Intelligence, Democratic Accountability, and the Media in France
2014; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 10; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/17419166.2014.946018
ISSN1741-9166
Autores Tópico(s)Intelligence, Security, War Strategy
ResumoAbstractThis article examines the relationship between the media, the government, and its intelligence apparatus in contemporary France. In a country characterized by a traditionally strong state, the relationship between intelligence and the media has often been tense. The recent affaire des fadettes—in which the Central Directorate for Domestic Intelligence tapped a journalist’s phone to trace the source of an unauthorized disclosure of government information—epitomizes the precarious position of the press in France. Following recent reforms, the French system of intelligence accountability would benefit from a more collaborative relationship between the institutions of government and the media. KeywordsDemocracyFranceIntelligenceMediaPress Notes1. 1. Loch K. Johnson, “The CIA and the Media,” Intelligence and National Security 1, no. 2 (1986): 143–169; Shlomo Shpiro, “The Media Strategies of Intelligence Services,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 14, no. 4 (2001): 485–502; Rob Dover and Michael Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence. Why Intelligence Needs the Media, Why the Media Needs Intelligence (London: Hurst, 2009); John Diamond, “The Media: Witness to the National Security Enterprise,” in Roger Z. George and Harvey Rishikof, eds., The National Security Enterprise (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2011), 301–330; Christopher Moran, “Intelligence and the Media: The Press, Government Secrecy and the ‘Buster’ Crabb Affair,” Intelligence and National Security 26, no. 5 (2011): 676–700; Claudia Hillebrand, “The Role of News Media in Intelligence Oversight,” Intelligence and National Security 27, no. 5 (2012): 689–706; David Omand, Jamie Bartlett, and Carl Miller, “Introducing Social Media Intelligence (SOCMINT),” Intelligence and National Security 27, no. 6 (2012): 801–823; Loch K. Johnson, “Intelligence Shocks, Media Coverage, and Congressional Accountability, 1947–2012,” Journal of Intelligence History 13, no. 1 (2014): 1–21.2. 2. Richard J. Aldrich and John Kasuku, “Escaping from American Intelligence: Culture, Ethnocentrism and the Anglosphere,” International Affairs 88, no. 5 (2012): 1009–1028.3. 3. A truly complete understanding of the field of intelligence studies would include contributions written in other languages, including Dutch, French, Romanian, and Spanish.4. 4. See, for example, Philip H. J. Davies and Kristian C. Gustafson, Intelligence Elsewhere (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013). Another example is the growing body of literature on intelligence in Eastern Europe. Niculae Iancu and Gabriela Tranciuc, “Planning and Strategy in Reforming Romania’s SRI,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 25, no. 1 (2012): 111–129; Stéphane Lefebvre, “Croatia and the Development of a Democratic Intelligence System (1990–2010),” Democracy and Security 8, no. 2 (2012): 115–163; Florina Cristiana Matei, “The Legal Framework for Intelligence in Post-Communist Romania,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 22, no. 4 (2009): 667–698; Florina Cristiana Matei, “The Media’s Role in Intelligence Democratization,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 27, no. 1 (2014): 73–108.5. 5. Peter Jackson, “Intelligence and the State: An Emerging “French School” of Intelligence Studies,” Intelligence and National Security 21, no. 6 (2006): 1061–1065; David Kahn, “Intelligence Studies on the Continent,” Intelligence and National Security 23, no. 2 (2008): 249–262; Eric Denécé and Gérald Arboit, “Intelligence Studies in France,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 23, no. 4 (2010): 725–747; Olivier Chopin and Bastien Irondelle, “Comparaison franco-britannique de la recherché sur les services de renseignement,” Criminologie 46, no. 2 (2013): 15–42; Damien Van Puyvelde, Book Review: De l’Espionnage au Renseignement: Le France à l’Âge de l’Information, Franck Bulinge (Paris: Vuibert, 2012), Intelligence and National Security (iFirst 2013): 1–3. For English-speaking research, see