The life and career of Master Wiger of Utrecht (fl. 1209-1237): an early convert to the Order of Friars Minor
2005; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 31; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1016/j.jmedhist.2004.12.003
ISSN1873-1279
Autores Tópico(s)Historical Geopolitical and Social Dynamics
ResumoAbstract Master Wiger of Utrecht was a prominent ecclesiastical personality in the lower Rhineland during the early thirteenth century (fl. 1209-1237). Trained in theology and law, he rose rapidly through the prelacy, serving as dean and then provost of St Peter's Collegiate Church, Utrecht. As a member of the episcopal mensa, Wiger was also an active participant in diocesan and metropolitan affairs throughout the 1210s and 1220s; he probably even accompanied his bishop to Damietta, Egypt, to take part in the Fifth Crusade. However, after 1228, Wiger gave up his comfortable existence and joined the fledgling Franciscan Order. It was as a Minorite friar that Wiger conducted an official visitation of the order's English province in 1237. He did so at the behest of the controversial Minister General, Elias of Cortona. This essay traces Wiger's professional and scholarly attainments and explores his connection to various ecclesiastical and secular figures of the era. It examines the institutional support and material assistance offered to the mendicant movement by Wiger's associates amongst the prelacy and nobility of the Hohenstaufen Empire. Attention is also given to Master Wiger's literary activity and his status as one of the earliest identifiable creators of a searchable exempla compendium. Keywords: Francisan OrderMendicantsRhinelandWiger of Utrecht Exempla Notes 1 Salimbene de Adam, Cronica fratris Salimbene de Adam in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 32, 418. Translated by C. H. Lawrence, Medieval monasticism. Forms of religious life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages (New York, 1990), 248. 2 John B. Freed, The friars and German society in the thirteenth century (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1977); W. R. Thomson, Friars in the cathedral. The first Franciscan bishops, 1226-1261 (Toronto, 1975); Bert Roest, A history of Franciscan education (Leiden, 2000). 3 Many thanks to Bruce C. Barker-Benfield for drawing my attention to the Troyes manuscript and the Canterbury booklist. Dr. Barker-Benfield is currently preparing an edition of the St Augustine's abbey, Canterbury, booklist for the Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues where the two entries for Wiger's collection are BAI.1764b (attrib.) and BAI.1779b (anon.); on the ‘Summa Wiggeri’, see L. Camerer, Die Bibliothek des Franziskanerklosters in Braunschweig (Braunschweig, 1982), 20, 28. My critical edition of the Liber exemplorum sub titulis redactorum is forthcoming. 4 Wiger's career is discussed cursorily in J. van Moolenbroek, Mirakels historisch: De exempels van Caesarius van Heisterbach over Nederland en Nederlanders (Hilversum, 1999), 276-278. For other brief notices, see A. Poncelet, ‘Note sur les Libri VIII Miraculorum de Cesaire d'Heisterbach’, Analecta Bollandiana 22 (1902), 52 n. 2, and A. Hilka, Wundergeschichten des Caesarius des Caesarius von Heisterbach (Bonn, 1937), 101. Compare H. F. Van Heussen, Historia episc. Ultrajectini, vol. 1 (Antverpiae, 1733), 80. 5 Master Wiger's potential connection to the English-born ‘White Cardinal,’ John of Toledo (1244-1275), emerged shortly before this article went to press, and thus, warrants mention here. The mid-thirteenth-century Troyes manuscript of Wiger's liber exemplorum contains the following dedication across the head of ff. 4v-5r: ‘Hunc librum dedit dominus Johannis de Tolleto cardinalis sanctimonialibus sancti Pancratii quem que furatus fuerit, vel alienaverit, vel hunc titulum deleverit, anathema sit’. While, to this point, I have been unable to ascertain the extent or nature of Wiger's acquaintance with Cardinal John, I suspect it was facilitated by the same curial network that I describe elsewhere in this essay. For example, it appears that John had a strong and enduring working relationship with Cardinal Otto of Tonengo. On this relationship as well as John of Toledo's association with the Cistercian nuns of St Pancras at Rome, see Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, Cardinali di curia e 'familiae' cardinalizie dal 1227 al 1254, 2 vols. (Padua, 1971), vol. 1, 228-255. 