Fighting and Helping? A Historical-Institutionalist Explanation of NGO-Military Relations
2014; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 23; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/09636412.2014.935236
ISSN1556-1852
AutoresChiara Ruffa, Pascal Vennesson,
Tópico(s)Global Peace and Security Dynamics
ResumoAbstractIn complex humanitarian emergencies, why are NGO-military relations cooperative in some cases, yet deeply conflictual in others? Drawing on historical-institutionalist theoretical insights, we argue that NGOs and military organizations are embedded in, and responding to, domestic institutional configurations that define a set of political incentives and constraints, material and normative, which structures and influences the characteristics and outcomes of their relations. Counterarguments suggest that organizational differences and the nature of their missions affect NGO-military relations. Using fresh empirical evidence we assess these arguments by comparing the Italian and the French experiences of NGO-military relations during the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan and the UN mission in Lebanon (UNIFIL II) between 2007 and 2011.We find that domestic institutional configurations are not left behind when NGOs and military units deploy abroad. Rather, they shape NGOs' and militaries' capacity to work together instead of at cross purposes and ultimately influence the success of international action. ACKNOWLEDGMENTSWe are grateful to all the military and NGO personnel who agreed to be interviewed for this project. For helpful comments on earlier drafts, we thank Lisa Hultman, Mats Hammarström, Niklas Karlén, Maria Stern, Tobias Broer, Laura Grant, the anonymous reviewers from Security Studies, as well as participants in conference panels and seminars of the American Political Science Association, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, and the School of Global Studies, Gothenburg University. Any remaining errors are our own. We gratefully acknowledge the material and intellectual support of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute; the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University; and of the Marie Curie-FAS Postdoctoral Fellowship. Both authors have contributed equally to the writing of this article.NotesWe define complex humanitarian emergencies as crises where there is a total or considerable breakdown of authority resulting from internal or external conflict leading to a significant international response. OCHA Orientation Handbook on Complex Emergencies, United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), August 1999, http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/3D153DA3049B322AC1256C30002A9C24-ocha__orient-ation__handbook_on__.html, https://docs.unocha.org/sites/dms/Documents/Civil-Military%20Coordina-tion%20Officer%20Field%20Handbook%20v.1.pdf, accessed 6 May 2013. Jan Egeland, Adele Harmer, and Abby Stoddard, To Stay and Deliver: Good Practice for Humanitarians in Complex Security Environments, OCHA/Policy Development and Studies Branch (PDSB), 2011, https://ochanet.unocha.org/p/Documents/Stay_and_Deliver.pdf, accessed 13 August 2013. See also David Keen, Complex Emergencies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007), 1. By NGO, we mean a private, self-governing, not-for-profit organization dedicated to alleviating human suffering and/or promoting education, health care, economic development, environmental protection, human rights and conflict resolution, and/or encouraging the establishment of democratic institutions and civil society. We focus on international NGOs (INGOs), "non-governmental organizations that have an 'international' focus as they operate outside the domestic level." Wolf-Dieter Eberwein and Sabine Saurugger, "The Professionalization of International Non-Governmental Organization" in Routledge Handbook of International Organizations, ed. Bob Reinalda (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2013), 257. On NGOs, see Daniela Irrera and Fulvio Attinà, "Civil-military Cooperation and Humanitarian Affairs: The Role(s) of the NGOs," paper presented at the 7th Pan-European International Relations Conference Stockholm, 9–11 September 2010; Andrew Hudock, NGOs and Civil Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999); Mari Fitzduff and Cheyanne Church, NGOs at the Table (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004); Volker Heins, Nongovernmental Organizations in International Society (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008).Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 41.Brian C. Rathbun, Partisan Interventions: European Party Politics and Peace Enforcement in the Balkans (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004); Bryan Mabee, "Historical Institutionalism and Foreign Policy Analysis: The Origins of the National Security Council Revisited," Foreign Policy Analysis 7, no. 1 (January 2011): 27–44; Roland Dannreuther, "Understanding the Middle East Peace Process: A Historical Institutionalist Approach," European Journal of International Relations 17, no. 2 (June 2011): 187–208; Ulrich Krotz, Flying Tiger: International Relations Theory and the Politics of Advanced Weapons (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). See also Orfeo Fioretos, "Historical Institutionalism in International Relations," International Organization 65, no. 2 (April 2011): 367–99.On the debate about humanitarianism, Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss, "Humanitarianism: A Brief History to the Present," in Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics, eds. Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 1–9; Claire Magone, Michael Neuman, and Fabrice Weissman, eds., Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Sarah Collinson and Samir Elhawary, "Humanitarian Space: Trends and Issues," HPG Policy Brief 46, Humanitarian Policy Group, April 2012.Craig Calhoun, "The Imperative to Reduce Suffering: Charity, Progress, and Emergencies in the Field of Humanitarian Action," in Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics, ed. Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), 93. See also Jonathan Goodhand, Aiding Peace? The Role of NGOs in Armed Conflict (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006); Béatrice Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from Below (London: Hurst, 2006).Kurt M. Campbell and Thomas G. Weiss, "Military Humanitarianism," Survival 33, no. 5 (September–October 1991): 451–65; Lisa Witzig Davidson et al., Humanitarian and Peace Operations: NGOs and the Military in the Interagency Process (Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, 1996); Pamela Aall, Daniel Miltenberger, and Thomas G. Weiss, Guide to IGOs, NGOs and the Military in Peace and Relief Operations (Washington, DC: US Institute for Peace Press, 2000); Daniel L. Byman, "Uncertain Partners: NGOs and the Military," Survival 43, no. 2 (Summer 2001): 97–114; Francis Kofi Abiew, "NGO-Military Relations in Peace Operations," International Peacekeeping 10, no. 1 (March 2003): 24–39; Adam Bernard et al., Militaire-humanitaire, à chacun son rôle (Bruxelles: Éditions Complexe, GRIP, 2002); Thijs W. Brocades Zaalberg, Soldiers and Civil Power: Supporting or Substituting Civil Authorities in Modern Peace Operations (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006); Alexandra Gheciu, "Divided Partners: The Challenges of NATO-NGO Cooperation in Peacebuilding Operations," Global Governance 17, no. 1 (January–March 2011): 95–113; Karsten Friis, "Which Afghanistan? Military, Humanitarian, and State-Building Identities in the Afghan Theater," Security Studies 21, no. 2 (April 2012): 266–300; James G. Stavridis, "The Comprehensive Approach in Afghanistan," Prism 2, no. 2 (March 2011): 65–76; Hans-Jürgen Kasselmann, "Civil-Military Cooperation: A Way to Resolve Complex Crisis Situations," Prism 4, no. 1 (December 2012): 17–29; Cedric de Coning and Karsten Friis, "Coherence and Coordination: The Limits of the Comprehensive Approach," Journal of International Peacekeeping 15, no. 1 (2011): 243–72; Cedric de Coning, John Karlsrud, and Ingrid Marie Breidlid, "Turning to the South: Civilian Capacity in the Aftermath of Conflict," Global Governance 19, no. 2 (April–June 2013): 135–52; Alison Howell and Andrew W. Neal, "Human Interest and Humane Governance in Iraq: Humanitarian War and the Baghdad Zoo," Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 6, no. 2 (June 2012): 213–32; Haldun Yalçinkaya, "The Nongovernmental Organizations−Military Security Collaboration Mechanism: Afghanistan NGO Safety Office," Armed Forces and Society 39, no. 3 (July 2013); Robert Egnell, "Civil–Military Coordination for Operational Effectiveness: Towards a Measured Approach," Small Wars & Insurgencies 24, no. 2 (May 2013): 237–56; Victoria Metcalfe, Simone Haysom, and Stuart Gordon, "Trends and Challenges in Humanitarian Civil–military Coordination: A Review of the Literature," HPG Working Paper, May 2012.Colin Powell, "Remarks to the National Foreign Policy Conference for Leaders of Nongovernmental Organizations," 26 October 2001, US Department of State.Submitted statement on DoD Challenges to the Senate Armed Services Committee, Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates, US Department of Defense, Washington, DC, Tuesday, 27 January 2009, http://www.defenselink.mil/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid = 1337, accessed 18 July 2013; Andrew Harris and Peter Dombrowski, "Military Collaboration with Humanitarian Organizations in Complex Emergencies," Global Governance 8, no. 2 (April–June 2002): 155–78.We borrow de Coning's conceptualization of NGO-military relations, but we include situations of public confrontation as well. See Cedric de Coning, "Civil-Military Coordination and Complex Peacebuilding Systems," in Civil-military Cooperation in Post-Conflict Operations: Emerging Theory and Practice, ed. Christopher Ankersen (London: Routledge, 