Artigo Revisado por pares

The Saxons within Carolingian Christendom: post-conquest identity in the translationes of Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 36; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1016/j.jmedhist.2009.10.002

ISSN

1873-1279

Autores

Eric Shuler,

Tópico(s)

Historical and Religious Studies of Rome

Resumo

Abstract The Franks incorporated Saxony into the Carolingian empire through a long, brutal struggle coupled with forced conversion. When Saxons themselves began to write a few decades afterwards, they had to make sense of this history and of their role and identity in their contemporary Carolingian world. In contrast to the portrayal of Saxons in writers such as Einhard and Rudolf, three ninth-century Saxon accounts of relic translations — those of Vitus, Pusinna and Liborius — reinterpreted history to claim a place for the Saxons as a distinct group equal to the Franks within the populus Christianus under the Carolingian monarchs. As a key part of their literary strategies, these authors attempted to salvage from the story of their defeat and forced Christianisation an account of God's sovereignty, native agency and virtue (especially fidelity) as a foundational element of Saxon identity. These texts prefigure the debates about post-conquest Saxon identity which would underlay the later and better-known Ottonian triumphal self-conceptions. Moreover, the concerns of these authors led them to remarkable hagiographical innovations in grappling with paganism, conversion, miracles, social class and faith. Keywords: SaxonyCarolingianTranslationChristianisationRelicsIdentityCorvey Acknowledgements This article has benefited from the insightful guidance and critiques of Tom Noble, along with comments from Jonathan Couser, Emily Gandolfi, Marcela Perett, John Scofield and the two anonymous reviewers. I am also grateful for the financial support during the process of writing provided by the University of Notre Dame and by the Dolores Zohrab Liebmann Fellowship. Notes 1 A. Lampen, 'Sachsenkriege, sächsischer Widerstand und Kooperation', in: Kunst und Kultur de Karolingerzeit. Karl der Große und Papst Leo III in Paderborn, ed. C. Stiegemann and M. Wemhoff (Mainz, 1999), 264–72; R. Collins, Charlemagne (Toronto, 1998), 43–57; M. Springer, Die Sachsen (Stuttgart, 2004), 166–261. The following abbreviations are used throughout this article: AASS: Acta sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, 68 vols (Antwerp, Brussels and Paris, 1643–1940; partially revised Paris, 1863–70); MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; SRG: Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi; PL: Patrologia Latina, ed. J-P. Migne, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–64); ARF: Annales regni Francorum 741–829 qui dicuntur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi, ed. F. Kurze (MGH SRG 6, Hanover, 1895); TAlex.: Rudolf of Fulda and Meginhart, Translatio sancti Alexandri, ed. B. Krusch, in his 'Die Übertragung des H. Alexander von Rom nach Wildeshausen durch den Enkel Widukinds 851', Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttinger, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 2:13 (1933), 405–36; TLib.: Translatio sancti Liborii, ed. V. de Vry, in his Liborius: Brückenbauer Europas (Paderborn, 1997), 187–221; TPus.: Translatio sanctae Pusinnae, ed. D. Papebroch (AASS Apr. 3), 170–3; TViti: Vitustranslation — Translatio sancti Viti martyris, ed. I. Schmale-Ott (Münster, 1979); Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM: W. Wattenbach, W. Levison and H. Löwe, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter, vol. 6: Die Karolinger vom Vertrag von Verdum bis zum Herrschaftsantritt der Herrscher aus dem sächsischen Hause (Weimar, 1990). 2 'Francis adunati unus cum eis populus efficerentur.' Einhard, Vita Karoli magni, ed. O. Holder-Egger (MGH SRG 25, Hanover, 1911, repr. 1965), c. 7, 10. 