6 See below note Footnote108. 7 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol 2, 212 (no. 778). 8 Caesarius of Heisterbach, Libri octo miraculorum, 2.21; Thomas of Eccleston, De adventu fratrum Minorum in Angliam, chapter 8. 9 On the term ‘pastoralia’, see Leonard E. Boyle, ‘The Fourth Lateran Council and manuals of popular theology’, in The popular literature of Medieval England, ed. T. J. Heffernan (Knoxville, Tenn., 1985). 10 Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, 16.2-3. 11 A useful discussion of Elias's place in Franciscan historiography appears in Rosalind B. Brooke, Early Franciscan government. Elias to Bonaventure (Cambridge, England, 1959), 1-55. 12 Brooke, Early Franciscan government, 15. 13 While Wiger Benting had no explicit connection to Ruinen or Steenwijk, his son Bernhard presented Bishop Otto with tithes from two estates in Appelscha. These tithes were then conferred on the monastery at Ruinen with the consent of the bishop. In addition, the document outlining this transaction was witnessed at Ruinen during March, 1247 (See Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht tot 1301, vol. 2, 461 [no. 1116]). The name Wiger Benting (Bensinck) also appears in the list of milites who died while defending the jurisdiction of Bishop Otto II, van Lippe, of Utrecht at the Battle of Ane on St Pantaleon's Day in 1227. See Antonius Matthaeus, Veteris aevi analecta, vol. 1, 339. However, the name is also recorded in a Utrecht charter from 1230 (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 232-233 [no. 803]). It is uncertain whether Benting actually survived Ane or whether the 1230 occurrence of the name represents one of his kinsmen. 13 The name of Wiger Lapinch appears only once in the Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht when he witnessed a transaction between Bishop Theoderic and Frederick, abbot of the Ruinen monastery. Frederick relinquished the monastery's rights over churches in Steenwijk and Borne (in south-eastern Overijssel). While there is no indication as to where the document was signed or whether Wiger Lapinch actually lived in the area, many of those who witnessed the charter were referred to as ‘de Rune’ or ‘de Stenwic’ (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 43-44 [no. 575]). Wiger, son of the ministerial Hugo Sturm who accompanied Bishop Otto van Lippe on his crusading pilgrimage to Egypt in about 1219, witnessed at least two documents connected to the Ruinen monastery during the early years of the thirteenth century (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 130 [no. 668]). In 1209, the bishop Theoderic approved a request by Hugo and Wiger Sturm regarding the transfer of a tithe to St Mary's, Ruinen (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 54-55 [no. 589]). In 1210, father and son witnessed a similar transaction, whereby the ministerial Arnold Wilde ceded a tithe from a house in Eemster, within the parish of Diever, to the Ruinen cloister in exchange for a house in Wannepe, presumably near present-day Wanneperveer (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 64 [no. 598]). In both of these instances, Wiger of St Peter's also acted as a witness. 14 The name continued to occur in documents from the region throughout the next 75 years. In Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 3, no. 1540, 292, a Wicherus appeared as an ally of a certain Mewekin of Ruinen in a charter from 1261. In Regesten van oorkonden betreffende de bisshoppen van Utrecht uit de jaren 1301-1340, ed. J. W. Berkelbach van der Sprenkel (Utrecht, 1937), two more instances of the name were recorded. There is mention of Wiger, dean of Steenwijk (no. 30, 10-11) as well as of Wiger, dean of Drenthe and rector of Fries (no. 163, 66-67, no. 217, 89, no. 225, 92, no. 458, 183-184). 15 Bram van den Hoven van Genderen, ‘Kanunniken, kloosters en kerkgebouwen in laat-middeleeuws Utrecht,’ Utrecht tussen kerk en staat, ed. R. E. V. Stuip and C. Vellekoop (Hilversum, Verloren, 1991), 201. 16 K. Edwards, The English secular cathedrals in the Middle Ages. A constitutional study with special reference to the fourteenth century (Manchester, 1949), 34. 17 J. Barrow, ‘Education and the recruitment of cathedral canons in England and Germany, 1100-1225’, Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies 20 (1989), 117-137; 121-122. 