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From the Port of Ventspils to Great Courland Bay: The Couronian Colony on Tobago in Past and Present

2013; Routledge; Volume: 44; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/01629778.2013.835464

1751-7877

Imbi Sooman, Jesma McFarlane, Valdis Tēraudkalns, Stefan Donecker,

Historical Studies in Central America

AbstractIn the seventeenth century, Duke Jakob Kettler of Courland embraced the mercantile theories of his age and engaged in overseas colonialism. After several aborted attempts, the Courlanders managed to establish a settlement on Tobago in 1654 only to lose it to the Dutch five years later. European competitors and indigenous resistance frustrated the Duke's attempts to regain control over the colony. Despite its limited scope and success, the Couronian colonization of Tobago left a strong impact on the historical imagination. This paper aims to document the traces and remembrances of Duke Jakob's Caribbean endeavor on Tobago as well as in Latvia.Keywords: CourlandTobagocolonialismhistorical memoryJakob Kettler AcknowledgementsThis paper is dedicated to the memory of Edward Hernandez, director of the Tobago Museum at Scarborough, who passed away on August 26th, 2013. Mr Hernandez' advice has been instrumental to our research, and his kind hospitality during our visit to Tobago was unforgettable. We would also like to express our gratitude to Werner Groher (Vienna), Mārīte Jakovļeva (Riga), Nadia McFarlane (Washington DC), Gvido Straube (Riga), René Tebel (Vienna), the National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago and the National Library of Trinidad and Tobago, in particular Rita Laidlow, Ryan Martinez, and Jasmine Simmons. Their kind advice has been greatly appreciated! We are also grateful to the Journal of Baltic Studies' reviewers for their constructive criticism. Notes1 On Jakob's trade connections and his relationship to the Netherlands, cf. Anderson Citation1956, pp. 24–26; Gebel 2011.2 Duke Jakob never came close to realizing his grandiose vision of Indian trade. A single Flemish ship in Couronian service sailed to India and Indonesia in 1654 (Anderson Citation1975), but the Duchy never managed to establish a presence in the Indian Ocean.3 It is by no means certain why Duke Jakob chose Tobago as the site of his colony in the Caribbean (Jekabson-Lemanis Citation2000, p. 27). Allegedly the island was presented to him as a gift on the occasion of his baptism, by his godfather King James I of England, but there is no historical evidence to confirm this tale (Anderson Citation1961/62a, pp. 13–15), which is nevertheless occasionally found in literature. Jakob's close ties to the English court may, however, have played a role. Jakob was possibly informed on Tobago by Sir Thomas Roe, an English diplomat who had been resident on Trinidad and later briefly entered Couronian service. Another possible informer might have been Joachim Deninger, a Couronian adventurer who had served in a Dutch expedition to Brazil, and was probably familiar with the situation in the Caribbean. Deninger later served as Couronian governor in Gambia, before disappearing on a quest to find the fabled gold mines in the interior of western Africa (Anderson Citation1956, pp. 39–40).4 The enterprising Courlanders were not the first Europeans to set foot on Tobago. Christopher Columbus might have sighted the island during one of his voyages (Phillips Citation2004, pp. 11–16; Boomert Citation2002, p. 83), but if he did so he had chosen not to go ashore. Compared to other Caribbean islands, Tobago had remained relatively undisturbed by European colonialism up to the seventeenth century. The Spaniards, based on the neighboring island of Trinidad, considered Tobago part of their sphere of influence, but undertook no serious efforts to colonize the island. They were, however, careful to prevent settlers or buccaneers of rivalling powers from gaining a foothold on Tobago, lest they could threaten Spanish trade routes. In 1636, the Spaniards dispatched an expedition to drive from Tobago the Dutch who had attempted to establish an outpost there (Boomert Citation2002, pp. 88–114). On other occasions, they were quite willing leave the matter to Tobago's indigenous inhabitants, who repeatedly frustrated English and Dutch colonization efforts during the 1630s.5 Jekabson-Lemanis (2000, p. 31) dates this expedition to 1639.6 Himmel, gib dem Helden-Held Glück und Wind zur fernen Reise. / Daß Er sich der Neuen Welt als ein neuer Föbus weise, / Daß es möge wohlgelingen, was Er dorten wohlbestellt, / Und wir bey der Rück-Kunfft singen: Sey willkommen, Helden-Held!7 Isolated groups of Couronian survivors were also reported from Barbados, Venezuela and possibly from Suriname (cf. Lichtveld Citation1978, pp. 8–9).8 The only serious attempt to recover Tobago during the eighteenth century was ordered by Maurice de Saxe, a German-French adventurer and favorite of Tsarina Anna who ruled as Duke of Courland for a brief period between 1726 and 1727. Maurice prepared an expedition to Tobago, but was overthrown shortly afterwards and the expedition was cancelled (Tambs Citation1970, p. 360).9 No other aspect of the Couronian settlement at Tobago has stirred that many emotions (cf. Merritt Citation2010, pp. 497–98). Patriotic Latvian scholars of the interwar period strove to depict Neu-Kurland as a prospering settlement inhabited by thousands of Latvian pioneers. In 1970, the eminent German historian Hermann Kellenbenz claimed that the majority of smallholders in Couronian Tobago were Latvian peasants who had been forcibly resettled (Kellenbenz Citation1970, p. 389). A generation earlier, German scholar Otto Heinz Mattiesen, the author of an important monograph on Couronian colonial policy published in 1940, complied with the Nazi ideology of the time and envisioned the Tobago colony as a manifestation of German pioneering spirit. Therefore, he categorically denied any involvement of ethnic Latvians (Mattiesen Citation1940, pp. 483–84). The truth might have been in between these extreme stances. Latvian émigré historian