3 T. Reuter, 'Charlemagne and the world beyond the Rhine', in: Charlemagne. Empire and society, ed. J. Story (Manchester, 2005), 190. 4 This partially accounts for the slow, piecemeal conquest. M. Becher, '"Non enim habent regem idem antiqui Saxones…": Verfassung und Ethnogenese in Sachsen währen des 8. Jahrhunderts', in: Sachsen und Franken in Westfalen, ed. H. Haßler (Studien zur Sachsenforschung 12, Oldenburg, 1999), 1–31; The continental Saxons from the migration period to the tenth century, ed. D.H. Green and F. Siegmund (Woodbridge, 2003), especially I. Wood, 'Beyond satraps and ostriches: political and social structures of the Saxons in the early Carolingian period', 271–86; Springer, Die Sachsen, esp. 131–52, 260. 5 M. Becher, Rex, Dux und Gens. Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des sächsischen Herzogtums im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert (Husum, 1996). See also R. Corradini, 'Überlegungen zur sächsischen Ethnogenese anhand der Annales Fuldenses und deren sächsisch-ottonischer Rezeption', in: Die Suche nach den Ursprüngen von der Bedeutung des frühen Mittelalters, ed. W. Pohl (Vienna, 2004), 211–31. D. Appleby, 'Spiritual progress in Carolingian Saxony: a case from ninth-century Corvey', Catholic Historical Review, 82 (1996), 599–613, has a different focus which results in too quick an acceptance of Frankish-Saxon harmony. 6 L. von Padberg, 'Unus populus ex diversis gentibus: Gentilismus und Einheit in früheren Mittelalter', in: Der Umgang mit dem Fremden in der Vormoderne, ed. R.W. Keck and E. Wiersing (Cologne, 1997), 155–93, esp. 183; W. Pohl, 'Zur Bedeutung ethnischer Unterscheidungen in der frühen Karolingerzeit', in: Sachsen und Franken, ed. Haßler, 193–208; P. Geary, The myth of nations (Princeton, 2002), esp. 120–55; J. Nelson, 'The Merovingian church in Carolingian retrospective', in: The world of Gregory of Tours, ed. K. Mitchell and I. Wood (Leiden, 2002), 241–59; Reuter, 'Charlemagne and the world', 190–2; see also R. McKitterick, Charlemagne. The formation of a European identity (Cambridge, 2008), 214–91. 7 R. McKitterick, History and memory in the Carolingian world (Cambridge, 2004), 114–15. 8 M. Innes, 'Memory, orality and literacy in an early medieval society', Past and Present, 158 (1998), 10–13. 9 McKitterick, Charlemagne, 101–2, 245–50; J.M.H. Smith, 'Confronting identities: the rhetoric and reality of a Carolingian frontier', in: Integration und Herrschaft. Ethnische Identitäten und soziale Organisation in Frühmittelalter, ed. W. Pohl and M. Disenberger (Vienna, 2002), 177. 10 Smith, 'Confronting identities', 169–82. 11 C. Ehlers, Die Integration Sachsens in das fränkische Reich (751–1024) (Göttingen, 2007), 153–91, 307–9; see also Becher, Rex, 110–25; H. Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen im 9. Jahrhundert. Über Kommunkation, Mobilität und Öffentlichkeit im Frühmittelalter (Stuttgart, 2002), 50-1. 12 Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 49–91; Ehlers, Integration, 153–91. 13 See M. Heinzelmann, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes (Typologie des sources du moyen âge occidental 33, Turnhout, 1979), 109–12; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 359–65. 14 Einhard, Translatio et miracula sanctorum Marcellini et Petri, ed. G. Waitz (MGH Scriptores 15:1, Hanover, 1888), 239–64; K. Honselmann, 'Reliquientranslationen nach Sachsen', in: Das erste Jahrtausend, ed. V.H. Elbern (Dusseldorf, 1962), 158–93; Heinzelmann, Translationsberichte; J. Smith, 'Old saints, new cults: Roman relics in Carolingian Francia', in: Early medieval Rome and the Christian west, ed. J. Smith (Leiden, 2000), 317–40; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen. 15 Compare I. Wood, 'An absence of saints? Evidence for the Christianisation of Saxony', in: Am Vorabend der Kaiserkrönung, ed. P. Godman, J. Jarnut and P. Johanek (Berlin, 2002), 343. 16 McKitterick, Charlemagne, 292–380, esp. 329–30, 378–9; see also Ehlers, Integration, 43–267, 386. 