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Tres filii Noe diviserunt orbem post diluvium: the world map in British Library Add. MS 37049

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 26; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/02666280902846624

1943-2178

Chet Van Duzer, Sandra Sáenz-López Pérez,

Linguistics and language evolution

Abstract ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors thank Elisa Ruiz García, Ilya Dines, Peter Kidd, Juan Fernández Valverde, William Lang, Norma Aubertin-Potter, Catherine Hilliard, Rouben Galichian, Robin Stevens, Natalia Lozovsky, Laura Fernández Fernández, Joanna Ball, Evelyn Edson, and Leonid Chekin for their advice and assistance in the preparation of this article. Notes 1 – The Carthusian origin of the manuscript is clear from the many images of Carthusian monks in the latter part of the book and also from the presence in it of specifically Carthusian texts. Several authors have suggested that the manuscript was made at Mountgrace or Kingston-upon-Hull, but linguistic analysis suggests that Axholme in Lincolnshire or Beauvale in Nottinghamshire are more likely places of origin: see Angus McIntosh, M. L. Samuels, and Michael Benskin, A Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English (Aberdeen and New York: Aberdeen University Press, 1986), vol. 1, p. 102. Axholme is favored as the manuscript's place of origin by J. D. Coates, ‘British Museum MS. Additional 37049: a survey with texts’, M. Litt. thesis, University of Bristol, 1974. 2 – For confirmation that the hand of f. 2v is the same as that of the following folios, see M. C. Seymour, ‘The English Manuscripts of Mandeville's Travels’, Transactions of the Edinburgh Bibliographical Society, 4 (1965–1966), pp. 167–210, esp. p. 205, and James Hogg, ‘Unpublished Texts in the Carthusian Northern Middle English Religious Miscellany British Library MS. Additional. 37049’, in Essays in Honour of Erwin Stürzl on His Sixtieth Birthday (Salzburg: Institut für Englische Sprache und Literatur, Universität Salzburg, 1980), pp. 241–84, esp. pp. 249–252. On the difficulty of reconstructing the manuscript's creation, see Seymour, p. 205 and John B. Friedman, ‘ “Hermits Painted at the Front”: Images of Popular Piety in the North’, pp. 148–202 in Northern English Books, Owners, and Makers in the late Middle Ages (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995), esp. p. 192. 3 – The manuscript is described in Catalogue of the Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the Years 1900–1905 (London: Printed by Order of the Trustees, 1907), pp. 324–32 and by Seymour (see note 2), pp. 203–6; the 71 texts in the manuscript are listed by Barbara Streeter, ‘British Museum Additional MS. 37049: a mirror of the fifteenth-century contemplative mind’, PhD Dissertation, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick, 1970, pp. 2–6; and more fully and accessibly in the British Library's online Manuscripts Catalogue. 4 – All the manuscript's illustrated folios except f. 11v are reproduced in black and white in James Hogg, ed., An Illustrated Yorkshire Carthusian Religious Miscellany: British Library London Additional MS. 37049 (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 1981) = Analecta Cartusiana 95; and 32 of the illustrated folios are reproduced in James Hogg, ‘A Morbid Preoccupation with Mortality? The Carthusian London British Library MS. Additional 37049’, in Zeit, Tod und Ewigkeit in der Renaissance Literatur, ed. James Hogg (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik der Universität Salzburg, 1987) = Analecta Cartusiana, 117, part 2, pp. 139–89, esp. pp. 157–89. For some general discussion of the manuscript's images, see Francis Wormald, ‘Some popular miniatures and their rich relations’, in Miscellanea pro arte; Hermann Schnitzler zur Vollendung des 60. Lebensjahres am 13. Januar 1965 (Düsseldorf: L. Schwann, 1965), pp. 279–85; and Friedman (see note 2). On the trees illustrating the Desert of Religion, see Sara Ritchey, ‘Spiritual arborescence: the meaning of trees in Late Medieval devotion’, PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago, 2005, pp. 210–21. 