18 van den Hoven van Genderen, ‘Kanunniken, kloosters en kerkgebouwen’, 201-202. See Edwards, English secular cathedrals, 34: ‘…the statutes of Salisbury and Wells made provision for (boys in minor orders) to sit on the lowest form in choir among the boy choristers’. 19 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 54-55 (no. 589). 20 van den Hoven van Genderen, ‘Kanunniken, kloosters en kerkgebouwen’, 201. 21 van den Hoven van Genderen, ‘Kanunniken, kloosters en kerkgebouwen’, 203. 22 Oxford, Corpus Christi College MS 32, f. 49va, lines 6-8. 23 See Die Fragmente der Libri VIII Miraculorum des Caesarius von Heisterbach, ed. A. Meister (Rome, 1901), 136. 24 Thomas of Eccleston, Tractatus de adventu fratrum minorum in Angliam, ed. A. G. Little (Manchester: 1951), chapter. 8. Wiger of St Peter's appears to have been the second Wiger from Utrecht to be dubbed ‘Alemannus’. During the First Crusade, a knight of Utrecht, also called Wiger, distinguished himself in battle against the Saracens. According to Caesarius of Heisterbach, when he died, the Moslems decapitated him and paraded his head through their lines as a trophy. The Christians buried the remainder of his body and erected a church over the site. See Caesarius of Heisterbach. Dialogus miraculorum, ed. J. Strange (Cologne, 1851) 11.23. On the attribution of ‘Alemannus’ to the knight Wiger see Röhricht, Die Deutschen im heiligen Lande. Chronologisches Verzeichnis derjenigen Deutschen, welche als Jerusalempilger und Kreuzfahrer sicher nachzuweisen oder wahrscheinlich anzusehen sind (c. 650-1291) (Aalen, 1968), 20-21. 26 Wiger's Liber exemplorum suggests an over-arching preoccupation with sacramental theology and appropriate Christian deportment. Throughout the compendium there is a strong emphasis on the need to examine one's behaviour and motivations, to make a full confession, and to lead a godly life. Wiger appears to have viewed the cleric's ability to discern souls as paramount, and he depicted the priest in his role as the medicus animarum. While there is no fully-articulated schematic to the collection's organisation, a rough pattern emerges. While the following divisions are not quite uniform or discrete, the topoi of Wiger's Liber may be outlined, thus: 1) Chapters 1-19: Demonological exempla, 2) Chapters 20-36: Excellences of the Holy Man, 3) Chapters 37-44: Preparations for Communion, 4) Chapters 45-49: Eucharistic exempla, 5) Chapters 50-105: Virtues and Vices, 6) Chapters 106-125: Contrition and Confession, 7) Chapters 126-187: The vita religiosa, 8) Chapters 188-194: The Location of the Holy. 26 Wiger's organisation of the text emanates from a source very near to that of the practical theology of Peter the Chanter or the Victorines, which offered guidance on hearing confession, administering penance, baptism, celebration of the Eucharist, preparation of sermons, ordination and excommunication. See Baldwin, Masters, princes and merchants, vol. 1, 32-35, 47-59; J. Longère, ‘La fonction pastorale de Saint-Victor à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle’, L'Abbaye Parisienne de Saint-Victor au Moyen Age (Communications présentées au XIIIe colloque d'humanisme médiéval de Paris 1986-1988), 291-313. See also S. Jaeger, ‘Humanism and ethics at the School of St Victor in the early twelfth century’, Medieval Studies 55 (1993), 51-79. Compare Jaeger, The envy of angels. Cathedral schools and social ideals in Medieval Europe 950-1200 (Philadelphia, 1994), chapter 9, ‘Humanism and ethics at the School of St Victor’, 244-268. 25 See J. W. Baldwin, Masters, princes and merchants. The social views of Peter the Chanter and his circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970), vol. 1, 75. See also J. W. Baldwin, The scholastic culture of the Middle Ages 1000-1300 (Lexington, Mass., 1971), 21-24; 40-57. 27 Baldwin, Masters, princes and merchants, vol. 1, 85. 