on its board. 58President Johnson had told his Secretary of the Interior that creation of the Redwood National Park should be his first priority in September 1964 (see Winks, op. cit., p. 86). Interestingly, the Sierra Club found itself in the difficult position of not being able to criticize Save the Redwoods League, because many Club notables, like Will Colby, Duncan McDuffie, Newton Drury, Francis Farquhar, and Richard Leonard, were closely associated with the League. Michael P. Cohen, The History of the Sierra Club, 1892–1970 (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1988), p. 301. 59Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., pp. 394–396. 60Quoted in Cohen, op. cit., p. 300. 61Quoted in Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 396. 62Neil Evernden, The Social Creation of Nature (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Gary Kroll, “Rachel Carson's Silent Spring: A Brief History of Ecology as a Subversive Subject,” The Online Ethics Center for Engineering and Science at Case Western University, 2004, available online at: http://onlineethics.org/moral/carson/kroll.html, accessed Oct. 10, 2006; Bob P. Taylor, Our Limits Transgressed: Environmental Political Thought in America (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1992), pp. 27–50. 63Dowie, 1995, op. cit., pp. 37–38. 64Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 139. 65Quoted in Leonard Solomon Silk and Mark Silk, The American Establishment (New York: Basic Books, 1981), p. 149. 66Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 187. 67Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 188. 68Winks, op. cit., p. 2. 69Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 388. 70Winks, op. cit., p. 5. 71Winks, op. cit., p. 41. 72Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 384. 73Winks, op. cit., p. 127. 74Winks, op. cit., p. 126. 75George Weyerhaeuser, the President of Weyerhaeuser Timber Company from 1966, also became a member of David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission in 1977. 76Winks, op. cit., pp. 125–126. 80Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 386. 77Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 385. Laurance has served as chairman of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and has been involved with the Council on Foreign Relations. 78Quoted in Cohen, op. cit., p. 280. 79Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., pp. 385–386. 81Quoted in Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 400. 82Frances F. Dunwell, The Hudson River Highlands (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p. 202. 83Winks, op. cit., p. 167. 84Laurance's appointment as head of the State Council on Parks was made by his brother, Governor Nelson Rockefeller. In addition, Laurance and Frederick Osborn (of Population Council fame, see later) were commissioners for the Palisades Interstate Park Commission, and Frederick's brother, William Osborn, was the president of the HRCS. Dunwell, op. cit., p. 205. 85Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 389. The Scenic Hudson Preservation Conference later became known as Scenic Hudson, Inc. and went on to merge with the Hudson River Conservation Society with funding obtained by Laurance from The Reader's Digest Fund. Most disputes on the Hudson ended in 1980 when Laurance's friend, Russell E. Train, acted as a mediator to smooth things over. Winks, op. cit., p. 172. 86Throughout the first few years of the dispute, Scenic Hudson had attempted unsuccessfully to obtain the support of President Johnson, who neglected to mention Storm King in his historic conservation speech in February 1965. Dunwell, op. cit., p. 225. 87Talbot suggests that Ottinger's controversial actions may be “explained by a little-noticed controversy that was developing in his district early in 1965 concerning a rumored expressway that the state was planning to build along the east bank of the river from Croton-on-Hudson to New York City.” Allan R. Talbot, Power Along the Hudson: The Storm King Case and the Birth of Environmentalism (New York: Dutton, 1972), p. 141. 88Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 390. The temporary commission that recommended the formation of this permanent commission was chaired by Laurance and half-funded by his American Conservation Association. Winks, op. cit., p. 168. 89Both worked for the Wall Street law firm Simpson, Thatcher, and Bartlett and were members of the upper-class Century Club. In addition, from 1955 to 1970 Seymour was a trustee of the Carnegie Endowment. Gibson, op. cit., p. 85. 90Under the Ford Foundation's guidance, another budding environmental legal group, the Legal Environmental Assistance Fund, set up in the 1960s by a group of Yale law students led by James Gustave Speth, was merged into the NRDC. Gottlieb, op. cit., pp. 194–195. 91Talbot, op. cit., pp. 172–174. 92Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., pp. 393–394. 