5 – Works on the manuscript besides those mentioned in the preceding notes include T. W. Ross, ‘Five Fifteenth-Century “Emblem” Verses from British Museum Additional MS. 37049’, Speculum, 32 (1957), pp. 274–82; H. Mellick, ‘A Study of Texts and Drawings in British Museum Additional MS. 37049’, B.A. Phil. thesis, University of York, 1972 (see Hogg, ‘A Morbid Preoccupation’, cited in note 4, pp. 143–5); J. D. Coates, ‘British Museum MS. Additional 37049: a survey with texts’, M. Litt. thesis, University of Bristol, 1974; Klaus Janofsky, ‘A View into the Grave: “A Disputation betwyx þe Body and Wormes” in British Museum MS. Add. 37049’, Taius, 1 (1974), pp. 137–59; P. S. Jolliffe, ‘Two Middle English Tracts on the Contemplative Life’, Mediaeval Studies, 37 (1975), pp. 85–121; James Hogg, ‘Selected Texts on Heaven and Hell from the Carthusian Miscellany, British Library Additional MS. 37049’, in Zeit, Tod und Ewigkeit in der Renaissance Literatur, ed. James Hogg (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik der Universität Salzburg, 1987) = Analecta Cartusiana, 117, part 1, pp. 63–89; Samantha Mullaney, ‘Fashion and Morality in British Library MS. Additional 37049’, in Texts and Their Contexts: Papers from the Early Book Society, ed. John Scattergood and Julia Boffey (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1997), pp. 71–86; Jessica Brantley, ‘Reading in the wilderness: a contextual study of a Carthusian miscellany (British Library MS. Additional 37049)’, PhD dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 2000; Marlene Hennessy, ‘Morbid devotions: reading the passion of Christ in a Late Medieval miscellany, London, British Library, Additional MS. 37049’, PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2001; Marlene Hennessy, ‘The Remains of the Royal Dead in an English Carthusian Manuscript, London, British Library, MS. Additional 37049’, Viator, 33 (2002), pp. 310–54; Marlene Hennessy, ‘Passion, Devotion, Penitential Reading, and the Manuscript Page: “The Hours of the Cross” in London, British Library Additional 37049’, Mediaeval Studies, 66 (2004), pp. 213–52; Takami Matsuda, ‘A Pictorial Compendium in British Library, MS. Additional 37049’, in The Medieval Book and a Modern Collector: Essays in Honour of Toshiyuki Takamiya, ed. Takami Matsuda, Richard A. Linenthal, and John Scahill (Woodbridge, UK: Yushodo Press Ltd., 2004), pp. 233–44; and Douglas Gray, ‘London, British Library, Additional MS. 37049 — a Spiritual Encyclopedia’, in Text and Controversy from Wyclif to Bale: Essays in Honour of Anne Hudson, eds Helen Barr and Ann M. Hutchison (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), pp. 99–116. 6 – See Streeter's dissertation cited in note 3 and Brant Lee Doty, ‘An edition of British Museum manuscript Additional 37049: a religious miscellany’, PhD dissertation, Michigan State University, 1969. Streeter's work is much superior to Doty's, but there are problems with both dissertations; for discussion see Hogg, ‘A Morbid Preoccupation’ (see note 4), pp. 140–2. 7 – Streeter, ‘British Museum Additional MS. 37049’ (see note 3), p. 401; the literature on Beatus mappaemundi is very large; see, for example, Gonzalo Menéndez-Pidal, ‘Mozárabes y asturianos en la cultura de la Alta Edad Media en relación especial con la historia de los conocimientos geográficos’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 134 (1954), pp. 137–291; Ingrid Baumgärtner, ‘Visualisierte Weltenräume. Tradition und Innovation in den Weltkarten der Beatustradition des 10. bis 13. Jahrhunderts’, in Tradition, Innovation, Invention. Fortschrittsverweigerung und Fortschrittsbewußtsein im Mittelalter, ed. H.-J. Schmidt (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2005), pp. 231–76; and Sandra Sáenz-López Pérez, ‘Imagen y conocimiento del mundo en la Edad Media a través de la cartografía hispana’, PhD dissertation, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2007. 8 – So Streeter, ‘British Museum Additional MS. 37049’ (see note 3), pp. 28–9. 9 – Andrea Kann, ‘Picturing the world: the illustrated manuscripts of The Book of John Mandeville’, PhD dissertation, University of Iowa, 2002, pp. 68–84, esp. p. 69. Gray (see note 5), pp. 102–3, discusses the relationships among the texts in this part of the manuscript without arriving at a firm conclusion. Two of the basic works on imagined pilgrimage are Jean LeClercq, ‘Monachisme et pérégrination du IXe au XII siècle’, Studia Monastica, 3 (1961), pp. 33–52 and Giles Constable, ‘Opposition to Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages’, Studia Gratiana, 19 (1976), pp. 125–46. 