28 While the following is not an exhaustive list of those exempla that have France or a university as their setting, they demonstrate Wiger's familiarity with these contexts: 1) a young scholar is converted to the Cistercian order much to the chagrin of his family and friends (64. B. 1), 2) a Parisian citizen is convinced by an academic master to collect and distribute alms for the poor (64. B. 2), 3) a Paris prostitute tearfully repents (161. A. 5), 4) a theologian suffers a painful disease of the tongue for his inability to convert Albigensian heretics (184. A. 1), 5) quidam stultus injures himself jumping from Saltus Galteri, an early ‘lovers' leap’ near Mont St Michel in Normandy (116. A. 4), 6) a canon of St Victor bewails his bodily infirmities (116. B. 1), and 7) a luxurious cleric at Chartres encounters the Blessed Virgin (190. A. 6). It is equally noteworthy that in contrast to the abundance of stories that featured France as their mis en scène, there are few references in any of the adiuncta to locations in England, Flanders, the northern Low Countries or Germany. 29 Fulques served as bishop of Toulouse between 1205 and 1231. See Konrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, sive Summorum pontificum, S.R.E. cardinalium, ecclesiarum antistitum series : at anno 1198 usque ad annum [1605] perducta e documentis tabularii praesertium Vaticani collecta, digesta, edita, 9 vols. (Regensberg, 1913) vol. 1, 488. 30 Baldwin, Masters, princes and merchants, p. 38. On Fulques’ life and career, see Nicole M. Schulman, Where troubadours were bishops. The Occitania of Folc of Marseille, 1150-1231 (New York, 2001). 31 See Baldwin, Masters, princes and merchants, vol. 1, 10; 110. 32 Freed, The friars and German society in the thirteenth century, 82-83. 33 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 329 (no. 931). The charter reads in part, ‘…et quia decanus noster Andreas absens est transferendo se ad studium Parisiense, ad theologiam videlicet (studiendi)…’ 34 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol 2, 185-186 (no. 742). 35 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 54-55 (no. 589). 36 Gesta episcoporum Traiectensium, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 23, 407 (chapter 12). 38 Otto van Lippe was a younger son of the prolific Count Bernhard and Countess Heilwig of the Lippe, whose power was centred at Lippstadt and Lemgo in north-western Germany. Together with Bernhard, Lady Heilwig bore at least 11 children, many of whom became important prelates of the German church; in addition to Otto, they included such notables as Theoderic, provost of Deventer, Bernhard, bishop of Paderborn and Gerhard, archbishop of Bremen. Heilwig van Lippe was also a daughter of the house of van Are; she was the sister of Gerhard and Bishop Theoderic. Many of these relationships are discussed below. 39 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 54 (no. 589). 40 The case is much the same for the next two instances in which Wiger's name appears. In charter no. 597, dated 1210, Bishop Theoderic made it known that one Arnoud Wilde, a ministerial of St Martin's cathedral, had ceded possession of a house called ‘Waldrincinge’ at Eemster to the diocese of Utrecht which in turn presented it to St Mary's monastery at Ruinen. In exchange, the monastery gave Arnoud a manse at Wannepe (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 63-4). Again, Otto van Lippe's name took precedence over the other dignitaries in the list of those who testified to this exchange. Wiger was once more referred to as a canon of St Peter's and was mentioned fifth of 17 named witnesses. As in the first example, Wiger's name is placed between those of the canons John of St Peter's and Theoderic of St John's. 40 In charter no. 601, dated 1211, the bishop granted a tithe from a house at Vollenhove to St Mary's, Ruinen. Apparently, the cloister at Ruinen had been using the house already, and here Theoderic seems only to have sanctioned a pre-existing state of affairs. For whatever reason, Otto van Lippe appears not to have seen this business at Ruinen through to its conclusion, and Rembold, the dean of the cathedral chapter, took Otto's place as the first witness to this transaction. Wiger's name appeared fourth in a list of 19 named witnesses. He was again referred to as a canon of St Peter's and is placed after John of St Peter's and before Theoderic of St John's (Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 67). 37 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 68n. (no. 603): ‘…(B)isschop Diederik II overleed 1212 December 5 of 6. De Domproost Otto van Lippe is de opvolger geweest als bisshop van Otto van Gelre, overleden 1215 September 1’. See also Series episcoporum ecclesie catholicae. Quotquot innotuerunt a beato Petro apostolo, ed. P. P. B. Gams (Leipzig, 1931), 255. 