93Winks, op. cit., p. 173. Interestingly, around this time (in 1969), David Brower, who had headed the Sierra Club throughout the Rockefeller conflicts, was forced to resign. Brower then quickly launched Friends of the Earth, a new, more radical environmental group. However, despite Brower's opposition to the Rockefeller interests in the past, Laurance is purported to have publicly admired Friends of the Earth and their campaigns against nuclear power. This appears somewhat contradictory, since Laurance was at the same time investing heavily in nuclear technology—a long-term nuclear habit that probably stemmed from his “instrumental role in putting together United Nuclear Corporation” in the 1950s. Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 402. Laurance's reported admiration for Brower may have been linked to his own personal associations with “Robert O. Anderson of Atlantic-Richfield and RFF” who gave Brower $200,000 to set up Friends of the Earth. Barkley and Weissman, op. cit., p. 21. 94Jonathan E. Lewis, Spy Capitalism: ITEK and the CIA (London: Yale University Press, 2002), p. 2. 95Talbot, op. cit., p. 143. 96Thomas R. Dye, Who's Running America?: The Carter Years (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1976), p. 157. 97Quoted in Larry Abraham, Call It Conspiracy (Seattle: Double A Press, 1985), p. 37. 98David Rockefeller, Memoirs (New York: Random House, 2002), p. 405. 99Berman, op. cit.; Richard E. Brown, Rockefeller Medicine Men: Medicine and Capitalism in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); Mary A.C. Colwell, “The Foundation Connection: Links Among Foundations and Recipient Organizations,” in R.F. Arnove, 1980, op. cit., pp. 413–452; Lily E. Kay, The Molecular Vision of Life: Caltech, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Rise of the New Biology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rockefeller Syndrome (Secaucus, NJ: L. Stuart, 1975); Roelofs, op. cit.; Holly Sklar, Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management (Boston: South End Press, 1980). 100Michel Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington and Joji Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission (New York: New York University Press, 1975). 101Laurence H. Shoup, The Carter Presidency, and Beyond: Power and Politics in the 1980s (Palo Alto: Ramparts Press, 1980), Chapter 3. Carter's Trilateral background may also help explain why in 1977 his EPA administrator, Douglas Costle, controversially approved the construction of the Seabrook nuclear power plant. 102Laurence H. Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). 103David Rockefeller, “Multinationals Under Siege: A Threat to the World Economy,” The Atlantic Community Quarterly, 1975, pp. 321–322. 104Gary R. Hess, “The Role of American Philanthropic Foundations in India's Road to Globalization During the Cold War Era,” in S. Hewa and D.H. Stapleton (eds.), Globalization, Philanthropy, and Civil Society: Toward a New Political Culture in the Twenty-First Century (New York: Springer, 2005), p. 60. 105Oscar Harkavy, Curbing Population Growth: An Insider's Perspective on the Population Movement (New York: Plenum, 1995), p. 23. 106John C. Caldwell and Pat Caldwell, Limiting Population Growth and the Ford Foundation Contribution (London and Dover, NH: F. Pinter, 1986), p. 25. 107Harkavy, op. cit., p. 25. 108Harkavy, op. cit., p. 142; Magat, op. cit., p. 166. The Ford Foundation first supported population research in July 1952 when it gave a $60,000 grant to the Population Reference Bureau. Among other things, the Population Reference Bureau used this money to produce a regular Population Bulletin that featured various authors associated with the Conservation Foundation, like Fairfield Osborn and William Vogt. Harkavy, op. cit., p. 9. 109Gibson, op. cit., p. 49. 110Eric B. Ross, The Malthus Factor: Population, Poverty, and Politics in Capitalist Development (London: Zed Books, 1999), pp. 446–447. Notestein initially worked for the Milbank Memorial Fund in 1928 but moved on to head Princeton's Office of Population Research in 1936; see Perkins, op. cit., p. 124. The Princeton office “was founded by the Milbank Fund at [Frederick] Osborn's instigation and was funded by the Rockefeller Foundation.” Ibid., p. 449. For further information on early foundation support for population research, see Frank W. Notestein and Frederick W. Osborn, “Reminiscences: The Role of Foundations, the Population Association of America, Princeton University and the United Nations in Fostering American Interest in Population Problems,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 4, 1971, pp. 67–85. 111Harkavy, op. cit., p. 33. 112John H. Perkins, Geopolitics and the Green Revolution: Wheat, Genes, and the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 119. 113Perkins, op. cit., p. 124. In no small part, security considerations have continued to fortify multibillion-dollar budgets for work on global population. “[E]cological change is increasingly portrayed as threatening, economically, socially or politically, to the stability and security of industrial countries, and is in turn ascribed to Malthusian pressures.” Ross, op. cit., p. 208. Thus the military's propensity to blame “political strife in Haiti, Rwanda, and Chiapas, Mexico, in large part on population and environmental stresses … provides [it with] new rationales and missions to legitimize its multibillion-dollar budget.” Betsy Hartmann, “Population, Environment and Security: A New Trinity,” in J.M. Silliman and Y. King (eds.), Dangerous Intersections: Feminist Perspectives on Population, Environment, and Development (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1999), p. 2. 