17 Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, esp. 325–49, 366–9. 18 P. Buc, The dangers of ritual (Princeton, 2001), 3–11; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 260. 19 McKitterick, History and memory, 111–13. 20 Corradini, 'Überlegungen', 216. 21 'consuetudinem malam.' ARF a. 778, 52. Also ARF a. 784 and a. 793, 66 and 94. 22 ARF, a. 782, 62; Capitulatio de partibus Saxonia, ed. C. von Schwerin (MGH Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui 4, Hanover, 1918), c. 4, 37. See also B. Effros, 'De partibus Saxoniae and the regulation of mortuary custom: a Carolingian campaign of Christianisation or the suppression of Saxon identity?', Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 75 (1997), 267–86; compare Y. Hen, 'Charlemagne's jihad', Viator, 37 (2005), 33–51. 23 'maledicta generatione Saxonum.' Alcuin, Epistolae, ed. E. Dümmler (MGH Epistolae 4, Berlin, 1895), ep. 185, 309; similarly ep. 110 and 177, 157 and 293. 24 Annales sancti Amandi, ed. G.H. Pertz (MGH Scriptores 1, Hanover 1826), a. 776 and 785, 12; Annales Laureshamenses, ed. Pertz (MGH Scriptores 1), a. 776, 30; ARF, a. 776, 47. 25 A. Nock, Conversion. The old and new in religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford, 1933); K. Morrison, Understanding conversion (Charlottesville, 1992); Varieties of religious conversion in the middle ages, ed. J. Muldoon (Gainesville, 1997), esp. 1–10; C. Cusack, The rise of Christianity in northern Europe, 300–1000 (London, 1998), 1–29. 26 Eigil, Vita Sturmi, ed. G.H. Pertz (MGH Scriptores 2, Hanover, 1827), c. 7 and c. 23, 369, 376; L. von Padberg, 'Zum Sachsenbild in hagiographischen Quellen', in: Sachsen und Franken, ed. Haßler, 180–3. 27 Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi c. 5, 11, 14, ed. W. Levison (MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 7, Hanover, 1920), 120, 125–6, 128; I. Wood, The missionary life. Saints and the evangelization of Europe 400–1050 (Harlow, 2000), 86–7. See also R. Sullivan, 'The Carolingian missionary and the pagan', Speculum, 28 (1953), 705–40, esp. 734–6; I. Wood, 'Pagans and holy men 600–800', in: Irland und die Christenheit, ed. P. Ní Chatháin and M. Richter (Stuttgart, 1987), 347–61. 28 S. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae, ed. M. Tangl (MGH Epistolae selectae 1, Berlin 1916), ep. 23 and 46, 38–41 and 74–5; Alcuin, Epistolae, ep. 110, 157–9; Ratramnus, Epistolae variorum, ed. E. Dümmler (MGH Epistolae 6, Berlin, 1925), ep. 12, 155–7; Wood, Missionary life, esp. 83–6; but see also L. von Padberg, Mission und Christianisierung. Formen und Folgen bei Angelsachsen und Franken im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1995), 355–6. 29 'Qui ab initio tam nobiles quam et ad bella promptissimi multis indiciis persepe claruerunt.' Nithard, Historia, IV.2, 120; trans. B.W. Scholz, Carolingian chronicles (Ann Arbor, 1970), 167. 30 ARF, a. 782, 60. 31 Einhard, Vita Karoli, c. 7, 9–10; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 600–1. 32 Annales Laureshamenses 801, ed. Pertz (MGH Scriptores 1); Collins, Charlemagne, 148–52; H. Mayr-Harting, 'Charlemagne, the Saxons, and the imperial coronation of 800', English Historical Review, 111 (1996), 1113–33; J. Ehlers, 'Die Sachsenmission als heilsgeschichtliches Ereignis', in: Vita Religiosa im Mittelalter, ed. F. Felten and N. Jaspert (Berlin, 1999), 37–9, 48. 33 Rabanus Maurus, Liber de oblatione puerorum, PL 107, 432B; M. de Jong, In Samuel's image. Child oblation in the early medieval west (Leiden, 1996), 83. 34 Rudolf may have written his historical prologue as a freestanding piece, which Meginhart then incorporated into the translatio, but the two have at least a similar perspective. Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 711–14; T. Klüppel, 'Die Germania', in: Corpus christianorum hagiographies, II, ed. G. Philippart (Turnhout, 1996), 181–2; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 127–34; E. Goldberg, Struggle for empire. Kingship and conflict under Louis the German (Ithaca, 2006), 176–9. There is no manuscript evidence for circulation in Saxony, but as the patron and the relics were in Saxony, early dissemination there is highly likely. Widukind of Corvey and Adem of Bremen used Rudolf in tenth- and eleventh-century Saxony. 35 Presumably not the Alexander whose relics Fulda already possessed: Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 129–30. 36 But compare H. Beumann, 'Die Hagiographie "Bewältigt": Unterwerfung und Christianisierung der Sachsen durch Karl den Grossen', in: Cristianizzazione ed organizzazione ecclesiastica delle campagne nell'alto medioevo (Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 28, Spoleto, 1982), 146–8. Rudolf had no documented connection with Saxony beyond this translatio: Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 709–13. 37 TAlex. c. 2, 424. 38 Wood, 'Beyond satraps', 282; Goldberg, Struggle for empire, 178–9, but note that the nobles are still pagan. 39 For Rudolf as the originator: Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 712–13; Wood, 'Beyond satraps', 280–2; with parallels in I. Wood, 'Misremembering the Burgundians', in: Die Suche, ed. Pohl, 146–7. On possible oral tradition: Becher, Rex, 31–5; see the caution in J. Nelson, review of Becher, Rex, English Historical Review, 113 (1998), 955–7. 40 'terram eorum crudeliter ferro vastavit et igni.' TAlex., c. 1, 423; compare Rudolf on the Vikings: 'Nordmanni Dorestadum incendentes vastaverunt.' Annales Fuldensis, ed. F. Kurze (MGH SRG 7, Hanover, 1891), a. 847, 36. 41 'adunati sunt populo Dei usque in hodierum diem.' TAlex., c. 3, 426. 42 'quatenus earum signis et virtutibus sui cives a paganico ritu et superstitione ad veram religionem converterentur. […] pariter fidelibus et infidelibus.' TAlex., c. 4, 427–8. 43 The actual extent of Christianisation is obscure though most scholars are pessimistic: R.M. Karras, 'Pagan survivals and syncretism in the conversion of Saxony', Catholic Historical Review, 72 (1986), 553–72; C. Carroll, 'The bishoprics of Saxony in the first century after Christianisation', Early Medieval Europe, 8 (1999), 219–46, esp. 239–41; Goldberg, Struggle for empire, 176–7; see also E. Goldberg, 'Popular revolt, dynastic politics and aristocratic factionalism in the early middle Ages: the Saxon Stellinga reconsidered', Speculum, 70 (1995), 475–6. 44 TAlex., c. 6–8, 430–1. 45 I. Schmale-Ott, Introduction, TViti, 23–5; Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 853–5; Klüppel, 'Germania', 195; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 100–8. See also Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 603–6, but note our disagreements on the acceptance of the Frankish narrative and 'Frankish-Saxon unity'. 46 See Schmale-Ott, Introduction, TViti, 5. 47 Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 102. 48 The texts were available at Corvey at least by the late ninth-century: Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 863; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 601. On their popularity, see above n. 19. 49 TViti, c. 3, 34. 50 'licet compulsi.' TViti, c. 1, 32. 51 'Post salvatoris igitur Domini nostri passionem et resurrectionem, post triumphos apostolorum ac victorias martyrum tandem ipse rex regum et dominus virtutum superatis pacis inimicis pacem ecclesiae suae restituit adeo, et ipsi reges […] quos antecessores sui trucidarant, sepulchra ambiant. Quae victoria Christi cum primum apud Romanos tripudiaret, Longobardorum gentem penetravit atque in Francia gloriosius triumphare cepit, Hispanos adiit, Britannos conclusit, Anglorum gentem subegit; et licet compulsi ipsi Saxones, qui Anglorum socii fuerant, devota mente colla submittunt.' TViti, c. 1, 32. 52 For parallels in Frankish historiography see McKitterick, History and memory, 10, 99. 53 TViti, c. 3, 34. 