41 Wiger is also mentioned as decanus in a document which might have been written as early as 5 December, 1212 – the date of Bishop Theoderic II's death (charter no. 604). Heeringa stated that the charter was composed between 1212 and 1216 (when Otto van Lippe was elected to the See of Utrecht). As Wiger had definitely become dean by October, 1213, it is clear that the terminus ad quem for charter no. 604 should be contracted somewhat. See Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 69-70. 42 See R. Benson, The bishop elect. A study in Medieval ecclesiastical office (Princeton, 1968), especially chapter 2, ‘Constitutional Background’, 23-55. Otto was a scion of the noble van Gelre clan (Gelrie, Geulders, Gelder), who possessed large parts of Gelderland, Overijssel and north-western Germany. He assumed the cathedra of Utrecht at the age of eighteen, and was described as: iuvenis bone spei…corpore longus et pulcher, conversacione et moribus compositus, qui in secularibus et maxime in iudiciis sic cepit esse discretissimus, ut ab omnibus non inmerito amaretur’ (See Gesta episcoporum Traiectensium, chapter 17). According to Antonius Matthaeus, Otto's election was orchestrated by Adolf, archbishop of Cologne, Otto, bishop of Münster, Gerhard, bishop of Osnabrück, Willem, count of Holland, and Gerhard, count of Gelre. Matthaeus suggests that these princes importuned the cathedral chapter of Utrecht to elect their candidate (See Antonius Matthaeus, Analecta, vol. 5, 336). Unhappily, this young man of such apparent great promise died almost before his episcopate began. According to the Gesta episcoporum Traiectensium: gravis eum febris apud Vorthusen (that is, Voerthusen) prope Altinis arripuit… He died a short time later (See Gesta episcoporum Traiectensium, chapter 17. Compare Matthaeus, Analecta, vol. 5, 336-337). Bishop Otto had at least two siblings, a brother, Gerhard, who was the count of Gelre between 1204 and 1219, and a sister Margaret, who married into the van den Berg (de Monte) family. She was the mother of the martyred archbishop of Cologne, Engelbert van den Berg. On this relationship, see Caesarius of Heisterbach, Vita, passio et miracula S. Engelberti, ed. Albert Poncelet (Brussels, 1910). 43 On this subject, A. Hamilton Thompson observes that, ‘…we often meet with appointments to canonries and prebends obviously intended to anticipate elections to deaneries’. See A. Hamilton Thompson, The English clergy and their organization in the later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1966), 76. 44 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 35-36 (no. 570). 45 On the dean's role in capitular life, see E. N. Palmboom, Het kapittel van Sint Jan te Utrecht. Een onderzoek naar verwerving, beheer en administratie van het oudste goederenbezit, elfde-veertiende eeuw (Hilversum, 1995) 32: Zijn positie (that is, the dean's) werd versterkt naarmate de proost zich meer buiten het kapittel ging bewegen. De proosten werden namelijk door de bisschop steeds nauwer betrokken bij de administratie van zijn diocees. 45 Among the tasks and obligations which fell within the purview of the dean were: 1) the maintenance of the church and its fabric, 2) the management of the property and estates of the chapter, real or otherwise, 3) acting as the agent of the canons in any dispute with the provost, and 4) providing moral leadership for the canons and the community of St Peter's as well as meting out discipline as circumstances warranted. In the corporate structure of many Germanic collegiate churches, the dean occupied an intermediate position between the canons and the provost. According to A. Hamilton Thompson, the dean of an English secular cathedral was the ex officio chairman of the chapter, ‘but only as primus inter pares’. While Thompson's definition referred specifically to the English context, it may also be applied, with some qualification, to the institutional structure of collegiate chapters of the northern Low Countries. Borrowing from Thompson's analogy to the hierarchy of modern corporations, it might be said that the dean acted as the chief operating officer of the chapter, while the provost was its chief executive officer. See Thompson, The English clergy, 75. 