114John D. Rockefeller III, “People, Food and the Well-Being of Mankind,” Second McDougall Lecture, 1961, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. The cited quote can be found online at: http://www.fao.org/docrep/x5401e/x5401e01.htm, accessed Feb. 12, 2008. 115Harkavy, op. cit., p. 37. 116Rusk was also a founding member of the Bilderberg Group along with David Rockefeller, Joseph Johnson (then head of the Carnegie Endowment), and John J. McCloy (then chairman of the board of the Ford Foundation), among others. Roelofs, op. cit., p. 52. 117Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 375. 118Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 375. 119Caldwell and Caldwell, op. cit., p. 98. 120Reimart Ravenholt was appointed director to the Office of Population in 1966, a post he held for the next 15 years. In addition, David Bell who had been Director of the Bureau of the Budget and of USAID, was appointed as the vice-president of the international division of the Ford Foundation's Population Program (established in 1963) in 1966. ibid., pp. 79, 100. 121Reimart Ravenholt was appointed director to the Office of Population in 1966, a post he held for the next 15 years. In addition, David Bell who had been Director of the Bureau of the Budget and of USAID, was appointed as the vice-president of the international division of the Ford Foundation's Population Program (established in 1963) in 1966. Caldwell and Caldwell, op. cit., pp. 103–104. 122Reimart Ravenholt was appointed director to the Office of Population in 1966, a post he held for the next 15 years. In addition, David Bell who had been Director of the Bureau of the Budget and of USAID, was appointed as the vice-president of the international division of the Ford Foundation's Population Program (established in 1963) in 1966. Caldwell and Caldwell, op. cit., p. 104. 123Steve Weissman, “Why the Population Bomb is a Rockefeller Baby,” in Ramparts (eds.), Eco-Catastrophe, op. cit., p. 39. Hoffman was administrator for the Marshall Plan from 1948 to 1950, then president of the Ford Foundation from 1951 to 1953. 124Collier and Horowitz, op. cit., p. 375. 125Ross, op. cit., p. 103. 126John R. Wilmoth and Patrick Ball, “The Population Debate in American Popular Magazines, 1946–90,” Population and Development Review, Vol. 18, No. 4, 1992, pp. 631–668. 127Gibson, op. cit., p. 63. 128Weissman, op. cit., pp. 38–39. 129The title for the book was inspired by a pamphlet called The Population Bomb, published in 1954 by population activist and businessman, Hugh Moore. 130Kirkpatrick Sale, The Green Revolution: The American Environmental Movement, 1962–1992 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993), p. 22. 131Gottlieb, op. cit., p. 331. 132Quoted in Tom Athanasiou, Slow Reckoning: The Ecology of a Divided Planet (London: Vintage, 1998), p. 80. Cornucopian economics preaches that technological advance will enable humans to enjoy infinite benefits from resources and make unlimited population growth possible. 133Quoted in Tom Athanasiou, Slow Reckoning: The Ecology of a Divided Planet (London: Vintage, 1998), p. 80. Cornucopian economics preaches that technological advance will enable humans to enjoy infinite benefits from resources and make unlimited population growth possible., p. 81. 134Ross, op. cit., p. 78. For a full examination of Hardin's work, see ibid., pp. 73–78. 135David Feeny, Fikret Berkes, Bonnie J. McCay and James M. Acheson, “The Tragedy of the Commons: Twenty-Two Years Later,” Human Ecology, Vol. 18, No. 1, 1990, pp. 1–19; Elinor Ostrom, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Carlisle F. Runge, “Common Property Externalities: Isolation, Assurance, and Resource Depletion in a Traditional Grazing Context,” American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 63, 1981, pp. 595–606. 136Christopher Freeman, “Malthus with a Computer,” in H.S.D. Cole and University of Sussex. Science Policy Research Unit (eds.), Models of Doom: A Critique of the Limits to Growth (New York: Universe Books, 1975), p. 8. An example of the internalization of the population issue by ecologists is evident in Paul Colinvaux's famous 1978 book Why Big Fierce Animals Are Rare: An Ecologist's Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 222, which notes that: “All poverty is caused by the continued growth of population.” 137Paul Ehrlich and John Holden, “The Impact of Population Growth,” Science, 171, 1974, pp. 1212–1217. IPAT or Environmental Impact = Population + Affluence + Technology. 138Barry Commoner, “Rapid Population Growth and Environmental Stress,” International Journal of Health Services, Vol. 21, No. 2, 1991, pp. 199–227. 139H. Patricia Hynes, “Taking the Population out of the Equation: Reformulating I = Pat,” in J. M. Silliman and Y. King, op. cit., p. 40. 140Caldwell and Caldwell, op. cit., p. 1. 141Harkavy, op. cit., p. 5. 142Weissman, op. cit. 143Barkley and Weissman, op. cit. 144Murray Bookchin, “Toward an Ecological Solution,” in Ramparts (eds.), Eco-Catastrophe, op. cit., p. 47. 148Weissman, op. cit., pp. 40–41. 