10 – The label by the city reads Syria, but Ierusalem does appear in the column of toponyms to the left of the city, and there is no precedent of a mappamundi that prominently represents Syria but not Jerusalem. The opposite, however, is often the case: on many medieval maps Jerusalem is the only city represented — see, for example, figure 3. 11 – Published in George F. Warner, ed., The Buke of John Maundeuill, Being the Travels of Sir John Mandeville, Knight, 1322–1356: A Hitherto Unpublished English Version, from the Unique Copy (Egerton ms. 1982) in the British Museum (Westminster: Nichols & Sons, 1889). The Mandeville text in MS. 37049 is transcribed by M. C. Seymour, ‘The English epitome of Mandeville's Travels’, Anglia, 84 (1966), pp. 27–58. 12 – Suzanne Yeager, ‘England's quest for Jerusalem: fourteenth-century literature of crusade and pilgrimage’, PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 2004, pp. 190–260, has a valuable discussion of Mandeville's Travels as a guidebook for spiritual rather than physical pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Other texts which supply detailed information on Christian monuments and their relative positions have been considered as aids for spiritual pilgrimage; see J. K. Hyde, ‘Italian Pilgrim Literature in the Late Middle Ages’, Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 72(3) (1990), pp. 13–33, esp. 22 and Kathryn M. Rudy, ‘A Guide to Mental Pilgrimage: Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal MS. 212’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 63 (2000), pp. 494–515. 13 – The illustration of Rome on f. 9v, though more detailed, is reasonably similar to that on the map. There is an image of Rome similar to that on f. 9v in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS. Ott. Lat 479, f. 3r, a fourteenth-century manuscript of Giovanni da Udine's Compilatio totius Bibliae; this image is reproduced in Silvia Maddalo, In figura romae: immagini di Roma nel libro medioevale (Rome: Viella, 1990), plate 10. 14 – On this work, see Gerrit H. V. Bunt, ‘The Middle English translations of the Revelations of Pseudo-Methodius’, in Polyphonia Byzantina: Studies in Honour of Willem J. Aerts, ed., Hero Hokwerda (Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1993), pp. 131–43. 15 – Bernard of Clairvaux makes a similar statement in his Letter 399 to Lelbert, Abbot of St. Michael: Neque enim terrenam, sed caelestem requirere Ierusalem monachorum propositum est, et hoc non pebibus proficiscendo, sed affectibus proficiendo, “It is the vocation of a monk to seek not the earthly but the heavenly Jerusalem, and he will do this not by setting out on his feet but by progressing in his dispositions.” See Bernard of Clairvaux, Sämtliche Werke: lateinisch/deutsch, ed. Gerhard B. Winkler (Innsbruck: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1990–1994), vol. 3, pp. 784–7; English translation from The Letters of St Bernard of Clairvaux, trans. Bruno Scott James (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1998), p. 503 (here it is letter 431). 16 – See Serafín Moralejo Álvarez, ‘El mapa de la diáspora apostólica en San Pedro de Rocas: notas para su interpretación y filiación en la tradición cartográfica de los Beatos’, Compostellanum, 31 (1986), pp. 315–40, esp. pp. 331–2. On the dating of the mural, see Moralejo Álvarez, pp. 326–7 and J. M. García Iglesias, ‘El mapa de los Beatos en la pintura mural románica de San Pedro de Rocas (Orense)’, Archivos Leoneses, 69 (1981), pp. 73–87, esp. 73–4. 17 – Daniel Connolly, ‘Imagined pilgrimage in Gothic art: maps, manuscripts and labyrinths’, PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1998, pp. 222–7. On the contemplative use of medieval maps also see Patrick Gautier Dalché, ‘De la glose à la contemplation. Place et fonction de la carte dans les manuscrits du haut Moyen Age’, in Testo e immagine nell'alto medioevo: [Settimane di studio, Spoleto,] 15–21 aprile 1993 (Spoleto: presso la sede del Centro, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 693–771, esp. 753–757; reprinted in Gautier Dalché’s Géographie et Culture: la représentation de l'espace du VIe au XIIe siècle (Aldershot, Hampshire, and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1997); and Margriet Hoogvliet, Pictura et scriptura: textes, images et herméneutique des Mappae Mundi (XIII-XVI siècles) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), pp. 248–55. 18 – See Daniel Connolly, ‘Imagined Pilgrimage in the Itinerary Maps of Matthew Paris’, Art Bulletin, 81(4) (1999), pp. 598–622, which is a revised version of Chapter 2 of his dissertation (see note 17); and Michael Gaudio, ‘Matthew Paris and the Cartography of the Margins’, Gesta, 39(1) (2000), pp. 50–57. 