Edgar Anderson, the leading researcher on Couronian Tobago in the post-war period, argued that they were undoubtedly several Latvian-speaking settlers on Tobago, though not in a particularly significant number (Anderson Citation1961/62b, p. 132; Anderson Citation1956, p. 147). On Anderson and his position vis-à-vis Latvian and German nationalist interpretations cf. Merritt Citation2010, pp. 496–97.10 The term "Carib" is used in this paper as a historical designation in the context of European colonialism. At the time of the first European-Amerindian encounters, Tobago was inhabited by groups of Kalina, so-called "mainland Caribs" (cf. Saunders Citation2005, p. 149). The Kalina are linguistically different from the Kalinago, the "island Caribs" of the Windward Islands, but both groups considered each other as kinsmen and tended to be on friendly terms (cf. Boomert Citation2010, p. 109; Boomert Citation2002; p. 77). European explorers and ethnographers simplified the complex reality of Amerindian ethnic identities (Boomert Citation2002, pp. 79–80) and divided the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands into two categories, "Caribs" and "Arawaks".11 Interestingly enough, Mollens's account of the Amerindians is diametrically opposed to the common stereotype of the same period. Usually, European sources of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries describe Caribs as fierce and warlike. Once the image of the hostile Carib had been commonly accepted, any Amerindians who resisted attack or enslavement, regardless of their language, allegiance and ethnic background, were labeled as "Caribs" (Boomert Citation2002, pp. 75–76; Robe Citation1972, pp. 45–46). The word "cannibalism" derives from caniba, the term used by the Taino of the Greater Antilles to describe the Kalinago (cf. Saunders Citation2005, pp. 48–49; Rivera-Pagán Citation2003, pp. 225–29; Allaire Citation1997, p. 179). It was subsequently adopted in European languages, reflecting the common early modern stereotype of anthropophagous "savages".12 The letters have been published by Mattiesen (1940, pp. 699–700), who interprets them with blatant racism.13 Fort Jacobus was erected at the site of the ill-fated Fort Nieuw Vlissingen, built by the Dutch in 1628 and destroyed by indigenous resistance, instigated by the Spanish, two years later.14 Jekabson-Lemanis (2000, p. 37) gives a far greater population. However, she does not provide any reference and her claim seems to be based on the exaggerated estimations of Latvian historians in the interwar period.15 The following survey is somewhat preliminary; other approaches, such as an analysis of local schoolbooks and public libraries as well as interviews, could provide a deeper understanding of the role of the Couronian past in Tobago.16 The sign provides a slightly exaggerated depiction of the Couronian colony. There is no documentary evidence that Couronian settlements ever existed at King Peter's Bay or at Castara.17 Indigo is of significance in many cultures worldwide and came to be associated with wealth and power. The use of the color purple extracted from the indigo plant is associated with biblical times and wealth. The indigenous tribes of the Americas used it for painting and for mummy shrouds. In north and west Africa indigo-dyed cloth symbolized wealth and fertility.18 See, for example, the concert in 1942 (Jērums Citation1942, p. 4).19 The quoted text was published in a local newspaper in Gulbene, a small town in Vidzeme.20 "For centuries the Courlanders have appreciated their culture and traditions. They do not only love to work much, but also to relax thoroughly and to eat deliciously. The Courlanders are self-conscious Latvians, proud of their culture and values" (Tourismusverband Kurland Citation2009).21 Within Latvia, the region of Latgale in the eastern part of the country is a special case. The differences between the Latgalian language and standard Latvian and the catholic tradition of Latgale have resulted in a particularly strong regional identity.22 Film team: Kārlis Vahšteins – project director, scriptwriter, narrator; Ingrīda Cāzere – scriptwriter and narrator; Armands Zvirbulis – director; Andris Bētiņš – cameraman.23 The film, which exists in three versions (Latvian, English, and Spanish) slightly adapted to their respective audiences, was produced between 2005 and 2008 and has been shown in Trinidad and Tobago, the United States, Canada, Latvia, and at the MUCES international film festival in Segovia, Spain.24 This image was particularly popularized by the writings of Jānis Juškevics (cf. Anderson Citation1956, p. 371).Additional informationNotes on contributorsImbi SoomanImbi Sooman, born in Sweden to Estonian parents, studied philosophy, pedagogy, Scandinavian languages, and literary studies at the University of Lund. She has been teaching at the University of Vienna since 1972 and is coordinator of the Baltic Sea Regional Studies Program and President of the Austrian-Estonian Society.Jesma McFarlaneJesma McFarlane, born in Tobago, West Indies, graduated from Howard University, Washington DC, USA, in 1975 with a PhD in Zoology. Her early work concentrated on environmental, ecotourism-related, and national park projects that included mentoring primary, secondary and tertiary students through lectures, workshops, and exhibitions. Her later work has involved historical and genealogical research.Valdis TēraudkalnsValdis Tēraudkalns received his Master's Degree at Grand Rapids Theological Seminary (USA). His PhD is from the University of Latvia. He is a professor in Church History and History of Religions as well as Director of the Doctoral Studies Program at the Faculty of Theology, University of Latvia.Stefan DoneckerStefan Donecker studied history and Scandinavian studies at the Universities of Vienna, Austria, and Umeå, Sweden. He received his PhD from the European University Institute in Florence in 2010 and is currently employed as a postdoctoral fellow at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, focusing on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century history.