Voting Pattern and Issues in the 2006 Sarawak State Assembly Election in the Ba’ Kelalan Constituency
2006; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 14; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02185370601063217
ISSN1750-7812
Autores Tópico(s)Indonesian Election Politics and Participation
ResumoAbstract Abstract This article analyses the voting pattern of the Lun Bawang community—the majority ethnic group in the Ba' Kelalan constituency—during the Sarawak State Elections held on May 20, 2006, and discusses some of the contentious issues that shaped the electoral outcomes. During the Ba' Kelalan by-election in September 2004, it was argued that more than half of the Lun Bawang votes went to the then independent candidate Baru Bian. After almost one-and-a-half years later the Lun Bawang had the opportunity to once again exercise their democratic rights. The Ba' Kelalan seat was won by the BN candidate, Balang Rining but Baru was still able to garner substantial support from the Lun Bawang after winning more than half of the Lun Bawang areas. In terms of popular votes it was still almost divided between Baru and Balang with the latter's winning margin of only 2%. This article argues that the Lun Bawang are divided between development, Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and religious outlook. While some Lun Bawang vote for Balang in the name of development, some vote for Baru because they are convinced of his NCR land arguments and are sympathetic to his religious outlook. Keywords: Lun BawangBa' KelalanDevelopmentNCR Land and Religion The research for this article was conducted in Sipitang, Sabah and in Lawas and Miri, Sarawak from 10 to 26 May 2006. The author would like to thank Mutang Tagal, Tagal Paren, Alfred Dawat Gugkang, Samuel Daring, Jeremiah Jerry John and the many anonymous Lun Bawang for their assistance throughout the research. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Borneo Research Council Conference organised by the Institute of East Asian Studies, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, Malaysia, from 31 July to 2 August 2006. The author would also like to thank Bridget Welsh of Johns Hopkins University, and all the participants of the panel on 'Electoral Competition' for their constructive comments and criticisms. The author, however, is solely responsible for any shortcomings in the article. Notes 1. For more insights into Sarawak politics, see Searle (1983 Searle, P. 1983. Politics in Sarawak, 1970–1976: The Iban Perspective, Singapore: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]), Leigh (1988 Leigh, B. M. 1988. The Rising Moon: Political Change in Sarawak, Kuala Lumpur: Antara Book Company. [Google Scholar]), Said (1985 Said, S. 1985. Malay Politics in Sarawak, 1964–1966: The Search for Unity and Political Ascendancy, Singapore: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]), Chin (1996a Chin, U.-H. 1996a. 'The 1991 Sarawak Election: Continuity of Ethnic Politics'. South East Asia Research, 4(1): 23–40. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar], b Chin, U.-H. 1996b. 'PBDS and Ethnicity in Sarawak'. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 26(4): 512–526. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 1997 Chin, U.-H. 1997. Chinese Politics in Sarawak: A Study of the Sarawak United People's Party, New York: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]) and Jawan (1993 Jawan, J. A. 1993. The Iban Factor in Sarawak Politics, Serdang, Selangor: Penerbit UPM. [Google Scholar], 1994 Jawan, J. A. 1994. Iban Politics and Economic Development: Their Pattern and Change, Bangi: Penerbit UKM. [Google Scholar], 2004 Jawan, J. A. 2004. Ethnicity and Electoral Politics in Sarawak, Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. [Google Scholar]). 2. Apart from contesting the Ba' Kelalan by-election, Baru had contested against PBB's Awang Tengah Ali Hassan during the 1999 general election. In the one-to-one fight, Baru lost to Awang Tengah with a margin of 3643 votes. It was said that Baru had rejected the offer to contest as an independent candidate in the Ba' Kelalan by-election, citing that he was not prepared to contest again. His family even discouraged him from contesting. However, just as the nomination day began, he was seen at the nomination hall submitting his nomination papers. Baru, according to his close aide, was prepared this time, as he was confident that he would win at least in all Lun Bawang areas in Ba' Kelalan. Baru wanted to stand as he did not want the people to be fooled by the NCR land issue (personal communication, 20 May 2006). 3. The 'politics of development' is discussed by Loh (1997 Loh , K. W. ( 1997 ). 'Sabah and Sarawak: The Politics of Development and Federalism' , Special Issue of Kajian Malaysia , 15 (1/2) : Penang, Universiti Sains Malaysia . [Google Scholar], 2002 Loh, K. W. 2002. "'Developmentalism and the Limits of Democratic Discourse'". In Democracy in Malaysia: Discourses and Practices, Edited by: Loh, K. W. and Koo, B. T. 19–50. Richmond: Curzon. [Google Scholar]: 19–50), Loh and Saravanamuttu (2003 Loh, K. W. and Saravanamuttu, J. 2003. New Politics in Malaysia, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. [Google Scholar]). 