White dreams and red votes: Mexican Americans and the lure of inclusion in the Republican Party
2007; Routledge; Volume: 31; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/01419870701538950
ISSN1466-4356
Autores Tópico(s)Critical Race Theory in Education
ResumoAbstract Abstract The significance of racial self-identification formation and how it influences voting or political affiliation of Latinos has been neglected in sociological analyses of whiteness and white identity formation. Whiteness studies can benefit from an analysis of how Latinos residing in the United States wield their vote as an expression of racial identity. As the racial, linguistic and cultural forms of 'American identity' in the United States are currently being contested, the question arises, what racial identity will 'new' citizens to the United States adopt, and under what circumstances? When the invisible marker of 'true' citizenship is the unquestioned acceptance of hegemonic whiteness, how will racially stigmatized ethnic groups respond politically? The project analyses Mexican American voting patterns on California's Proposition 187 and the 2004 United States presidential race. The data show that Mexican American vote choice is significantly related to their racial identity. Interviews with 156 naturalized citizens reveal that Mexican Americans are confronted by identity interplay between nationalism, ethnicity and race when considering how to vote. The research suggests shifting identity negotiations within the Mexican American community that explain the rise in Latino votes for Republican candidates and that Latinos may use their vote instrumentally to express a racial identity that breeches the borders of 'whiteness'. Keywords: Citizenshipelectoral politicsLatinosMexican AmericansRepublican PartyUnited States Acknowledgements I would like to thank France Winddance Twine and the anonymous reviewers for Ethnic and Racial Studies for their critical comments and encouragement on this paper. Notes 1. I use the terms Latino and Hispanic interchangeable with the awareness that each label has its own political baggage. 'Hispanic' is more often used by those who wish to affiliate themselves with the 'Spanish' part of their heritage whereas 'Latino' tends to be more common with those who have a stronger ethnic identity. Occasionally I conflate Mexican American into both of these terms because the subjects, all Mexican Americans, used these labels to describe themselves and their communities. 2. For extensive research on Latino political participation see: de la Garza 1992 De La Garza , Rudolfo O. and Desipio , Louis 1992 Latino Voices , Boulder, CO : Westview [Google Scholar]; Garcia, and Falcon 1992; DeSipio 1996 Desipio , Louis 1996 'Making Citizens or Good Citizens? Naturalization as a Predictor of Organizational and Electoral Behavior Among Latino Immigrants' , Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences , vol. 18 , no. 2 , pp. 194 – 213 .[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]; Garcia 2003 García , John A. 2003 Latino Politics in America: Culture, Community, and Interest , New York : Rowan & Littlefield [Google Scholar]. 3. Political scientists (Stokes-Brown 2006; Logan 2003) have examined the influence of racial identification and voting and have shown that personal and social constructions of one's identity have implications for Latino political behaviour, as race is a significant determinant of Latino vote choice. 4. Hispanic, as used in the United States, is one of several terms used to categorize US citizens, permanent residents and undocumented residents whose ancestry hails either from Spain, the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America, or the original settlers of the traditionally Spanish-held southwestern United States. The term is used as a broad form of classification in the US Census, local and federal employment, and numerous business market researches. In this paper, it is often interchanged with the term Latino and Mexican American. 5. Its provisions called for Mexico to cede 55 per cent of its territory (present-day Arizona, California, New Mexico, Texas and parts of Colorado, Nevada and Utah) in exchange for fifteen million dollars in compensation for war-related damage to Mexican property. Other provisions stipulated the Texas border at the Rio Grande (Article V), protection for the property and civil rights of Mexican nationals living within the new border (Articles VIII and IX), US promise to police its side of the border (Article XI), and compulsory arbitration of future disputes between the two countries (Article XXI). When the US Senate ratified the treaty in March, it deleted Article X guaranteeing the protection of Mexican land grants. Following the Senate's ratification of the treaty, US troops left Mexico City. Source: Library of Congress. 6. The term 'Anglo', which is commonly used by Mexicans and Mexican Americans, means white and is used interchangeably with the term 'white' in the paper. 