19 – See Roger Bacon, The ‘Opus Majus’ of Roger Bacon, ed. John Henry Bridges (London: Williams and Norgate, 1900), vol. 1, pp. 183–7, esp. p. 184; this section is translated in The Opus majus of Roger Bacon, trans. Robert Belle Burke (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; and London: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1928), vol. 1, pp. 203–8, with this passage translated on p. 204; but the translation cited here is our own. 20 – The text of De arca Noe mystica is supplied in PL 176:682–704 and has now been edited by Patrice Sicard in De archa Noe; Libellus de formatione arche (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001) = Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 176–176A. Also see J. Ehlers, ‘Arca significat ecclesiam. Ein theologisches Weltmodell aus der ersten Hälfte des 12. Jahrhunderts’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 6 (1972), pp. 171–87. A reconstruction of Hugh's map is supplied by Sicard, De archa Noe, vol. 2, figure 11 and by Danielle Lecoq, ‘La “mappemonde” du De Arca Noe Mystica de Hugues de Saint-Victor (1128–1129)’, in Monique Pelleiter, ed., Géographie du monde au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance (Paris: CTHS, 1989), pp. 9–31, figures 1 and 2; and Conrad Rudolph, First, I Find the Center Point: Reading the Text of Hugh of Saint Victor's ‘The Mystic Ark’ (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2005), figures 1, 4, 5, and 8. 21 – See Kann, ‘Picturing the World’ (see note 9), pp. 69–70 and 71–2; the text is supplied in PL 153:799–884 (where the title is quadripertito); there is an abridged English translation in Eden's Fourfold River: An Instruction on Contemplative Life and Prayer Written for the Monks of Witham Charterhouse, Somerset (circa a.d. 1200) (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, Ltd., 1927); and a summary in E. Margaret Thompson, The Carthusian order in England (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1930), pp. 354–67. For discussion of the work, see James Hogg, ‘Adam the Carthusian's De quadripartito exercitio cellae’, in Michael G. Sargeant, ed., De Cella in Seculum: Religious and Secular Life and Devotion in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989), pp. 67–79. 22 – On the influence of the De quadripartitio on Ancrene Wisse, see A. Barratt, ‘Anchoritic Aspects of Ancrene Wisse’, Medium Aevum, 49(1) (1980), pp. 32–56; fragments of the De quadripartitio survive in Oxford, Merton College MS. 19 (fourteenth century) and British Library Harley MS. 103 (fifteenth century): see Hogg, ‘Adam the Carthusian's De quadripartitio exercito cellae’, p. 73. 23 – Doty, ‘An edition of British Museum Manuscript Additional 37049’ (see note 6), p. 40 transcribes all of the texts on the map, but his transcription contains several errors which we correct here. The map has previously been reproduced in Youssouf Kamal, Monumenta cartographica Africae et Aegypti (Cairo, 1926–1951), vol. 4, fasc. 3, f. 1380; and E. G. R. Taylor, ‘Some notes on early ideas of the form and size of the earth’, Geographical Journal, 85(1) (1935), pp. 65–8, plate 5, in both cases without detailed commentary; and it has an entry in Marcel Destombes, Mappemondes, A.D. 1200–1500: Catalogue (Amsterdam: N. Israel, 1964), p. 181, #51.11, where it is accorded a few lines of very general description. Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, Fines terrae: die Enden der Erde und die vierte Kontinent auf mittelalterlichen Weltkarten (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchh, 1992) briefly discusses (pp. 139–40) and illustrates (plate 48) the map. She alludes to the map's similarity to Sallust maps (p. 140) but misreads one of the most important Sallustian toponyms as well as two others (p. 157). 24 – The outer circle of the map requires explanation. In most T–O maps, this circle represents the circumfluent Ocean. But here the wavy blue water of the map's T does not extend into the surrounding circle, and in fact there are lines marking the boundaries between the T and the O, “containing” the water in the former, as it were. This curious change was evidently necessitated by the map's depictions of the spheres of air and fire: the sphere of water was held to be inside of both of these spheres, and the map would violate this tenant if water were depicted as surrounding the spheres of air and water at the top of the map. Thus, a crescent was used to mark the surrounding sphere as the sphere of the moon (compare figure 5). 