Martin S. Alexander, “Did the Deuxième Bureau Work? The Role of Intelligence in French Defense Policy and Strategy, 1919–39,” Intelligence and National Security 6, no. 2 (1991): 293–333; Douglas Porch, The French Secret Services: From the Dreyfus Affair to the Gulf War (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995); Peter Jackson, France and the Nazi Menace: Intelligence and Policy Making, 1933–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); Anja Becker, “The Spy Who Couldn’t Possibly Be French: Espionage (and) Culture in France,” Journal of Intelligence History 1, no. 1 (2001): 68–87; Philippe Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 23, no. 3 (2010): 474–486; Sébastien Laurent, “Is There Something Wrong with Intelligence in France? The Birth of the Modern Secret State,” Intelligence and National Security 28, no. 3 (2013): 299–312; Stéphane Lefebvre, “Taking the Pulse of French Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 26, no. 4 (2013): 834–838. For French-speaking research: Bertrand Warusfel, ed., Le renseignement français contemporain. Aspects politiques et juridiques (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003); Olivier Forcade, La République Secrète. Histoire des Services Spéciaux français de 1918 à 1939 (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2008); Yannick Dehée and Olivier Forcade, “Espionage,” Le Temps des Médias 16, no. 1 (2011) passim; Eric Denécé, ed., Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie (Paris: Ellipses, 2009); Sébastien Laurent, Politiques de l’ombre. Etat, renseignement et surveillance en France (Paris: Fayard, 2009); Franck Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement: Le France à l’Age de l’Information (Paris: Vuibert, 2012); François Heisbourg, Espionnage et renseignement (Odile Jacob: Paris, 2012); Fabien Lafouasse, L’Espionnage dans le droit international (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2012).6. 6. On this, see Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 474–486.7. 7. “Fadette” stands for fa[cture] dét[aillée], or itemized bill. Fadettes are metadata.8. 8. Shlomo Shpiro, “The Media Strategies of Intelligence Services,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 14, no. 4 (2001): 485–502; Michael S. Goodman, “British Intelligence and the British Broadcasting Corporation. A Snapshot of a Happy Marriage,” in Robert Dover and Michael Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence, Why Intelligence Needs the Media, Why the Media Needs Intelligence (London: Hurst, 2009), 117–132; Omand, Bartlett, and Miller, “Introducing Social Media Intelligence (SOCMINT),” 801–823; Joshua Rovner, “Intelligence in the Twitter Age,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 26, no. 2 (2013): 260–271.9. 9. On the use of media covers, see US Senate, Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Book I, Foreign and Military Intelligence, 94th Congress, 2nd sess., April 26, 1976, 191–200; Kate Houghton, “Subverting Journalism: Reporters and the CIA,” Committee to Protect Journalists Special Report (1996), https://www.cpj.org/attacks96/sreports/cia.html (accessed February 26, 2014); Johnson, “The CIA and the Media,” 145–153.10. 10. Arthur Hulnick, “Openness: Being Public about Secret Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 12, no. 4 (1999): 475–476; David Omand, “Intelligence Secrets and Media Spotlights: Balancing Illumination and Dark Corners,” in Goodman and Dover, eds., Spinning Intelligence, 37–56; David Omand, Securing the State (London: Hurst, 2010), 251–259; Nathalie Cettina, “Communication et gestion du risque terroriste,” in Denécé, ed., Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie, 61–97.11. 11. Andrew Defty, Britain, America and Anti-Communist Propaganda, 1945–1953: The Information Research Department (London: Routledge, 2004); Hillebrand, “The Role of News Media in Intelligence Oversight,” 693–699; Marina Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector: Oversight and Accountability,” in Marina Caparini, ed., Media in Security and Governance (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2004), 15–19.12. 12. Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector,” 15–19.13. 