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Building inclusive democracies: Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities in Latin America

2005; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 12; Issue: 5 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13510340500322215

1743-890X

Donna Lee Van Cott,

New Caledonia Indigenous Studies

Abstract The political mobilization of indigenous peoples, ethnic minorities, and oppressed majorities has presented challenges to democratizing countries. Although, in other regions of the world, this has fostered anti-democratic tendencies, in Latin America, on balance, it has improved the quality of democracy by placing new issues and values (justice, equality, tolerance of difference) on the political agenda and by presenting a model of policy-making in which citizens have a central role. Indigenous movements have forced governments to take into account the impact of public policy on society's most vulnerable. They have been less effective in achieving the implementation of existing rights and in facilitating the design and adoption of alternative forms of inter-ethnic governance. Using Latin America as a primary reference point, this inquiry analyzes the design and implementation of ethnically sensitive democratic institutions in ethnically diverse and divided societies, particularly in reference to indigenous and Afro-descendant populations. Keywords: constitutional designaffirmative actionliberal culturalismhuman rights Notes 1. Will Kymlicka, 'Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe', in Will Kymlicka and Magda Opalski (eds), Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported?: Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.3. 2. Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.6. 3. The most important global standard is the 1992 United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. With respect to indigenous peoples, International Labour Organization Convention 169 Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent States (1989), and the United Nations Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, are the most relevant norms. 4. See Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (note 2), pp.6–7; Graham Smith, 'Sustainable Federalism, Democratization, and Distributive Justice', in Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman (eds), Citizenship in Diverse Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.345. 5. Will Kymlicka, 'Reply and Conclusion', in Kymlicka and Opalski (note 1), pp.369–87. 6. See Kymlicka, 'Western Political Theory' (note 1), and 'Reply and Conclusion' (note 5). See also Jon Elster, Claus Offe and Ulrich K. Preuss, Institutional Design in Post-communist Societies: Rebuilding the Ship at Sea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp.247–60. The most important European norms are the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's 1990 Copenhagen Declaration on the Rights of National Minorities, and the weaker Council of Europe 1995 Framework Convention for Protection of National Minorities. 7. Kymlicka, 'Western Political Theory' (note 1), p.24. 8. Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (note 2), p.9; for a complete statement of this approach, see Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 9. Arend Lijphart, 'Constitutional Design for Divided Societies', Journal of Democracy Vol.15, No.3 (April 2004), pp.96–109. 10. Steven R. Weisman, 'U.S. Is Suggesting Guaranteed Role for Iraq's Sunnis', The New York Times, 26 December 2004, online edition. 11. See Donald L. Horowitz, 'Electoral Systems: A Primer for Decision Makers', Journal of Democracy Vol.14, No.4 (2003), pp.115–27; Benjamin Reilly, Democracy in Divided Societies: Electoral Engineering for Conflict Management (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 12. Larry Diamond and Leonardo Morlino, 'The Quality of Democracy: An Overview', Journal of Democracy Vol.15, No.4 (October 2004), p.21; Horowitz, 'Electoral Systems' (note 11). 13. Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela (eds), The Failure of Presidential Democracy: The Case of Latin America, Vol.2 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994). 14. Horowitz, 'Electoral Systems' (note 11); Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985). 15. On the topic of federalism and autonomy, see Yash Ghai, Autonomy and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-Ethnic States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Hurst Hannum, Autonomy, Sovereignty, and Self-Determination: The Accommodation of Conflicting Rights, rev. ed. (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990); Ruth Lapidoth, Autonomy: Flexible Solutions to Ethnic Conflicts (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1997). 16. Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (note 2), pp.3, 95. 17. Kymlicka, 'Western Political Theory' (note 1), p.30. 18. Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular (note 2), p.105. 19. Graham Smith, 'Sustainable Federalism, Democratization, and Distributive Justice', in Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman (eds), Citizenship in Diverse Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.345. 20. Kymlicka, 'Reply and Conclusion' (note 5). 21. Amy Chua, World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability (New York: Anchor Books, 2004). 22. Cletus Gregor Barie, Pueblos Indígenas y Derechos Constitucionales en America Latina: Un Panorama, 2nd ed. (Mexico: Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas, Abya Yala, 2003), pull-out chart. 