25 – Egypt is placed in Asia, by Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 19.3; he was followed, for example, by Isidore Etymologiae 14.3.27 and 14.5.4. As we shall see, in this case the source was Sallust. On Egypt in Asia, see further James Oliver Thomson, History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1948), p. 271, note 2. 26 – On the columns of Hercules, see, for example, Gabriella Amiotti, ‘Le colonne d'Ercole e i limiti dell'ecumene’, in Il confine nel mondo classico, ed. Marta Sordi (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1987), pp. 13–20; J. Millán León, ‘Gadir y los mitos del Poniente’, in Gades y las navegaciones oceánicas en la Antigüedad (1000 A.C.–500 D.C.) (Seville: Editorial Gráficas Sol, 1998), pp. 37–46, esp. 40–6; and Alessandro Scafi, ‘Les colonnes d'Hercule dans la cartographie médiévale: limites de la Méditerranée et portes du paradis’, in Bertrand Westphal, ed., Le rivage des mythes: une géocritique méditerranéenne: le lieu et son mythe (Limoges: Pulim, 2001), pp. 339–65. 27 – Several of the Beatus maps depict two mountains in western Africa with a legend that reads (with some variation in the different maps) Duo Alpes contrarii sibi; this legend echoes Orosius’ description (1.2.94) of the Strait of Gibraltar as being inter Abennae et Calpis duo contraria sibi promuntoria, clearly confirming that these two mountains, though displaced from the Strait, are intended to represent the Pillars of Hercules. The maps that depict these mountains are New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M. 644, ff. 33v–34r; Valladolid, Biblioteca de la Universidad de Valladolid, MS 433, ff. 36v–37r; Girona, Museu de la Catedral de Girona, Num. Inv. 7(11), ff. 54v–55r; Lleida, Museo Diocesá de La Seu d'Urgell, Num. Inv. 501, ff. VIv–VIIr; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, MS. Vitr. 14-2, ff. 63v–64r; London, British Library, Add. MS. 11695, ff. 39v–40r; Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, MS. I. II. 1, ff. 45v–46r; Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS. Lat. 8, ff. 43v–44r; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, MS. F. 105. SUP., ff. 71v–72r; New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS. M. 429, ff. 31v–32r; and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS. nouv. acq. lat. 2290, ff. 13v–14r. Also in the Beatus map in Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, MS. CXIII/247, f. 34bis v, the two mountains in western Africa are labeled Calpes mons and Adlas mons. Illustrations of these maps are conveniently available in John Williams, The Illustrated Beatus (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 1994–2003). 28 – See Destombes, Mappemondes (see note 23), p. 186, #51.30, reproduced in his plate 13b. 29 – The altars marked the spot where the Philaeni brothers allowed themselves to be buried alive in order to secure an advantageous border for their city of Carthage; for an excellent discussion of this story with some notes on the appearances of these altars in medieval maps see Renato Oniga, Il confine conteso: lettura antropologica di un capitolo sallustiano (Bellum Iugurthinum 79) (Bari: Edipuglia, 1990). 30 – For a catalog of many of these maps with some discussion, see Destombes, Mappemondes (see note 23), pp. 37 and 65–73; also see Konrad Miller, Mappaemundi: Die ältesten Weltkarten (Stuttgart: J. Roth, 1895–1898), vol. 3, pp. 110–5 with figures 39–47; and the excellent discussion in Leonid Chekin, Northern Eurasia in Medieval Cartography: Inventory, Texts, Translation, and Commentary (Turnout: Brepols, 2006), pp. 33–58. An unpublished paper by Stephen Schierling, ‘In divisione orbis terrae: drawings of the world in manuscripts of Sallust’, presented at the Eighteenth Annual Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript Studies (11–12 October 1991), the abstract of which was published in Manuscripta, 35(3) (1991), p. 178, describes and illustrates maps in nineteen Vatican manuscripts of Sallust, some of which are not mentioned by Destombes. 31 – It seems very likely that the maker of the 37049 map also added the images of the cities and trees. A number of Sallust maps, including some of the oldest, are decorated with images of buildings representing cities as the 37049 map is, but as we shall see shortly, a direct ancestor of the 37049 map does not have any such decoration, so these elements seem to have been added to the map together with the spheres of the elements. 