7. Omi and Winant (1986, p. 55) define 'racial formation' as a 'socio-historical process by which racial categories are created, inhabited, transformed and destroyed.' 8. According to Blumer, race relations are fundamentally organized at the group level, through a collective process by which a racial group comes to define and redefine another racial group. 9. However, in Texas many more native-born Latinos of Mexican descent say they are white (63 per cent) compared to those who live outside of Texas (45 per cent). One may suppose that the unique and complex history of race relations in Texas is a major influence. Texas is the only state in the United States where a large Latino population was caught up both in Southern-style racial segregation and then the civil rights struggle to undo it. 10. For further discussion, see Alba and Logan (1991). They point out that while some groups have assimilated, particularly white groups, white ethnicity does not generally involve high levels of ethnic exclusiveness or ethnic group affiliation. 11. An ethnic group can be described as 'new' or 'emergent' when ethnic identification, organization, and collective action is constructed around previously nonexistent historical identities (W.L. Yancey, E.P. Ericksen and Juliana 1976 Yancey , W. L. , Ericksen , E. P. and Juliana , R. 1976 'Emergent ethnicity: a review and reformulation' , American Sociological Review , vol. 41 , no., pp. 391 – 402 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). 12. For the purposes of federal data collection Hispanics constitute a unique ethnic group – the only one identified with a specific question. The Hispanic origin question helps satisfy a 1976 law (Public Law 94-311, 16 June 1976) that requires the collection, analysis and publication of statistics on persons of Spanish culture, origin or descent, regardless of race. 13. The only racial identifier, other than white, that captured a major share of the Latino population (42 per cent) was the non-identifier, 'some other race' (US Census 2000). 14. Blacks made up 2 per cent and American Indian, Asian and Pacific Islander categories each accounted for small fraction (US Census 2000). 15. About two in three Latino likely voters live in southern California: Four in ten (41 per cent) live in Los Angeles county, 15 per cent live in Orange and San Diego counties, and 11 per cent live in the Inland Empire counties of Riverside and San Bernardino. While 33 per cent of Latino likely voters live in the less urban Central Valley (15 per cent), Inland Empire (11 per cent) and more rural areas of the state (7 per cent), only 19 per cent of black and 18 per centof Asian likely voters live in these areas (US Census 2000). 16. White voters are more likely to be registered as Republicans than as Democrats (41 per cent to 38 per cent), Black voters are overwhelmingly Democratic (73 per cent), and Asians are the most likely to be registered as independents or with other parties (30 per cent). 17. For more on the political possibilities of Latino ethnic consciousness see Padilla (1985). Padilla claims that Latino ethnic-conscious behaviour represents a collective generated behaviour which transcends the boundaries of the individual national and cultural identities of the different Spanish-speaking populations and emerges as a distinct and separate group identification and consciousness. 18. The influential work of Richard Alba (1990), Mary Waters (1990), David Roediger (1991), Joane Nagel (1994b), Ruth Frankenberg (1993), Matthew Frye Jacobsen (1998), and numerous others have led scholars to examine processes or racialization that now count 'whiteness' as a fundamental variable. The current upsurge of interdisciplinary approaches to whiteness has been the subject of several reviews; see Brody (1996 Brody , Jennifer 1996 'Reading race and gender: when white women matter' , American Quarterly , vol. 48 , no. 1 , pp. 153 – 9 [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), Fishkin (1995 Fishkin , Shelly 1995 'Interrogating "whiteness", complicating "blackness": Remapping American culture' , American Quarterly , vol. 47 , no. 3 , pp. 428 – 66 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Hyde (1995 Hyde , Cheryll 1995 'The meaning of whiteness' , Qualitative Sociology , vol. 18 , no. 1 , pp. 87 – 95 [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 19. For more on the redrawing of racial boundaries see Gallagher (2004 Gallagher , Charles 2004 'Racial redistricting: expanding the boundaries of whiteness' , in Heather M. Dalmage The Politics of Multiculturalism: Challenging Racial Thinking Albany : State University of New York Press , pp. [Google Scholar]). Gallagher refers to 'racial redistricting' where the boundaries of whiteness are expanding to include groups who had previously been excluded. 