2008), 54. It is important to note that some scholars and analysts do not consider the variation in relation between NGOs and military organizations as a significant issue because they see these actors as already seamlessly integrated in a global liberal domination project. See for example Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security (London: Zed Books, 2001), 15–17, 31–32, 35–36.de Coning, "Civil-Military Coordination," 54.Ibid., 54.These three variants are sometimes presented together, for instance in Donna Winslow, "Strange Bed Fellows: NGOs and the Military in Humanitarian Crises," International Journal of Peace Studies 6, no. 2 (Autumn/Winter 2002): 113.Andrea Barbara Baumann, "Clash of Organisational Cultures? The Challenge of Integrating Civilian and Military Efforts in Stabilisation Operations," RUSI Journal 153, no. 6 (December 2008): 72. On this explanation, see in particular Jim Rolfe, "Partnering to Protect: Conceptualizing Civil–Military Partnerships for the Protection of Civilians," International Peacekeeping 18, no. 5 (November 2011): 561–76; Francis Kofi Abiew, "Humanitarian Action under Fire: Reflections on the Role of NGOs in Conflict and Post-Conflict Situations," International Peacekeeping 19, no. 2 (April 2012).Barb Wigley, "The State of UNHCR's Organization Culture," Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), May 2005, http://www.unhcr.org/428db1d62.pdf, 7, accessed 24 July 2013; Chris van der Borgh and Carolijn Terwindt, "Shrinking Operational Space of NGOs—A Framework of Analysis," Development in Practice 22, no. 8 (November 2012): 1065–81; Abiew, "Humanitarian Action under Fire," 203–16; Róisín Shannon, "Playing with Principles in an Era of Securitized Aid: Negotiating Humanitarian Space in Post-9/11 Afghanistan," Progress in Development Studies 9, no. 1 (January 2009): 15–36; Dorothea Hilhorst and Bram J. Jansen, "Humanitarian Space as Arena: A Perspective on the Everyday Politics of Aid," Development and Change 41, no. 6 (November 2010): 1117–39.Antonio Donini, "Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Integration or Independence of Humanitarian Action," International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 881 (March 2011): 152; Lara Olson, "Fighting for Humanitarian Space," Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 9, no. 1 (2006): 10–11, http://www.jmss.org/jmss/index.php/jmss/article/view/121; Wendy H. Wong, Internal Affairs: How the Structure of NGOs Transforms Human Rights (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012).Julian Brett, Recent Experience with Comprehensive Civil and Military Approaches in International Operations, Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), Report 9, Copenhagen, 2009, 4. On this explanation, see in particular Charles Moskos, The Media and the Military in Peace and Humanitarian Operations (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2000), 12; James Dobbins et al., America's Role in Nation-Building (Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2003); Michael J. Dziedzic and Michael K. Seidl, "Provincial Reconstruction Teams: Military Relations with International and Nongovernmental Organizations in Afghanistan," United States Institute for Peace, Special Report 147 (August 2005): 5; Owen A. J. Savage, "Yes, but Is It Peace Building? Evaluating Civil-Military Cooperation in Afghanistan," in Civil-Military Cooperation in Post-Conflict Operations: Emerging Theory and Practice, ed. Christopher Ankersen (London: Routledge, 2007), 54; Nancy C. Roberts, "Spanning "Bleeding" Boundaries: Humanitarianism, NGOs, and the Civilian-Military Nexus in the Post-Cold War Era," Public Administration Review (March–April 2010): 215. Mandate and the security situation on the ground do not necessarily go hand in hand but we consider them separately. In addition, civil-military coordination may be better negotiated and achieved outside a CIMIC setting. To solve the problem, in our empirical material we collected all kinds and attempts of coordination (inside and outside a CIMIC setting).Georg Frerks et al., Principles and Pragmatism: Civil-Military Action in Afghanistan and Liberia (Utrecht, Netherlands: University of Utrecht, 2006); Victoria Wheeler and Adele Harmer, eds., Resetting the Rules of Engagement: Trends and Issues in Military-Humanitarian Relations, HPG Research Report 21, Overseas Development Institute, London, 2006; Bas Rietjens, "Performing in Kabul: Explaining Civil-Military Cooperation in Stabilisation and Reconstruction Missions," in Managing Civil-Military Cooperation: A 24/7 Joint Effort for Stability, eds. Sebastiaan Rietjens and Myriame T. I. B. Bollen (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2008).Pascal Vennesson, Fabian Breuer, Chiara de Franco, and Ursula C. Schroeder, "Is There A European Way of War? Role Conceptions, Organizational Frames, and the Utility of Force," Armed Forces and Society 35, no. 4 (July 2009): 628–45.Alexander Cooley and James Ron, "The NGO Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy of Transnational Action," International Security 27 no. 1 (Summer 2002): 5–39.Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science," in Political Science: The State of the Discipline, eds. Ira Katznelson and Helen V. Milner (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003), 706–8.Kathleen Thelen, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," Annual Review of Political Science 2 (June 1999): 382. See also Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science," 706–8. Following the historical institutionalist research tradition, we understand institutions as informal rules of the game, organizational patterns of political behavior and organizational structures both within and outside of government. See Peter A. Hall, "The Movement from Keynesianism to Monetarism: Institutional Analysis and British Economic Policy in the 1970s," in Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis, ed. Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 96–97, 107–8; Karen Orren and Stephen Skowronek, "Beyond the Iconography of Order: Notes for a 'New' Institutionalism," in The Dynamics of American Politics, ed. Lawrence C. Dodd and Calvin Jillson (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1994), 320–21; Ellen M. Immergut and Karen M. Anderson, "Historical Institutionalism and West European Politics," West European Politics 31, no. 1 (2008): 346James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, Rediscovering Institutions: The Organizational Basis of Politics (New York: Free Press, 1989), 39–52; James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The Logic of Appropriateness," in eds. Michael Moran, The Oxford Handbook of Public Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 691.Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 41.Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 41–54.Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 286, 288–89, 291. On the continuing relevance of Sartori's conceptualization, see Jocelyn A. J. Evans, "In Defence of Sartori: Party System Change, Voter Preference Distributions and Other Competitive Incentives," Party Politics 8 no. 2 (April 2002): 155–74.Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 131–45. On moderate and polarized pluralism, see also Peter Mair, "Party Systems and Structures of Competition," in Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective, ed. Lawrence LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi, and Pippa Norris (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 49–82; Peter Mair, "Comparing Party Systems," in Comparing Democracies 2: New Challenges in the Study of Elections and Voting, eds. Lawrence LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi, and Pippa Norris (London: Sage, 2002), 88–107; Robin E. Best and Michael D. McDonald, "The Role of Party Policy Positions in the Operation of Democracy," in Citizens, Context, and Choice: How Institutional Structures Shape Citizen Behavior, eds. Christopher J. Anderson and Russell J. Dalton (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).Sartori, Parties and Party Systems,137. A "governmentally relevant" party is a party that either actually governs (or belongs to a governing coalition) or supports a government. Sartori, Parties and Party Systems, 301. On polarized pluralism, see also Riccardo Pelizzo and Salvatore Babones, "The Political Economy of Polarized Pluralism," Party Politics 13, no. 1 (January 2007): 53–67.Ruth Berins Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arenas: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 29. See also, Giovanni Capoccia and R. Daniel Kelemen, "The Study of Critical Junctures: Theory, Narrative, and Counterfactuals in Historical Institutionalism," World Politics 59, no. 3 (April 2007): 341–69.We provide a full discussion of these institutional configurations for each country below.Sartori, Parties and Party System, 88–90, 132, 136–37. See also James Newell, The Politics of Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 210–247.Jocelyn Evans, ed., The French Party System (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); Andrew Knapp, Parties and the Party System in France: A Disconnected Democracy? (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2004), 1–92, 338–80; Nicolas Sauger, "The French Party System: Fifty Years of Change," in The French Fifth Republic at Fifty. Beyond Stereotypes, ed. Sylvain Brouard, Andrew M Appleton, and Amy G. Mazur (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009), 79–98; Adriano Pappalardo, "The French Two-Round System and Party Format: From Extreme Pluralism to Concentration?" French Politics 8, no. 4 (December 2010): 377–401.On changes in the French party system and political space, Jean-Luc Parodi, "Le nouvel espace politique français," in Idéologies, partis politiques et groupes sociaux, ed. Yves Mény (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1st ed. (1989), 1991), 49–59; Simon Bornschier and Romain Lachat, "The Evolution of the French Political Space and Party System," West European Politics 32, no. 2 (March 2009): 360–83.Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley-Interscience, 1970), 31–39. See also Donatella della Porta, "Comparative Analysis: Case-oriented versus Variable-oriented Research," in Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences: A Pluralist Perspective, ed. Donatella della Porta and Michael Keating (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 198–222; Alexander L. George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), 205–32; Andrew Bennett and Colin Elman, "Qualitative Research: Recent Developments in Case Study Methods," Annual Review of Political Science 9 (June 2006): 455–76, esp. 456–63. In the most similar research design, we choose systems that are as similar as possible, except with regard to the phenomenon we are interested in assessing. This way we can keep constant as many extraneous variables as possible. In the most different systems design, we choose systems that are as different as possible in order to identify irrelevant or insufficient systemic factors.For the 2007–11 period, the French and Italian units deployed similar numbers of troops in the respective areas of operation. In Lebanon, the French and Italians had about 2,000 personnel each; while in Afghanistan, they had about 2,500 personnel each in total then going up to 3,500 (for both militaries) from 2009.David Collier, "Understanding Process Tracing," PS: Political Science and Politics 44, no. 4 (October 2011): 823–30; Pascal Vennesson, "Case Study and Process Tracing: Theories and Practices" in Approaches and Methodologies in the Social Sciences: A Pluralist Perspective, ed. Donatella Della Porta and Michael Keating (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 223–39; Alexander L. George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences, 263–85.The full list of anonymized interviews used for this paper can be found in the Appendix.Data are available for inspection under some conditions (for scholarly use only) at the US Army War College Historical Repository. The data is in the original languages (French and Italian), and it is anonymous. Andrew Moravcsik, "Active Citation: A Precondition for Replicable Qualitative Research," PS: Political Science and Politics 43, no. 1 (January 2010): 29–35.In 2007–11, six Italian NGOs were involved in Afghanistan: Intersos, CESVI, Gruppo di Volontariato Civile (GVC), Associazione Italiana Solidarieta' tra I Popoli (AISPO), Alisei, and Emergency. Intersos, Emergency, and AISPO are humanitarian NGOs providing emergency relief. CESVI, GVC, and Coopi are development organizations, and Alisei defines itself as a hybrid. With the exception of Emergency, which benefits from the support of a wider range of private funding, each of these NGOs relies heavily on governmental funding, specifically from the Italian Cooperation Agency ("Cooperazione Italiana") and from international donors such as the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) and UN agencies. None of these NGOs discontinued its activities during the period under consideration, and no additional NGOs intervened to launch new projects. None of the Italian NGOs are part of any international NGO federation. Interviews with NGO employees are cited as follows: NGOs Country, NGO identifier no./Interviewee number, Place of Interview, Year of Interview. For a full list of interviews and codes, see Appendix. Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-5-Afghanistan 2011; Interview with Italian NGO-6/H-3-Afghanistan, 2011; Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-1-Afghanistan, 2010; Interview with Italian NGO-2/H-1 Afghanistan, 2009; Interview with Italian NGO-6/H-4-Afghanistan, 2008, Replication Material 2012 [hereafter RM 2012]. The overall size of the Italian force varied from 2,000 to 3,500 soldiers. Our analysis and data cover both areas. Chiara Ruffa, Imagining War and Keeping Peace? Military Cultures and Peace Operations Effectiveness (PhD thesis, European University Institute, 2010).Emergency is the only Italian NGO relying almost solely on private donor funding and international donors. Emergency did not operate in the same locations as Italian soldiers.Interview with Italian CIV-1, Herat, Afghanistan, July 2008, RM 2012. In 2006, these five NGOs created the so-called LINK2007 trough, which they were supposed to use to coordinate their actions with the PRT.Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-1 2010, Afghanistan; Interview with Italian MIL-2 2011, Afghanistan, RM 2012; www.afgana.org, accessed 18 July 2013.Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-2-Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012; Interview with Italian NGO-6/H-4-Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012.Summary of no. 20, Italian Foreign Affairs Committee, Italian Senate, 2 May 2007, http://www.senato.it/japp/bgt/showdoc/frame.jsp?tipodoc=SommComm&leg=15&id=00263134&part=doc_dc&parse=no, accessed 18 July 2013.Interview with Italian MIL-5, Afghanistan, 2008; Interview with Italian NGO-6/H-4-Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012.Interview with Italian MIL-5 Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012.Interview with Italian MIL-3 Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012.Other examples include a playground just outside Herat and a recreation center in the countryside. Interview with Italian MIL-1 Afghanistan, 2008; Interview with Italian MIL-6 Afghanistan, 2011; Interview with Italian NGO-2/H2 Afghanistan, 2008, RM 2012.Marcello Rossoni, "Un 'conflitto' nel conflitto: ricostruzione civile ed attività militari in Afghanistan. La presa di distanza delle Ong italiane," Affari Internazionali, 21 May 2009, http://www.affarinternazionali.it/articolo.asp?ID=1142, accessed 18 July 2013.G. Battiston, "Le truppe Straniere agli occhi degli Afghani: opzioni percezioni e rumors a Herat, Farah e Baghdis.", Report Intersos, 2012, http://intersos.org/sites/default/files/images/le_truppe_straniere__percezioni_afgane.pdf, accessed 6 May 2014.Lebanese NGO Forum, http://www.lnf.org.lb/, accessed 8 July 2013; Italian NGO-2/H-6 Lebanon, 2011, RM 2012. The seven Italian NGOs involved in Southern Lebanon were TDH, Intersos, CESVI, Coordinamento delle Organizzazioni per il Servizio Volontario (COSV), Cooperazione per lo Sviluppo dei Paesi Emergenti (COSPE), COOPI, and Ricerca e Cooperazione. No NGOs withdrew between 2006 and 2012. These NGOs were relatively small organizations, mainly funded by the Italian government and the European Union. Only one, TDH, belonged to a broader network of NGOs. In the specific case of TDH the margins of freedom in taking decisions about budget and approach are relatively ample. Italian NGO-1/H-4 Lebanon, 2007.Chiara Ruffa, "What Peacekeepers Think and Do; An Exploratory Study of Ghanaian, Korean, French and Italian Soldiers in the UN Mission in Lebanon, Armed Forces and Society 40, no. 2 (April 2014): 199–225.Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-1, Lebanon, 2007. Also confirmed by interview with Italian NGO-3/H-4, Lebanon, 2011; Interview with Italian NGO-3/H-3, Lebanon, 2010, RM 2012."Libano: missione di pace delle Ong, critiche sull'invio delle truppe," Unimondo.org, http://www.unimondo.org/Guide/Guerra-e-Pace/Corpi-civili-di-pace/Libano-missione-di-pace-delle-Ong-critiche-sull-invio-delle-truppe-49571, accessed 18 July 2013.Despite the fact that an agreement was signed in 2009 between the military, the cooperation agency and an NGO network, most NGOs did not consider themselves part of it. Interview with Italian NGO-2/H-2, Lebanon, 2009; Interview with Italian NGO-4/H-1, Lebanon, 2008, RM 2012.Interview with Italian MIL-4 Lebanon, 2007, RM 2012.Interview with Italian MIL-3, Lebanon, 2007, RM 2012.Interview with French NGO-1/H-3, Afghanistan, 2008; Interview with French NGO-3/H-2, Afghanistan, 2008; http://www.ambafrance-af.org/Les-ONG, accessed 18 July 2013. The nine NGOs under study are: Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development (ACTED), Action Contre La Faim (ACF), Amitié Fanco-Afghane (AFRANE), Afrane Développement, Aide Médicale Internationale, Handicap International, MADERA, Médecins du Monde, NEGAR, and Enfant du Monde-Droits de l'Homme. ACTED, ACF, and AFRANE are small humanitarian NGOs, while Afrane Développement, NEGAR, and MADERA are small development organizations. The remaining ones are larger, part of a broader federation but with strong national independence and with a humanitarian focus: Enfant du Monde-Droits de l'Homme, Aide Médicale Internationale, and Médecins du Monde. Only one NGO (MSF) discontinued its activities between 2002–12. The main source of funding of these NGOs is the French cooperation agency together with international funding (mainly ECHO). Other NGOs are listed as active in Afghanistan, but they have been left out of the analysis: Afghanistan Demain, Afghanistan Libre, Assyrian International Agency (AINA), Architecture et Développement, Darah Afghanistan Bretagne, Groupe Energies Renouvelables, Environnement et Solidarité, Groupe Urgence Réhabilitation Développement (Groupe URD), Medical Refresher Courses for Afghan, Mères Pour La Paix, Le Pélican, Solidarités International, Sports Sans Frontières, and Terre d'Enfance.The fourteen others were small, did not have an office in the country with permanent members, and six of them never launched any project (while still officially listed as active NGOs operating in Afghanistan)."Conflict Afghan: Le regard critique des ONG francaises," Radio France International http://www.rfi.fr/actufr/articles/105/article_72562.asp, 19 September 2008, accessed 18 July 2013."Réflexions d'ONG françaises sur la reconstruction et l'apaisement en Afghanistan," 2009. This document is available upon request from the author at chiara.ruffa@fhs.se.Eleanor Davey, Beyond the 'French Doctors': The evolution a
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