32 – For discussion of early texts relating to the centrality of Jerusalem, see Philip S. Alexander, ‘Jerusalem as the omphalos of the world: on the history of a geographical concept’, Judaism, 46(182) (1997), pp. 147–159, also published in Lee I. Levine, ed., Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (New York: Continuum, 1999), pp. 104–119; also see Rudolf Simek, ‘The journey to the centre of the earth: Jerusalem as the hub of the world’, in his Heaven and Earth in the Middle Ages: The Physical World Before Columbus, trans. Angela Hall (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 1996), pp. 73–81; F. Niehoff, ‘Umbilicus mundi — Der Nabel der Welt. Jerusalem und das heilige Grab im Spiegelvon Pilgerberichten und -karten, Kreuzzügen und Reliquiaren’, in Ornamenta ecclesiae: Kunst und Künstler der Romanik: Katalog zer Ausstellung des Schnütgen-Museums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, Köln, 1985, ed. Anton Legner (Cologne: Schnütgen-Museum, 1985), vol. 3, pp. 53–72; Kerstin Hengevoss-Dürkop, ‘Jerusalem — Das Zentrum der Ebstorf-Karte’, in Hartmut Kugler and Eckhard Michael, eds., Ein Weltbild vor Columbus: die Ebstorfer Weltkarte: Interdisziplinäres Colloquium 1988 (Weinheim: VCH, 1991), pp. 205–22. Ingrid Baumgärtner, ‘Die Wahrnehmung Jerusalems auf mittelalterlichen Weltkarten,’ in Jerusalem im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, ed. Dieter Bauer, Klaus Herbers, and Nikolas Jaspert (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2001), pp. 271–334, ably demonstrates that many medieval maps do not have Jerusalem at their centers, but this does not change the fact that many do. 33 – See Anonymi in Matthaeum, ed. Bengt Löfstedt (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) = Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 159, p. 120, line 89. 34 – S. Hieronymi presbyteri opera, pars I: Opera exegetica 4, Commentariorum in Hiezechielem libri XIV (Turnhout: Brepols, 1964) = Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina 75, p. 56; the text is also in PL 25:52. 35 – Patrick Gautier Dalché, Carte marine et portulan au XIIe siècle: le ‘Liber de existencia riveriarum et forma maris nostri Mediterranei’ (Pise, circa 1200) (Rome: École française de Rome, 1995) = Collection de l’École française de Rome, 203, p. 126, lines 522–3. 36 – Suzanne Lewis, The art of Matthew Paris in the ‘Chronica Majora’ (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 355; also see pp. 356, 507, note 82. 37 – Transcribed by Doty, ‘An edition of British Museum Manuscript Additional 37049’ (see note 6), p. 46, and Streeter, ‘British Museum Additional MS 37049’ (see note 3), p. 81, but we quote from Seymour, ‘The English epitome of Mandeville's Travels’ (see note 11), p. 31. 38 – Transcribed by Doty, ‘An edition of British Museum Manuscript Additional 37049’, p. 47; Streeter, ‘British Museum Additional MS 37049’, p. 82; and Seymour, p. 32; this tradition goes back to the pilgrim Saewulf who was in the Holy Land in 1102 and 1103; see Thomas Wright, trans. and ed., Early Travels in Palestine, Comprising the Narratives of Arculf, Willibald, Bernard, Saewulf, Sigurd, Benjamin of Tudela, Sir John Maundeville, De la Brocquière, and Maundrell (London: Bohn, 1848), p. 38; also see Iain Macleod Higgins, ‘Defining the Earth's Center in a Medieval “multi-text”: Jerusalem in The Book of John Mandeville’, in Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages, ed. Sealy Gilles and Sylvia Tomasch (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 29–53. 39 – The first and famously terse account of the spheres of the elements is that of Aristotle in Meteorology 2.2 = p. 354b23 ff.; see Aristoteles latine interpretibus variis (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1995), p. 186; he gives a more detailed account, stressing that the heaviest element is necessarily carried to the center of the universe (medium universi) in De caelo 2.14 = 296b7–298a20, see Aristoteles latine, p. 157. Also see, for example, Cicero, De natura deorum 2.98; Bede, De natura rerum, 4 (PL 90:195–196); and Benoît Patar, ed., Ioannis Buridani Expositio et quaestiones in Aristotelis ‘De caelo’ (Louvain-La-Neuve: Éditions de l'Institut Supérieur de Philosophie, 1996), Quaestiones 2.22, ‘Utrum terra semper quiescat in medio mundi’, esp. pp. 505–6. 