13. Richard Aldrich, “Regulation by Revelation? Intelligence, Transparency and the Media,” in Robert Dover and Michael Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence: Why Intelligence needs the Media, Why the Media Needs Intelligence (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 13–36; Loch K. Johnson, “A Shock Theory of Congressional Accountability for Intelligence,” in Loch K. Johnson, ed. Handbook of Intelligence Studies (London: Routledge, 2009), 344–345.14. 14. See, for example, Diamond, “The Media: Witness to the National Security Enterprise,” 315–318; Yannick Dehée, “La France, une grande puissance? Le tardif réveil de l’espion français au cinéma,” Le Temps des Médias 16, no. 1 (2011): 86–99; Robert Dover, “From Vauxhall Cross with Love. Intelligence in Popular Culture,” in Dover and Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence, 201–19; Mark M. Lowenthal, Intelligence. From Secrets to Policy (Washington, DC: CQ Press 2012), 216.15. 15. Steve Hewitt and Scott Lucas, “All the Secrets That Are Fit to Print? The Media and US Intelligence Services Before and After 9/11,” in Dover and Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence, 106.16. 16. Special Issue: “Spying in Film and Fiction,” Intelligence and National Security 23, no. 1 (2008): 1–111; Christopher Moran, “Ian Fleming and the Public Profile of the CIA,” Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 1 (2013): 119–146.17. 17. Johnson, “A Shock Theory of Congressional Accountability for Intelligence,” 344–345; Johnson, “Intelligence Shocks, Media Coverage, and Congressional Accountability, 1947–2012,” 1–21.18. 18. Ibid.19. 19. Marina Caparini, “Controlling and Overseeing Intelligence Services in Democratic States,” in Born and Caparini, eds., Democratic Control of Intelligence Services, 23–24.20. 20. Nathalie Frenton, New Media, Old News. Journalism and Democracy in the Digital Age (London: Sage, 2010).21. 21. On the WikiLeaks affair, see Damien Van Puyvelde, “Médias, responsabilité gouvernementale et secret d’Etat: l’affaire Wikileaks,” Le Temps des Médias 16, no. 1 (2011): 161–172.22. 22. Rovner, “Intelligence in the Twitter Age,” 260–271. On this paradox, see Hans Born and Ian Leigh, Making Intelligence Accountable: Legal Standards and Best Practice for Oversight of Intelligence Agencies (Oslo: Publishing House of the Parliament of Norway, 2005), 16; Cettina, ‘Communication et gestion du risque terroriste,” 75; Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector,” 27.23. 23. Omand, “Intelligence Secrets and Media Spotlights,” 44.24. 24. For example, the First Amendment to the US Constitution of 1787 establishes the freedom of the press and freedom of speech.25. 25. Leonard Downie Jr., “In Obama’s War on Leaks, Reporters Fight Back,” Washington Post, October 4, 2013.26. 26. Luke Harding, The Snowden Files (London: First Vintage Books, 2014); Nicholas Whatt, “David Cameron Makes Veiled Threat to Media over NSA and GCHQ Leaks,” Guardian, October 28, 2013.27. 27. Richard Aldrich, “Global Intelligence Co-operation versus Accountability: New Facets to an Old Problem,” Intelligence and National Security 24, no. 1 (2009): 56.28. 28. Élisabeth Zoller, Introduction au Droit Public (Paris: Dalloz, 2006), 27–46, 171–218.29. 29. Raymond Kuhn, The Media in Contemporary France (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2011), 105.30. 30. Ibid., 81–120.31. 31. Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 91-646 du 10 juillet 1991 relative au secret des correspondances émises par la voie des communications électroniques.32. 32. Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 2010-1 du 4 janvier 2010 relative à la protection du secret des sources des journalistes.33. 33. Reporters sans Frontières, “Protection des sources: adoption d’une ‘loi insuffisamment protectrice,’” December 22, 2009. https://fr.rsf.org/france-protection-des-sources-adoption-d-22-12-2009,35425.html (accessed March 10, 2014).34. 34. Becker, “The Spy Who Couldn’t Possibly Be,” 69; Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 24.35. 35. Bulinge, De L’Espionnage au Renseignement, 124; Hayez, ““Renseignement”: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 474–476; Douglas Porch, “French Intelligence Culture: A Historical and Political Perspective,” Intelligence and National Security 10, no. 3 (1995): 489–504; Peter Jackson and Martin Alexander, “French Military Intelligence Responds to the German Remilitarisation of the Rhinenland, 1936,” in Gerald Hughes, Peter Jackson, and Len Scott, eds. Exploring Intelligence Archives. Enquiries into the Secret State (London: Routledge, 2008), 64.36. 36. Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 477; Secrétariat général de la défense nationale, La France face au terrorisme: Livre blanc du gouvernement sur la sécurité intérieure face au terrorisme (Paris: La Documentation française, 2008), 54.37. 37. Stéphane Berthomet, “Médias et terrorisme: de la chute des tours à la superproduction djihadiste,” in Eric Denécé, ed., Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie, 55.38. 38. Barbouzerie is a pejorative term used to describe the “dirty work” of French secret intelligence services. To name just a few of these affairs: Dreyfus (1896), Ben Barka (1965), Greenpeace (1985), Irlandais de Vincennes (1982), écoutes de l’Elysée (1986). Gérald Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” in Eric Denécé, ed., Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie, 22–27; Becker, “The Spy Who Couldn’t Possibly Be,” 83; Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 474; Porch, “French Intelligence Culture,” 486–511; Floran Vadillo, “Comment la troisième équipe de la DGSE a-t-elle pu faire couler … autant d’encre? Le dénouement de l’affaire du Rainbow Warrior entre ‘fuites’ et journalisme ‘d’investigation,’” Le Temps des Médias 16, no. 1 (2011): 100–117.39. 39. Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 147.40. 40. Sébastien Laurent, “Is There Something Wrong with Intelligence in France? The Birth of the Modern Secret State,” Intelligence and National Security 28, no. 3 (2013): 299.41. 41. Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 107.42. 42. Becker, “The Spy Who Couldn’t Possibly Be,” 87.43. 43. Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 105–106.44. 44. Porch, “French Intelligence Culture,” 494, 501–502.45. 45. Ibid., 495.46. 46. Ibid., 503.47. 47. Sophie Merveilleux du Vignaux, “La politique d’ouverture de la DGSE,” Eric Denécé (ed.) Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie, 124; Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 22.48. 48. Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 25–26; Porch, “French Intelligence Culture,” 495.49. 49. Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 22. Only Hayez finds that “poring over the French press produces no impression that intelligence is a controversial issue.” See Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 482.50. 50. Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 24.51. 51. For a criticism of investigative journalism à la francaise regarding the Rainbow Warrior affair, see Vadillo, “Comment la troisième équipe de la DGSE a-t-elle pu faire couler … autant d’encre,” 100–117. On investigative journalism in the realm of national security, see Chapman Pincher, “Reflections on a Lifetime of Reporting on Intelligence Affairs,” in Dover and Goodman, eds., Spinning Intelligence, 149–163; Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector,” 22–23.52. 52. Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 24.53. 53. Ibid., 31.54. 54. The parliamentary delegation on intelligence was established by Law Number 2007-1443, October 9, 2007. http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/connaissance/delegation_renseignement.asp (accessed March 2, 2014). See also Hayez, “‘Renseignement’: The New French Intelligence Policy,” 479–481; Jean-Jacques Urvoas and Floran Vadillo, Réformer les services de renseignement français (Paris: Fondation Jean Jaurès, 2011), 5.55. 55. Sébastien Laurent, “Les parlementaires face à l’Etat secret et au renseignement sous les IVe et Ve Républiques: de l’ignorance à la politisation,” Cahiers de la Sécurité 13 (2010): 143–144 [translated by author].56. 56. Arboit, “La médiatisation du renseignement et ses dérives depuis le 11 septembre 2001,” 28–29; Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 228–9; Cettina, “Communication et gestion du risque terroriste,” 61–62; Merveilleux du Vignaux, “La politique d’ouverture de la DGSE,” 115–129; Berthomet, “Médias et terrorisme,” 54; Patrice Ventura, “La Communication des services de renseignement,” in Eric Denécé, ed., Renseignement, Médias et Démocratie, 99–113.57. 