4. The judgement of the landmark case was handed down at the Kuching High Court on 12 May 2001 involving Nor Anak Nyawai and three others (as plaintiffs) and the Borneo Pulp Plantation (first defendant), the Borneo Pulp and Paper Sdn Bhd (second defendant) and the Bintulu Superintendent of Lands and Surveys (third defendant). The fact of the case was that the plaintiffs, on behalf of 'all other occupiers, holders and claimants of native customary land in Sungai Sekabai, Sungai Tajem, Sungai Ipoh, Sebauh and Bintulu Division in Sarawak' were suing the first defendant, 'which had been issued land titles to two parcels of lands,' the second defendant, 'which had taken a sublease of the land' and the third defendant, 'the authority that issued the land titles' (New Straits Times, 29 June 2001). The essence of the suit was that: 'the plaintiffs claimed that they had acquired native customary rights over the land in question and that the second defendant had trespassed into it and damaged the area. The second defendant engaged contractors to clear the land and planted tress to feed a paper mill' (ibid.) 5. For instance, during the 7th Conference of Parties (COP7) to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, calls had been made by the participants, who came from all over the world, to 'a restitution rather than compensation' for their lands which have been taken for development purposes. Such calls had resonated in Malaysia and more indigenous people had become aware of the many aspects of the NCR land issue (New Straits Times, 13 February 2004). 6. The term 'Orang Ulu' is a catchphrase used to describe a large number of up-river tribes. Literally, it means 'up-river people'. The various Orang Ulu groups collectively number about 100,000 and form roughly about 5.5% of Sarawak's population. The description Orang Ulu was originally given to the major Kayan and Kenyah tribes, both of whom live in the Upper Rejang and Upper Baram, and the smaller neighbouring groups such as the Kajang, Kejaman, Punan, Ukit and Penan. The definition has been expanded, however, to include mid- and down-river groups with cultural similarities such as the Lun Bawang and Kelabit. 7. This was said and confirmed by the many professionals and grassroots Lun Bawang who the author interviewed. 'Nothing' here can be loosely understood to mean that the Lun Bawang did not benefit much from Kaya's leadership either in socio-economic or political aspects. 8. In one instance during which the author was present, a group of BN supporters had to ask the other group who was sitting next to them of their party affiliation. To neutralise the situation, a Lun Bawang paramount chief (temenggung) advised both groups to support the government. The role of the community leader, such as the temenggung, in influencing the people to vote for the government cannot be underestimated. In fact, it is rare to see a village headman and temenggung (who receive monthly allowances from the government) giving open support to the opposition. 9. This is not an official figure. 10. The author was at Long Sukang observing how the BN candidate and his team conducted their campaign. 11. Mutang said during the by-election in Ba' Kelalan that he and his family, including that of Dr Sakai, were in Kuala Lumpur to rest. According to Mutang, he was disappointed that Balang was chosen as a representative to Ba' Kelalan as the people and the party (SPDP) preferred someone who was equally as qualified as Dr Sakai. But for the sake of development, he said, he needed to go to the ground to lend his support to the government. If the people want to develop further in line with the government's Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP), they must be 'pragmatic and think progressively' (personal communication, 11 May 2006). 12. Earlier, this close aide turned down the author's suggestion to accompany him during the opposition campaign drive for fear that something untoward would happen to him. 13. Balang was quoted as saying this during his trip to Long Lellang at a Meet-the-People Session. 14. Baru has been regarded by the Lun Bawang as someone who is true to his Christian faith. Baru's late father was a pastor and Baru himself is an SIB church elder in Kuching. Baru's close association to the SIB church is indeed an added 'electoral advantage' for him, as many of the Lun Bawang are members of the SIB church. 15. This source claimed that the use of money by the BN candidate was rampant in Lawas Damit, Pengalih, Long Teringan and Long Semadoh. 16. Personal communication with a Lun Bawang who listened to the politician's speech, 20 May 2006. 17. At the time of writing, Baru is waiting for the hearing of his election petition submitted to the Miri High Court Registry on 7 July 2006. He sought the State Assembly Election in Ba' Kelalan to be declared null and void 'due to extensive bribery and vote-buying'. Baru was the first candidate to file an election petition after the election. He was also seeking 'a court declaration that he was the duly elected candidate' (The Borneo Post, 8 July 2006). 18. This is in response to the two questions posed after the by-election in Ba' Kelalan in 2004: (a) will the Lun Bawang make a difference in the upcoming state election in 2006? And (b) will they be able to erode the BN's hegemony in Sarawak? See Puyok (2005 Puyok, A. 2005. 'The 2004 Ba' Kelalan By-election in Sarawak, East Malaysia: the Lun Bawang Factor and Whither Representative Democracy in Malaysia'. Journal of Contemporary Southeast Asia, 27(1): 64–79. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]: 64–79). Additional informationNotes on contributorsArnold PuyokArnold Puyok is a PhD candidate at the Institute of East Asian Studies, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, in Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia
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