54 'Convocavit omnes, qui sub ditione sua erant maiores, sacerdotes et principes, atque studiosssime quaesivit, quomodo veram fidem veramque religionem in universo regno suo firmaeret '(Emphasis mine).' TViti, c. 3, 34–6. 55 TViti, c. 5, 48. 56 'propter religionem et reverentiam beatissimi martyris Viti.' TViti, c. 27, 62. 57 TViti, c. 3, 36; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 605–6, but note that the text makes no mention of Warin's mixed Saxon-Frankish ancestry. 58 TViti, c. 3, 36–42. 59 TViti, c. 4, 46. 60 'tam pulcherrimo et devotissimo populo.' TViti, c. 22, 58; compare the Franks: TViti, c. 20, 58. 61 Thus Charles the Bald decided to aid the abortive Bulgar mission even though any direct political benefit would have accrued to his sometime rival, Louis the German: Annales Bertiniani, a. 866, 85–6. 62 See Goldberg, 'Popular revolt', 475–8; H. Schmidt, 'Über Christianisierung und gesellschaftliches Verhalten in Sachsen und Friesland', Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte, 49 (1977), 19–21. 63 The uncertain date of composition makes these precise goals speculative. 64 A. Cohausz, 'Der Hl. Walther von Herford', in: Festgabe fur Alois Fuchs, ed. W. Tack (Paderborn, 1950), 405; Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 868–9; Klüppel, 'Germania', 196; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 108–17. The scholarship before Röckelein assumed a male author, which is possible, but see J. Nelson, 'Women and the word in the earlier middle ages', in: Women in the Church, ed. W.J. Sheils and D. Wood (Studies in Church History 27, Oxford, 1990), 53–98; R. McKitterick, 'Women and literacy in the early middle ages', in her Books, scribes and learning in the Frankish kingdoms (Aldershot, 1994), essay XIII, 1–43, esp. 23; K. Leyser, Rule and conflict in an early medieval society. Ottonian Saxony (Bloomington, 1979), 49–73. The text is also in R. Wilmans, Die Kaiserurkunden der Provinz Westfalen 777–1313: I (Münster, 1867), 539–46, unfortunately without substantial improvement since it survived in only one manuscript (now lost). 65 She certainly had access to sources written outside Saxony and makes a possible (though unlikely) reference to the Annales regni Francorum a. 826: Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 110–11. 66 TPus., c. 3, 4, 171; her specific examples do not include Waltbraht. 67 TPus., c. 7, 172. 68 'gens Saxonum […] Imperatoris Caroli auspiciis varia sorte bellorum vix per triginta annos Deo volente subdita, Verbi divini foedera et fidem in Deum et spem beatitudinis suscepit aeternae.' TPus., c. 1, 170–1; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 607. 69 TAlex., c. 1-2, 674–5. 70 TPus., c. 1, 170. 71 'Quoniam antiquis ritibus tenebatur, et nefas videbatur maiorum ceremoniis errorem ascribere: quod videlicet fiebat novorum sacrorum susceptione et veterum rituum abdicatione. Qui enim ceremoniis a maioribus sibi traditis renuntiare contendit, errare eos se vero veritatem invenisse, tacite confitetur. Sed illa sive duritia sive pertinacia sive perversitas dicenda est, sive alio quolibet nomine convenientius appellanda, prudentia naturali et ingenio ad omnem subtilitatem nobilissimo et acutissimo, rationibus commodis et exemplis labefacta; post etiam argumentis et approbationibus validis, quasi quibusdam muralibus machinis, infracta et expugnata est […] itaque, ut solet fieri, quo magis efficacia naturali abducebatur prius a religione Christiana, ita ferventissime demum eidem sese mancipavit.' TPus., c. 1, 170–1. 72 No doubt drawing upon the missionary philosophy espoused by Alcuin and others: see above, n. 28. 73 'quod signa magis infidelibus quam fidelibus necessaria sunt.' TPus., c. 11, 172, also c. 10, 172; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 608–10; compare Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 348–9. 74 'ne tanta amitterent eiusdem virginis patrocinia, quae se hactenus in ea habuisse non dubitabant, propter frequentiam signorum.' TPus., c. 6, 171. 