57. Bulinge, De l’Espionnage au Renseignement, 146.58. 58. Alexandre Adler, “Malaise dans le renseignement,” Le Figaro, May 11, 2006.59. 59. Gérard Davet, “Le principal collaborateur de Liliane Bettencourt met Eric Woerth en difficulté,” Le Monde, July 17, 2010.60. 60. Such leaks were not infrequent when Michele Alliot-Marie was Justice Minister in France. See “Les fuites de Mam agacent Sarkozy.” http://www.bakchich.info/france/2010/09/18/les-fuites-de-mam-agacent-sarkozy=-58606 (accessed March 10, 2014).61. 61. Video: L’Express, “Fadettes du Monde: Bernard Squarcini comparait devant le tribunal correctionnel.” http://videos.lexpress.fr/actualite/societe/video-fadettes-du-monde-bernard-squarcini-comparait-devant-le-tribunal-correctionnel_1492759.html (accessed March 7, 2014); Editor, “Le Monde Accuse l’Elysée d’espionnage dans l’affaire Woerth,” L’Express, September 13, 2010.62. 62. The DCRI, sometimes called the French FBI, was established in 2008. The agency is in charge of counterintelligence, counterterrorism, and the protection of the economic and scientific heritage of France. Cf. Décret no. 2008-609 relatif aux missions et à l’organisation de la direction centrale du renseignement intérieur, June 27, 2008.63. 63. Fadettes just give access to meta data and not to the content of conversations. This point distinguishes the current affair from the much more controversial “Écoutes de l’Élysée” under President Francois Mitterrand.64. 64. In France, state attorneys are dependent on the executive branch, and this can subject them to political use by senior decision-makers. Olivier Bachelet, “Liberté d’expression (Art. 10 CEDH): Confidentialité des sources journalistiques, la protection laconique accordée par la Cour de cassation,” Les Lettes ‘Actualités Droits-Libertés’ du CREDOF, December 10, 2011.65. 65. Editor, “Affaire Woerth: Le Monde va déposer une plainte contre X pour violation du secret des sources,” Le Monde, September 13, 2010; Reporters sans frontières, “La police ne peut être utilisée contre la liberté d’informer,” September 15, 2010. Similar deterrence practices have been used by the executive branch in other countries; see Matei, “The Media’s Role in Intelligence Democratization,” 96–97.66. 66. Franck Johannès, “Les contre-vérités de Sarkozy sur les ‘fadettes’ des journalistes,” Le Monde, April 17, 2012.67. 67. Gérard Bon, “5.000 euros d’amende requis contre Squarcini pour les ‘fadettes,’” Reuters, February 18, 2014.68. 68. European Convention on Human Rights (1950), Article 10; Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 2010-1 du 4 janvier 2010 relative à la protection du secret des sources des journalistes.69. 69. European Court of Human Rights, Grand Chamber, Case of Goodwin v. the United Kingdom, Strasbourg, March 27, 1996.70. 70. Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 91-646 du 10 juillet 1991 relative au secret des correspondances émises par la voie des communications électroniques.71. 71. Robert-Driard, “Fadettes: Philippe Courroye plaide ‘le droit à l’erreur’” [translated by author].72. 72. Cours de Cassation, Chambre criminelle, Audience publique du mardi 6 Décembre 2011, No. de pourvoi: 11-83.970. For a legal analysis and criticism of the decision, see Bachelet, “Liberté d’expression (Art. 10 CEDH).”73. 73. Franck Johannès, “Affaire des fadettes du “Monde”: Squarcini sera jugé le 18 Février,” Le Monde, September 19, 2013.74. 74. Yves Bonnet, director of the French Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST), was indicted for complicity in a case of fraud, for example. See Editor, “Yves Bonnet mis en examen,” Libération, November 29, 1997.75. 75. François Koch, “Procès des fadettes: Bernard Squarcini en difficultés,” L’Express, February 19, 2011.76. 76. Sabrina Lavric, “‘Fadettes du Monde’: condamnation pour collecte illicite de données personnelles.” http://www.dalloz-actualite.fr/printpdf/flash/fadettes-du-monde-condamnation-pour-collecte-illicite-de-donnees-personnelles (accessed July 2, 2014).77. 77. Julien Saulnier, “L’affaire des ‘fadettes’ expliquée aux nuls,” L’Express, October 18, 2011; Philippe Courryoye, in Pascale Robert-Driard, “Fadettes: Philippe Courroye plaide ‘le droit à l’erreur,’” Le Monde, November 15, 2013; Xavier Monnier, “Bernard Squarcini, Petite fadette en procès.” http://www.bakchich.info/medias/2014/02/17/bernard-squarcini-petite-fadette-en-proces-63115 (accessed March 8, 2014).78. 