46 Walter (or Wouter) appears to have preferred prepositus sancti Salvatoris, a title which he used throughout his career (see, for example, Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, charters no. 605, 611, 612, 642, 643, 645). The title prepositus sancti Petri is used in charter no. 653. He was referred to as Walterus prepositus sancti Salvatoris et sancti Petri only once, in a document dating from 1210 (no. 598). St Saviour's collegiate church was on the domplein, adjacent to the cathedral. Its proximity to St Martin's was not merely physical. Many of the cathedral and capitular dignitaries began their diocesan careers at St Saviour's (that is, Sint Servaas, or the Oudmunster). 47 Mariënweerd, or Sancta Maria in Insula is east of the modern town of Beesd, about twenty kilometres (twelve miles) due south of Utrecht. 48 For a complete list of the Ruinen properties and tithes, see Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 105-106 (no. 642). Heeringa provides modern equivalents for most place names. 49 The most extensive and useful source for Oliver's life and career remains Die Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, späteren Bischofs von Paderborn und Kardinalbishofs von S. Sabina Oliverus, ed. H. Hoogeweg (Tübingen, 1894). See introduction, ix. 50 A brief, but useful, biography of Wilbrand appears in J. C. M. Laurent, Wilbrand von Oldenburg: Reise nach Palaestina und Kleinasien (Hamburg, 1859), 33-40. Compare H. J. Brandt and K. Hengst, Das Erzbistum Paderborn. Geschichte, Personen, Dokumente (Paderborn, 1993), 74. See also D. Pöppel, Das Hochstift Paderborn. Entstehung und Entwicklung der Landeshoheit (Paderborn, 1996), 84-85. 51 See A. Reineke, Katholische Kirche in Lippe, 783-1983 (Paderborn, 1983), ch. 2, ‘Lippische Edelherren als Bischöfe von Paderborn’, 37-41. Compare Brandt and Hengst, Das Erzbistum Paderborn, 74-75. See also Pöppel, Das Hochstift Paderborn, 85-87. 52 Brandt and Hengst, Das Erzbistum Paderborn, 75-76. See also Pöppel, Das Hochstift Paderborn, 87. 53 By the early thirteenth century, Parisian masters in the faculty of Arts were divided into four ‘nations’: the French, the Norman, the Picard and the German or English. While scholars from the Low Countries (especially those from the area encompassed by modern Belgium) often entered the Picard nation, a clerk from Utrecht (that is, within the archdiocese of Cologne), particularly one patronised by the Rhenish nobility, would most likely find himself amongst the body of German faculty and students. See C. H. Haskins, The rise of universities (Ithaca, 1984), 16-18. See also Baldwin, The scholastic culture of the Middle Ages, 40-44. 54 It has been suggested that Robert of Courçon worked in conjunction with Oliver in Flanders in early 1215. See J. M. Powell, Anatomy of a crusade 1213-1221 (Philadelphia, 1986), 40. Oliver knew Robert and sent him a letter as early as June, 1214. See Hoogeweg, Die Schriften des Oliverus, 287-288. It is uncertain when Oliver was introduced to Jacques de Vitry, though both men assumed leading roles in the Fifth Crusade. 55 P. Cole, The preaching of the crusades to the Holy Land 1095-1270 (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 129. 56 During this period, Oliver preached through Liège, Namur, Brabant, Flanders, Gelderland, Utrecht and Friesland. See Hoogeweg, Die Schriften des Oliverus, introduction, xxiv. See also H. Hardenberg, De Nederlanden en de kruistochten (Amsterdam, 1941), 174-175. 57 Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 75. 58 Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 33; 34-37. On Robert's preaching in France, see also R. L. Wolff and H. W. Hazard, ‘The later crusades 1189-1311’ in A history of the crusades, (Philadelphia, 1962), vol. 2, 379-381. 59 In 1215, one of those who attended his sermon was the young Thomas of Cantimpré. See G. J. J. Walstra, ‘Thomas de Cantimpré, De natura rerum: Etat de la question’, Vivarium 5 (1967), 146-171; 148. After about 1217 (that is, after his elevation to the See of Acre), Jacques preached the cross through the Latin settlements of Syria. See Wolff and Hazard, A history of the crusades, vol. 2, 381-382. 60 Caesarius, Dialogus miraculorum, 10. 37-39. Hoogeweg, Die Schriften des Oliverus, 173-175. 61 Hoogeweg, Die Schriften des Oliverus, pp. 287-288; 285-286. These sources are examined in J. J. van Moolenbroek, ‘Signs in the heavens in Groningen and Friesland in 1214. Oliver of Cologne and crusading propaganda’, Journal of Medieval History 13 (1987), 251-273. 62 van Moolenbroek, ‘Signs in the heavens’, 258. 63 van Moolenbroek, ‘Signs in the heavens’, 258. 