75 Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi, c. 14, 127–8. See also Gregory the Great, Homiliae in evangelia, PL, 76, 1.4.3 and 2.29.4, 1090–1, 1215–16; P. Riché, 'Les Carolingiens en quête de sainteté', in: Les Fonctions des saints dans le monde occidental (IIIe–XIIIe siècle), ed. J.-Y. Tilliette (Rome, 1991), 217–24; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 610–12. 76 K. Honselmann, 'Berichte des 9. Jahrhunderts über Wunder am Grabe der hlg. Pusinna in Herford', Dona Westfalica, Schriften der historischen Kommission Westfalens, IV (Münster, 1963), 128-36. Note also the lack of manuscripts for TPus. 77 Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 109, 128. 78 Miracula sancti Willehadi auctore Anskarii, ed. A. Poncelet (AASS Nov. 3), c. 11–12, 849; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 80. For knowledge of Fulda see Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 105–7, 110. 79 Becher, Rex, 131–48, 193–4; see also Goldberg, Struggle for empire, 276–9. 80 TPus. c. 2–3, 171; Appleby, 'Spiritual progress', 607–8. 81 J. Nelson, Charles the Bald (London, 1992), 195, 198, 219–20. Almost all the ninth-century relic transfers between the two separate realms occurred during this period: see Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, Table 1, 374–6, but see also 262. 82 Nelson, Charles, 201–2; compare Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 64–6. 83 Sullivan, 'Carolingian missionary', 733; see also L. von Padberg, 'Herrscher als Missionare: spätantike und frühmittelalterliche Zeugnisse zur Rolle der Königsmacht im Christianisierunsprozess', in: Akkulturation. Probleme einer germanisch-romanischen Kultursynthese, ed. D. Hägermann, W. Haubrichs and J. Jarnut (Berlin, 2004), 319–23. 84 As Charles attempted at least tentatively: Nelson, Charles, 222–6, 244–6. 85 The author calls the Saxons 'nostra gens'. TLib., c. 1 and 11, 187-8 and 198; Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 849–52; Klüppel, 'Germania', 196–7; Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 96–100. 86 G. Huffer, Korveier Studien. Quellenkritische Untersuchungen zur Karolinger-Geschichte (Münster, 1898), 38–9. 87 TLib., c. 2, 188–9; de Vry, Liborius, 68–74. 88 TLib., c. 10, 197. 89 The Bielefeld manuscript might accurately transmit Erconrad's text, but probably edits it. A late Le Mans legendary transmits another short version of little relevance to this article: Eiusdem translationis historia, ed. J. Bollandus (AASS Jul. 5), 425–6. For bibliography see de Vry, Liborius, 41-158. Bielefeld, Avranches and Paderborn versions in: La Translation de saint Liboire (836) du diacre Erconrad, ed. A. Cohausz (Archives historiques du Maine 14, Le Mans, 1967); note his chapter division differs from de Vry. 90 'Quia vero rudis adhuc in fide populus, et maxime plebebium vulgus difficile poterat ab errore gentili perfectae divelli, latenter ad avitas quasdam supersticiones colendas sese convertens, intellexit vir magnae prudentiae, quod si praecipui alicuius sancti illus corpus allatum, miraculorum, ut fieri solet, ostensione et gratia sanitatum suadente, multitudo plebis inciperet venerari et ad eius patrocinia confluere consuesceret, nulla re eam facilius ab infidelitate posse revocari.' TLib., c. 9, 195–6. 91 See Augustine's popular De catechizandis rudibus (Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 46, Turnholt, 1969), 121–78, in which the rudibus obviously need instruction but are not hostile pagans. 92 TLib., c. 7, 194. 93 TLib., c. 3, 189. 94 'ad instruendam confirmandamque in sacra religione plebem.' TLib., c. 3, 190; also c. 2 and 5, 189 and 192. According to this text, cities were introduced solely for the reason that bishoprics must be based in them: 'quia civitates, in quibus more antiquo sedes episcopales constituerentur, illi paenitus provinciae deerant, loca tamen ad hoc […] eligit' (TLib., c. 2, 189). Archaeology supports both the pre-Carolingian lack of cities and the connection of early Saxon urban (or 'pre-urban') sites with mission centres: H. Steuer, 'The beginnings of urban economies among the Saxons', in: Continental Saxons, ed. Green, 159–81, esp. 159–60, 173–4. 