78. Gérard Davet in AFP, “Procès des ‘fadettes’: Squarcini jure être un simple exécutant,” Libération, February 18, 2014. For the French Law: Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 91-646 du 10 juillet 1991 relative au secret des correspondances émises par la voie des communications électroniques (article 20).79. 79. Assemblée Nationale, Rapport d’information déposé par la Commission des Lois Constitutionnelles, de la Législation et de l’Administration Générale de la République, en conclusion des travaux d’une mission d’information sur l’évaluation du cadre juridique applicable aux services de renseignement, et présenté par MM. Jean-Jacques Urvoas et Patrice Verchère, May 14, 2013, 25. See also Assemblée Nationale, Loi n° 91-646 du 10 juillet 1991 relative au secret des correspondances émises par la voie des communications électroniques.80. 80. Augustin Scalbert, “Les Zones d’ombre de Squarcini, le patron du FBI à la Francaise,” Rue 89. http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/2012/03/15/les-zones-dombre-de-squarcini-le-patron-du-fbi-la-francaise-230138 (accessed March 3, 2014). See especially Olivia Recasens, Christophe Labbé, and Didier Hassoux, L’Espion du Président (Paris: Robert Lafont, 2012).81. 81. See, for example, Frédéric Ploquin, “Espionnage des journalistes: quand la fadette détrône l’écoute,” Marianne, November 10, 2010; Davet in Editor, “Procès des ‘fadettes’: Squarcini jure être un simple exécutant.”82. 82. See, for example, Scalbert, “Les zones d’ombre de Squarcini.”83. 83. Reporter Sans Frontières, “La police ne peut être utilisée contre la liberté d’informer,” September 15, 2010.84. 84. On self-censorship, see Hillebrand, “The Role of News Media,” 701.85. 85. Assemblée Nationale, Rapport d’information déposé par la Commission des Lois Constitutionnelles, de la Législation et de l’Administration Générale de la République, en conclusion des travaux d’une mission d’information sur l’évaluation du cadre juridique applicable aux services de renseignement, 25.86. 86. Publicly available reports from this delegation are very brief (usually a dozen pages long). See http://www.senat.fr/rapports-classes/crdpar.html (accessed March 4, 2014).87. 87. Floran Vadillo, correspondence with author, May 8, 2014.88. 88. Editor, “Les Médias face à la Justice,” Revue du Conseil National des Barreaux, 12.89. 89. Assemblée Nationale, Projet de loi renforçant la protection du secret des sources des journalistes, présenté au nom de M. Jean-Marc Ayrault, Premier ministre, par Mme Christiane Taubira, Garde des sceaux, Ministre de la justice.90. 90. Assemblée Nationale, “Justice: protection du secret des sources des journalistes, Travaux Préparatoires.” http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/14/dossiers/sources_journalistes_protection_secret.asp (accessed March 3, 2014).91. 91. Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector,” 26.92. 92. Ibid.93. 93. Tribunal Correctionnel de Paris, Jugement du 8 Avril 2014, n° 11010023019: 6-7. http://www.dalloz-actualite.fr/sites/dalloz-actualite.fr/files/resources/2014/04/11010023019.pdf (accessed July 1, 2014).94. 94. Omand, “Intelligence Secrets and Media Spotlights,” 53.95. 95. This secrecy is protected by the penal procedure code in France. See, for example, the reaction of magistrate Serge Portelli in “Les Médias face à la Justice,” 15.96. 96. Editor, “Les Médias face à la Justice,” 14-18.97. 97. Gérard Davet in “Les Médias face à la Justice,” 15.98. 98. On the prejudicial effects leaks can have on trials, see Caparini, “Media and the Security Sector,” 38.99. 99. Assemblée Nationale, Loi No.2013-1168 du 18 décembre 2013 relative à la programmation militaire pour les années 2014 à 2019 et portant diverses dispositions concernant la défense et la sécurité nationale, Articles 9, 12, 13 and 20.100. 100. Vadillo, correspondence with author.101. 101. Jean-Jacques Urvoas, Le contrôle parlementaire des services de renseignements, enfin! (Paris: Fondation Jean Jaurès 2014), passim.102. 102. Editor, “Le ministère de l’intérieur dément rechercher les sources d’un journaliste du Figaro,” Le Monde, February 5, 2014.
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