40 – De philosophia mundi, Book 4, Chapter 1, PL 172:85, compare PL 90:1167. The text of William of Conches’ Dragmaticon in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby MS 107 (fourteenth century) is followed by a set of diagrams; the diagram on f. 52r shows concentric circles representing the parts of an egg on the left, juxtaposed with an image of the universe and its spheres on the right; in the outermost circular bands, they are labeled ovum and mundus. This image is reproduced in John Emery Murdoch, Antiquity and the Middle Ages (New York: Scribner, 1984), p. 357. Incidentally, the text from William quoted above (following the PL 90 version in using meditullium in place of vitellus) appears beside the sphereless John of Wallingford map in British Library Cotton MS Julius D. VII, f. 46r, c. 1250, reproduced in Harvey, Medieval Maps (London: British Library, 1991), p. 20; see also Destombes, Mappemondes, p. 168, #49.7; von den Brincken, Fines terrae (see note 23), pp. 109–12 and plate 36; Chekin, Northern Eurasia, pp. 202–3 and plate 15.1; and Alfred Hiatt, Terra Incognita: Mapping the Antipodes Before 1600 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), pp. 121, 123–24, 142 and note 128; the central part of the map on f. 132v of the same manuscript contains a closely related text. Honorius Augustodunensis, De imagine mundi 1.1 (PL 172:121) similarly compares the earth and its spheres to an egg, but does not mention the medius mundi; compare also Peter Abelard, Expositio in Hexaemeron, PL 178:735–6. This simile also appears in the description of the world on the reverse of the first panel of the Catalan Atlas of 1375 (BnF, MS Espagnol 30); see Mapamundi del año 1375 de Cresques Abraham y Jafuda Cresques, ed. G. Grosjean (Barcelona: Ebrisa, 1983), p. 15. Additional citations and a very good discussion of the cosmos as an egg in medieval thought are provided by Peter Dronke, ‘Fables of the cosmic egg’, in his Fabula: Explorations into the Uses of Myth in Medieval Platonism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974), pp. 79–99 with pp. 154–66; and Chantal Connochie-Bourgne, ‘Comment li element sont assis. L'image de l'oeuf cosmique dans quelques encyclopédies en langue vulgaire du XIIIe siècle’, in Les Quatre éléments dans la culture médiévale: actes du colloque des 25, 26 et 27 mars 1982, ed. Danielle Buschinger and André Crépin (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1983), pp. 37–48. 41 – Lynn Thorndike, The ‘Sphere’ of Sacrobosco and its Commentators (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949), pp. 78 (Latin), 119 (English translation); Sacrobosco also emphasizes the earth's centrality in the universe near the end of Chapter 1 — see Thorndike, pp. 84–85, 122. It is also worth mentioning that Isidore, Etymologiae 14.1.1, writes Terra est in media mundi regione posita though he says nothing about the spheres at this point. 42 – See Carol Steyn, Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Grey Collection of the National Library of South Africa, Cape Town (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, Universität Salzburg, 2002) (= Analecta Cartusiana, 180), vol. 2, pp. 48–50, with an illustration of the map on p. 49. 43 – For a list of Mandeville manuscripts, see Josephine Bennett, The Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville (New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1954), pp. 265–334. There is also a small schematic world map in the Mandeville manuscript in London, British Library Royal MS. 17. C. XXXVIII, f. 41v; see Kathleen L. Scott, Later Gothic Manuscripts 1390–1490 (London: Harvey Miller, 1996) = Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, vol. 6, part 2, p. 207. 44 – See Destombes, Mappemondes, p. 179, #51.1, and plate 20; the manuscript is described by Camille Gaspar and Frédéric Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures de la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique (Brussels: Bibliothèque royale Albert Ier, 1984–1989), vol. 3, pp. 215–29 and by Lisa Deam, ‘Mapping the Past: The Fleur des Histoires (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS. 9231–9232) in the context of fifteenth-century Burgundian historiography’, PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2001, pp. 330–6; Deam has a valuable discussion of the map, pp. 111–28. Other reproductions of this map include those in