145Information Project for Africa, Excessive Force: Power, Politics and Population Control (Washington, D.C.: Information Project for Africa, 1995), p. 111. 146William Blum, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2004); Daniele Ganser, NATO's Secret Army: Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (London: Frank Cass, 2005). 147Information Project for Africa, op. cit., p. 143. 149Ross, op. cit., pp. 447–448. For a critique of the Ford Foundation's role in promoting the discourse of humanitarianism, see Michael J. Barker, “Hijacking Human Rights: A Critical Examination of Human Rights Watch's Americas Branch and their Links to the ‘Democracy’ Establishment,” Znet, August 3, 2007. 150Ross, op. cit., p. 448. 151Susan George, How the Other Half Dies: The Real Reasons for World Hunger (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), Chapter 5; Vandana Shiva, The Violence of the Green Revolution: Third World Agriculture, Ecology, and Politics (London: Zed Books, 1991). 152Perkins, op. cit., p. 258. 153Perkins, op. cit., p. 260. 154Eric B. Ross, “Malthusianism, Capitalist Agriculture and the Fate of Peasants in the Making of the Modern World Food System,” Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 35, No. 4, 2004, p. 438. 155Betsy Hartmann, Reproductive Rights and Wrongs: The Global Politics of Population Control (Boston: South End Press, 1995). 156Bookchin, op. cit., p. 48. 157Caldwell and Caldwell, op. cit., pp. 130–131. This concern mirrored Frederick Osborn's concern with the publication of The Population Bomb pamphlet in 1954, as he “feared that the overzealousness of some new converts to population control might weaken the firm foundations he was trying to build for international cooperation.” James Reed quoted in Harkavy, op. cit., p. 35. 158Since 1977, the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation has also been contributing $6–7 million a year to population work. Harkavy, op. cit., p. 45. 159This result reflected the actual funding arrangements of the environmental groups, which showed that members contributed 24 percent of income and foundations 21 percent. See Donald Snow, Voices from the Environmental Movement: Perspectives for a New Era (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1992), p. 63. 160Brulle, 2000, op. cit., pp. 251–253. 161Dowie, 2001, op. cit., pp. 94–95. 162Daniel Faber and Deborah McCarthy, “Introduction: Foundations for Social Change: Critical Perspectives on Philanthropy and Popular Movements,” in D. Faber and D. McCarthy (eds.), op, cit., p. 13. 163Daniel Faber and Deborah McCarthy, “Breaking the Funding Barriers: Philanthropic Activism in Support of the Environmental Justice Movement,” in D. Faber and D. McCarthy, ibid, p. 178. 164Robert Brulle, J. and J. Craig Jenkins, “Decline or Transition? Discourse and Strategy in the U.S. Environmental Movement,” presented at a special session organized by the Environment & Technology Section, American Sociological Association Conference, Philadelphia PA, August 2005, p. 14; For a discussion of the ways in which public discourse is manipulated by corporate interests, see Carey, op. cit. 165Michael J. Barker, “Taking the Risk out of Civil Society: Harnessing Social Movements and Regulating Revolutions,” refereed paper presented to the Australasian Political Studies Association Conference, University of Newcastle, September 25–27, 2006; Barry Gills, “Low Intensity Democracy,” in B. Gills, J. Rocamora, and R. Wilson (eds.), Low Intensity Democracy: Political Power in the New World Order (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 3–34. 166Thomas Oleson, “World Politics and Social Movements: The Janus Face of the Global Democratic Structure,” Global Society, Vol. 19, No. 2, 2005, p. 116. 167Tokar, op. cit., p. 214. 168Another important resource that was also published in 2007 that took liberal philanthropy to task was a special issue of the journal Critical Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 3. The guest editors of this edition were Robert Arnove, Daniel Faber, and Joan Roelofs. 169Joan Roelofs, “The NED, NGOs and the Imperial Uses of Philanthropy,” Counterpunch, May 14, 2006, available online at: http://www.counterpunch.org/roelofs05132006.html, accessed Nov. 11, 2006; Gretchen C. Sims, “Rethinking the Political Power of American Business: The Role of Corporate Social Responsibility,” unpublished PhD Thesis, Stanford University, 2003. 170Robert O. Bothwell, “Up Against Conservative Public Policy: Alternatives to Mainstream Philanthropy,” in D. Faber and D. McCarthy, op. cit., p. 137. 171Tokar, op. cit., p. 214. 172Unfortunately, recent developments have led to a situation where even the Funding Exchange now accepts funding from the Ford Foundation. For further critical reflections on the utili ty of alternative foundations, see Ira Silver, “Disentangling Class from Philanthropy: The Double-edged Sword of Alternative Giving,” Critical Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 3, 2007, pp. 537–549. 173Susan A. Ostrander, “Legacy and Promise for Social Justice Funding: Charitable Foundations and Progressive Social Movements, Past and Present,” in D. Faber and D. McCarthy, op. cit., pp. 44–45.
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