20. Song (2004 Song , Miri 2004 'Who's at the bottom? Examining claims about racial hierarchy' , Ethnic and Racial Studies , vol. 27 , no. 6 , pp. 859 – 77 [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Telles (2004 Telles , Edward 2004 Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil , Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) provide excellent discussion on white skin privilege in multiracial societies. 21. Balibar and Wallerstein (1991) discuss the search for collective shelter in a broad, analytical landscape, considering race in conjunction with nation and class. I use the idea of collective shelter similarly, in that it provides an identity where the imagining of a nation-state where individuals would, 'by their very nature be "at home," because they would be "among their own" (their own kind)'. I argue that naturalized Mexican Americans, in adopting a white identity, see themselves as 'at home' among white Americans and believe they will reap the benefits of the privileges accorded to white citizens in the United States. 22. As a comparative note, second generation Asian Americans are more likely to identify as ethnically 'American' than their immigrant parents who more commonly identify as 'ethnic Asian'. For more on Asian American ethnic identity and politics see Lien, Conway and Wong (2004 Lien , Pei-Te , Conway , M. Margaret and Wong , Janelle 2004 http://www.apa-politics.org/docs/echoice.pdf [Google Scholar]). 23. For further discussion see Bellah (1985 Bellah , Robert N. 1985 Habits of the Heart , New York : Harper & Row [Google Scholar], Bellah 1991 Bellah , Robert N. 1991 The Good Society , New York : Knopf [Google Scholar]), Brubaker (1992 Brubaker , Rogers 1992 Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany , New York : Cambridge University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), Gillis (1994 Gillis , J. 1994 Commemorations: the Politics of National Identity , Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]), Hewitt (1989 Hewitt , J. P. 1989 The Dilemmas of the American Self , Philadelphia, PA : Temple University Press [Google Scholar]) and Hobsbaum (1992 Hobsbaum , E. 1992 Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality , New York : Cambridge University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 24. See Soysal's (1994 Soysal , Yasemin 1994 Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe , Chicago, IL : University of Chicago Press [Google Scholar]) discussion of postnational models and changing definitions of national membership and discussions of 'new institutionalism' (Birnbaum 1988 Birnbaum , P. 1988 States and Collective Action: The European Experience , Cambridge : Cambridge University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]; Jepperson and Meyer 1991 Jepperson , R. and Meyer J. 1991 'The public order and the construction of formal organizations' , in Walter Powell and Paul DiMaggio The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis , Chicago, IL : University of Chicago Press , pp. 204 – 31 [Google Scholar]; Skocpol 1985 Skocpol , Theda 1985 Bringing the State Back In , Cambridge : Cambridge University Press [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 25. Complimentary work includes Conner (1990 Conner , W. 1990 'When is nation?' , Ethnic and Racial Studies , vol. 13 , no. 1 , pp. 92 – 100 [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]), Greenfield (1992 Greenfield , L. 1992 Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity , Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press [Google Scholar]) and Hutchinson (1987 Hutchinson , J 1987 The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism , London : Allen and Unwin [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). Calhoun (1993 Calhoun , Craig 1993 'Nationalism and identity' , Annual Review of Sociology , vol. 19 , pp. 211 – 39 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Hutchinson and Smith (1994 Hutchinson , J. and Smith , A. 1994 Nationalism , New York : Oxford [Google Scholar]) offer extensive literature reviews. 26. It is necessary to point out that the California Supreme Court found Proposition 187 unconstitutional. An appeal by the Save Our State (SOS) Committee, a major proponent of the referendum, is still pending. 27. A political consultant, holding focus groups for Pete Wilson mentioned the topic of undocumented immigrants and their role in the state. Instantly, a focus group of non-Hispanic whites lit up. Angrily they denounced the immigrants for ruining the state; they took away jobs, they crowded schools and hospitals, they sucked up government expenditures fuelled by tax dollars, they overused welfare, they increased crime rates, they rioted and broke into stores. As wave after wave of invective poured out, the consultant realized he had found the governor's 'red-meat' issue. By supporting 187, which would require teachers and social service workers to deny services to anyone 'who appeared to be illegal', Wilson racially articulated his position toward California's Latino population. Magazine covers constantly depicted an America being invaded by dark-skinned foreigners (see Leo Chavez (2001 Chavez , Leo 2001 Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation , Los Angeles : University of California Press .[Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) for a detailed analysis of this phenomenon). 28. Moehring (1988 Moehring , H. B. 1988 'Symbol versus substance in legislative activity: the case of illegal immigration' , Public Choice , vol. 57 , pp. 287 – 294 [Google Scholar]) discusses the rise in neo-restrictionism, including fears associated with economic insecurity. Day (1990 Day , C. L. 1990 'Ethnocentrism, economic competition and attitudes toward U.S. immigration policy' , paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, 5–7 April [Google Scholar]) explores concerns over immigrants' undesirable cultural traits. 29. After a long educational campaign by civil rights groups, African American voters opposed Proposition 187 by a slight majority, but the utility of dividing African American from Latino or Asian voters provided an unanticipated fringe benefit for the Republican Party, which put thousands of dollars behind the campaign to pass Proposition 187 – and which would later spend millions on a successful campaign – again affirmative action. 30. For further discussion of public attitudes toward unauthorized migrants see Espenshade (1995 Epenshade , Thomas J. 1995 'Unauthorized immigration to the United States' , Annual Review of Sociology , vol. 21 , pp. 195 – 216 [Crossref], [PubMed] , [Google Scholar]). 31. For an extensive analysis of how demographic variables correlate to political affiliation for the larger Hispanic population in the United States, see the Pew Hispanic Center Reports on Latino political participation. 32. For more on this see the large literature on Latino political participation by de la Garza 1992 De La Garza , Rudolfo O. and Desipio , Louis 1992 Latino Voices , Boulder, CO : Westview [Google Scholar] and DeSipio 2004. 33. An analysis of vote choice across ethnoracial immigrant groups in the United States would be complementary to the study but was beyond the scope of the research presented here. 34. In the range of exit poll data, it is difficult and almost impossible to get a reliable breakdown by generation. 35. I conducted all the interviews in person using both English and/or Spanish depending on the interviewee's preference. I am a second-generation Mexican American which may have added to my ability to draw out certain responses from the interviewees. 36. All respondents' names have been changed. 37. It is important to note here that an undocumented immigrant was depicted differently by most respondents than a non-citizen holding a legal green card. Green card holders were often praised for their desire to work hard and often for working in undesirable positions. I did not note even one disparaging remark about non-citizens holding green cards. 38. Some research has already found that the threat imposed by ethnically or racially charged ballot propositions in California captured the attention of and mobilized Latinos, especially recent immigrants who are among the least likely to vote. For further discussion on group threat see Pantoja and Segura (2001 Pantoja , Adrian and Segura , Gary 2001 'Citizens by choice, voters by necessity: patterns in political mobilization by naturalized Latinos' , Political Research Quarterly , vol. 54 , no. 4 (December) , pp. 729 – 50 [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Pachon and de la Garza (1998 Pachon , Harry and De La Garza , Rodolfo O. 1998 'Why pollsters missed the Latino vote – again' , Policy Note , Claremont, CA : Tomas Rivera Policy Institute (July) , pp. 1 – 2 [Google Scholar]). The mobilizing effect of threat has its basis in psychology of emotions that can draw individuals' attentions to important problems and concerns, and these can affect individuals' behaviours directly and autonomously (Marcus, Neuman and MacKuen 2000 Marcus , George E. , Neuman , W. Russell and Mackuen , Michael 2000 Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment , Chicago, IL : University of Chicago Press [Google Scholar]). 39. It is important to note that Bush was not successful with all Latino voters – he did especially well with Cubans, and most poorly with Puerto Ricans. But he gained more of the Mexican American vote between the 2000 and 2004 election, which is counterintuitive as they are the largest Latino ethnic group in the United States and most directly affected by the Republican's anti-immigrant stance. 40. For more on the racialization of manual labour see Balibar and Wallerstein (1991). Additional informationNotes on contributorsCarleen BaslerCARLEEN BASLER is Assistant Professor of Sociology and American Studies at Amherst College
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