64 van Moolenbroek, ‘Signs in the heavens’, 261. 65 According to Jacques de Vitry, who was present in Egypt throughout the crusade, Oliver persuaded the Christian armies to attack Damietta. See Lettres de Jacques de Vitry (1160/1170-1240), évêque de Saint-Jean-d'Acre, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), 98-100. On the contributions of Cardinal Pelagius, see J. P. Donovan, Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade (London, 1950). See also Wolff and Hazard, A history of the crusades, vol. 2, 398-400. 66 The Syro-French contemporary, Ernoul, observed, ‘there arrived two cardinals, the Cardinal Robert, an Englishman; and Cardinal Pelagius, a Portuguese; the former died and the latter lived, which was a great misfortune’. Donovan, Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade, 1. On the participation of Courçon and de Vitry, see Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, pp. 240, 231 as well as Wolff and Hazard, A history of the crusades, vol. 2, pp. 377-428. Compare Cole, The preaching of the crusades to the Holy Land, 128. 67 See Cronica comitum & principum de Clivis & Marca, Gelriae, Iuliae & Montium, in Testimonia minora de quinto bello sacro e chronicis occidentalibus, ed R. Röhricht (Osnabrück, 1968), 345. 68 Cronica comitatum & principum, 345-346. 69 J. H. Holwerda and R. R. Post, Geschiedenis van Nederland, (Amsterdam, 1935) vol. 1, 215-217. See also Röhricht, Die Deutschen im Heiligen Lande, 116. 70 Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 212. 71 Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 213. 72 Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 228, 229. 73 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 144n. 74 Compare Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 243. Powell, who bases his claim on material from R. Röhricht, Studien zur Geschichte des fünften Kreuzzuges, (Innsbruck, 1968) 61, 97, and J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, 6 vols. (Paris, 1852-61), vol. 2, 806, states that Sweder was from the diocese of Münster. According to Caesarius of Heisterbach, Sweder's nephew, Gerlach, was a cathedral canon at Utrecht before his conversion to the Cistercian Order. Thus, it appears that the van Dingden had fairly close personal connections to the ecclesiastical community of Utrecht. Caesarius, Dialogus miraculorum 1. 18. 75 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 130 (no. 668). Compare Matthaeus, Analecta, vol. 5, 682-683, n. 2. See also Powell, Anatomy of a crusade, 209-246. 76 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 197 (no. 757). 77 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 197 (no. 757). 78 Oorkondenboek van het Sticht Utrecht, vol. 2, 54 (no. 589). 79 Elias served in this capacity from about 1217 to 1222, when he returned to Italy with Brothers Francis, Peter of Catano and Caesar of Speyer. The authoritative biography of Elias is E. Lempp, Frere Elie de Cortone: étude bibliographique (Paris, 1901). See also P. Sabatier, Life of St Francis of Assisi (London, 1926), 228; V. Dutton-Scudder, The Franciscan adventure. A study in the first hundred years of the order of St Francis of Assisi (London, 1931), 83; A. Fortini, Francis of Assisi. A translation of Nova vita di san Francesco (New York, 1981), 396, 436; F. van Ortroy, ‘S. François d'Assise et son voyage en orient’, Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912), 454. 80 The Monferrati were related by marriage to both the French and German royal families. Members of the house had distinguished themselves in both the Third and Fourth Crusades. See D. E. Queller and T. F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade: The conquest of Constantinople, Philadelphia, 1997; esp. ch. 3, ‘The election of Boniface of Montferrat’, 21-39. On William IV's participation in the Fifth Crusade, see Röhricht, Testimonia minora de quinto bello sacro, 345. The troubadour, Aimery of Péguilhan, composed a poem urging the marquis to enlist. See Wolff and Hazard, The later crusades, 382. 81 Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, 6. Compare Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, Cardinali di curia e 'familiae' cardinalizie dal 1227 al 1254, 2 vols. (Padua, 1971), vol. 1, 76-79. 82 Definition of ‘provost’, by W. C. Jordan in Dictionary of t
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