95 TLib., c. 37, 217. 96 TLib., c. 1 and 38–9, 188 and 218; Bielefeld and Avranches each include only one mention: c. 26, 110–1. 97 'Quem illis tantum divinae laudis amorem, eius meritis credimus inspiratum […] quoniam et ipsius sola in caelis beatitudo, vita et gloria, non nisi laus Dei est, in cuius karitate perfecta ad tantum ipsum sanctitatis culmen ascendit.' TLib., c. 40, 219. 98 On 'amor' and 'karitas', see Rabanus Maurus, Homilia, PL 110, hom. 108, 349BC. 99 See above, n. 28; also Rabanus Maurus, Commentarium in Exodum, PL 108, 1.4, 21A. 100 TLib., c. 9, 195–6. 101 TLib., c. 2 and 37, 188 and 217. 102 TLib., c. 9, 195. Compare Goldberg, Struggle for empire, 178–9; Becher, Rex, 49–50. 103 'partim armis, partim liberalitate, per quam maxime primorum eius animos sibi devinxerat.' TLib., c. 2, 189. 104 TLib., c. 7, 193. 105 TLib., c. 8, 194. 106 TLib., c. 3 and 6, 189 and 192–3. 107 TLib., c. 7, 193. 108 TLib., c. 37, 217; Bielefeld and Avranches, c. 25, 106–7. 109 TLib., c. 6, 7, 8 and 10, 192, 194 and 197. 110 Compare Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 336. 111 This section is expanded from Bielefeld, where all three arguments are present only in germ: c. 12, 74-8. 112 TLib., c. 22, 206. 113 TLib., c. 22, 206. 114 TLib., c. 24, 208. While present in Erconrad, the pact acquires a deeper meaning in light of Paderborn's previous ruminations on Christianisation. 115 'In illo enim populo noviter ad Deum converso novos sibi servitores et veneratores adquiret ad quos corporali praesentia suorum pignerum accedet, sed a vobis spiritalis eius protectio numquam recedet.' TLib., c. 22, 206. In Bielefeld, Aldric does not elaborate on this point or make the corporal/spiritual distinction: c. 12, 74–7. 116 Corvey and Paderborn's sparse royal connections were noteworthy only by Saxon standards: S. MacLean, Kingship and politics in the late ninth century (Cambridge, 2003), 98; Becher, Rex, 124–5; Carroll, 'Bishoprics', esp. 233, 236, 241. 117 K.H. Krüger, 'Die älteren Sachsen als Franken: zum Besuch des Kaisers Arnulf 889 im Kloster Corvey', Westfalische Zeitschrift, 151–2 (2002), 224–4; see also Beumann, 'Hagiographie', 141. 118 'Ut gens et populus fieret concorditer unus/Ac semper regi parens aequaliter uni.' Poetae Saxonis Annalium de gestis Caroli magni imperatoris, ed. P. von Winterfeld (MGH Poetae Latini 4:1, Hanover 1899), 4.113–14, 48; Krüger, 'Die älteren Sachsen', 239–41. 119 'Si tamen hoc dubium cuiquam fortasse videtur.' Poetae Saxonis, 4.115, 48. 120 Whether or not the TLib. hoped for a non-Saxon audience, he eventually reached one: de Vry, Liborius, 229–55. On the author's knowledge of the Poeta Saxo, see Krüger, 'Die älteren Sachsen', 239. 121 Although TLib. did not use gens, natio and populus as technical terms. 122 Textual production was sparser in other Saxon subregions: Röckelein, Reliquientranslationen, 95. Identifying 'Saxon' historical texts remains problematic, but compare: (a) Altfrid, Vita Liudgeri, ed. W. Diecamp, Die Vitae Sancti Liudgeri (Munster, 1881); Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 824–7; (b) Vita Willehadi, ed. A. Poncelet (AASS Nov. 3), 842–6; G. Niemeyer, 'Der Herkunft der Vita Willehadi', Deutsches Archiv, 12 (1956), 17–35; Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 838; (c) Vita Lebuini antiqua, ed. O. Hofmeister (MGH Scriptores 30:2, Leipzig, 1934), 789–95; Wattenbach–Löwe, DGM, 827–8; Wood, 'Beyond satraps', 277, 322. 123 Beumann, 'Hagiographie', 129–33; Becher, Rex, 54; Ehlers, 'Sachenmission', 48–52; H. Röckelein, 'Das Gewebe der Schriften: historiographische Aspekte der Karolingerzeitlichen Hagiographie Sachsens', in: Hagiographie in Kontext, ed. D. Bauer and K. Kerbers (Stuttgart, 2000), 24–5; Krüger, 'Die älteren Sachsen', 243–4.

Referência(s)
Altmetric
PlumX