23. This literature is vast. Among the most cited general and comparative works are Alison Brysk, From Tribal Village to Global Village: Indian Rights and International Relations in Latin America (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000); David Maybury-Lewis (ed.), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples and Latin American States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002); Rodolfo Stavenhagen, 'Indigenous Rights: Some Conceptual Problems', in Elizabeth Jelin and Eric Hershberg (eds), Constructing Democracy: Human Rights, Citizenship, and Society in Latin America (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), pp.141–60; Kay Warren and Jean Jackson (eds), Indigenous Movements, Self-Representation, and the State in Latin America (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2002); and Deborah J. Yashar, 'Contesting Citizenship: Indigenous Movements and Democracy in Latin America', Comparative Politics,Vol.31, No.1 (Oct. 1998), pp.23–42. 24. Inter-American Dialogue, Race Report (Washington, DC: Inter-American Dialogue, 2003); World Bank, . 25. Eva T. Thorne, 'Ethnic and Race-based Political Organization and Mobilization in Latin America: Lessons for Public Policy', paper prepared for the Inter-American Development Bank, p.18. 26. For a discussion of these reforms, see Julio Faúndez, 'Constitutionalism: A Timely Revival', in Douglas Greenberg et al. (eds), Constitutionalism and Democracy: Transitions in the Contemporary World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp.354–60; César Landa and Julio Faúndez (eds), Contemporary Constitutional Challenges (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, 1996). 27. On this process, see Willem Assies et al. (eds), The Challenge of Diversity: Indigenous Peoples and Reform of the State in Latin America (Amsterdam: Thela Thesis, 2000); Barie (note 22); Rachel Sieder (ed.), Multiculturalism in Latin America: Indigenous Rights, Diversity and Democracy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Donna Lee Van Cott, The Friendly Liquidation of the Past: The Politics of Diversity in Latin America (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000). 28. The Embera-Wounaan obtained their comarca in 1993, followed by the Ngobe-Bugle in 1997. Although Panamanian Indians enjoy considerable autonomy within these reserves, conflict continues over the presence of non-Indians within the comarcas and over the unresolved issue of access to and ownership of natural resources. Thorne (note 25), p.21 29. See Donna Lee Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Venezuelan electoral results at . 30. See Jaime Arocha, Nina S. de Friedemann, 'Marco de Referencia Histórico-Cultural para la ley Sobre Derechos Etnicos de las Comunidades Negras en Colombia', América Negra Vol.3 (June 1992), pp.39–54; Libia Grueso, Carlos Rosero and Arturo Escobar, 'The Process of Community Organizing in the Southern Pacific Coast Region of Colombia', in Sonia Alvarez et al. (eds), Cultures of Politics/Politics of Cultures: Revisioning Latin American Social Movements in (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998), pp.196–219; Van Cott (note 27); Peter Wade, Blackness and Race Mixture: The Dynamics of Racial Identity in Colombia (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993). 31. Grueso, Rosero and Escobar (note 30); Van Cott (note 27), pp.97–8; Wade (note 30), pp.182, 356–8; author interview, Pablo de la Torre, 28 July 1999. 32. Thorne (note 25), p.6. 33. Inter-American Dialogue, Race Report 2004. 34. Mala Htun, 'From "Racial Democracy" To Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil', Latin American Research Review Vol.39, No.1 (2004), pp.61–71. 35. The full name of the conference was: World Conference Against Racism, Racial and Ethnic Discrimination, Xenophobia And Related Intolerance. Htun (note 34), pp.61–2. 36. Anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic groups seeking to make Palestinian rights the dominant issue repeatedly disrupted the conference. The issue of reparations for colonization and slavery also impeded the creation of governmental consensus and a plan of action. Natalie Steinberg, 'Background Paper on the World Conference against Racism, Racial and Ethnic Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance', November 2001, available at . 37. Htun (note 34), pp.61–2; Thorne (note 35), p.23; 'UNIFESP to Adopt Quota System for Black Students', 1 September 2004, translated and reprinted in The Black Americas Issue 8 (September 2004), p.2. 38. For example, the tribunal affirmed the right of indigenous peoples to exercise their customary dispute resolution mechanisms even when these violate ordinary legislation and constitutional rights of lower rank than the right to cultural and ethnic diversity. Van Cott(note 27), pp.112–18; Donna Lee Van Cott, 'A Political Analysis of Legal Pluralism in Bolivia and Colombia', Journal of Latin American Studies Vol.32, No.1 (February 2000), pp.207–34. 39. Juan Houghton and Beverly Bell, 'Indigenous Movements and Globalization in Latin America', Native Americas (Spring 2004), pp.11–19. 40. Thorne (note 25), p.2. 41. Htun (note 34); Thorne (note 25), p.3. 42. Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman, 'Citizenship in Culturally Diverse Societies: Issues, Contexts, Concepts', in Will Kymlicka and Wayne Norman (eds), Citizenship in Diverse Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.29. 43. On territorial autonomy in Latin America, see Héctor Díaz Polanco, Autonomía Regional: La autodeterminación de los pueblos indios (Mexico: Siglo veintiuno editores, 1991); Donna Lee Van Cott, 'Explaining Ethnic Autonomy Regimes in Latin America', Studies in Comparative International Development Vol.5, No.4 (Winter 2001), pp.30–58. On experiments with autonomy in Mexico, see Aracely Burguete Cal y Mayor, coord., Mexico: Experiencias de Autonomía Indígena (Copenhagen: International Work Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1999). 44. Van Cott (note 29), ch.5. 45. Thorne (note 25), pp.26-30. 46. Diamond and Morlino (note 12), pp.23, 26; see also Juan Méndez, Guillermo O'Donnell and Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro (eds), The (Un)Rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999); Guillermo O'Donnell, 'The State, Democratization, and Some Conceptual Problems', in William C. Smith et al. (eds), Latin American Political Economy in the Age of Neoliberal Reform (Miami, FL: North–South Center, 1994), pp.157–80. 47. Diamond and Morlino (note 12), p.24. 48.Chua (note 21), pp. 267–79.