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Urban culture, curiosity and the aesthetics of distance: the representation of picturesque carnivals in early Victorian travelogues to the Levant

2007; Routledge; Volume: 32; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/03071020701425601

1470-1200

Alessandro Olsaretti,

Religious Tourism and Spaces

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgments I would like to thank Sally Charnow for her insightful comments on an earlier version of this article. Michelle Hartman followed this project all along, providing unfailing support and invaluable feedback. Notes 1Nigel Leask, Curiosity and the Aesthetics of Travel Writing, 1770 – 1840: ‘From an Antique Land’ (Oxford, 2002), 23 – 4. 2 ibid., 105 – 8, 300 – 1, 309 – 14. For the ludic role of much of the Mediterranean, see John Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South (Oxford, 1987). 3Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York, 1976), 118 – 19. 4For Leask, by contrast, curiosity found expression chiefly through a ‘“residual” discourse of antiquarianism’: Leask, op. cit., 47. For Dennis Porter curiosity was increasingly expressed through the emergent discourse of geographical exploration and scientific enterprise. See his Haunted Journeys: Desire and Transgression in European Travel Writing (Princeton, 1991), 86 – 9, 145 – 9. 5The idea that the ‘Orient’ provided a foil for a ‘western’ self is central to Said's argument. Said, op. cit., 58 – 9, 176 – 7. 6The ‘close internal reading of texts’ adopted here to recover the meaning of the discourse has to be rooted firmly in the social context of the work's production and reception. Penelope Corfield, ‘Introduction: historians and language’ in P. Corfield (ed.), Language, History and Class (Oxford, 1991), 18 – 22, 27 – 8. As Corfield reminds us, moreover, languages are themselves part of social relations. For the importance of relating changes in ideas and language to concrete socio-economic trends, see Emma Rothschild, ‘Language and empire, c. 1800’, Historical Research, lxxviii, 200 (2005), 224 – 5. 7David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire (Oxford and New York, 2001), 43, 85, 122. 8For a recent call in favour of the application of Bakhtinian concepts (and of Stallybrass and White's interpretation in particular) to Victorian social and cultural history, see Mark M. Hennelly, ‘Victorian carnivalesque’, Victorian Literature and Culture, xxx, 1 (2002), 365 – 8. See also Peter Burke, ‘Bakhtin for historians’, Social History, xiii, 1 (1988), 86, 90. For the relevance to Marxist cultural studies of the Bakhtinian notions of language, genre and carnivalization in literature, see Dominick LaCapra, ‘Bakhtin, Marxism, and the carnivalesque’, Rethinking Intellectual History: Texts, Contexts, Language (Ithaca and London, 1983), 314 – 18, 320 – 4. 9Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca, 1986), 26, 108, 178. 10Stallybrass and White emphasize that the carnivalesque, in different ways, has always been a tool of social classification: ibid., 13 – 15, 26. Bakhtin's concept of the carnivalesque, by contrast, has to be understood at least in part as a utopian critique of modern culture. LaCapra, op. cit., 305 – 6, 323. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1984), 4, 33, 45. 11Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (New York, 1973), 279. 12Alexander William Kinglake, Eōthen, or, Traces of Travel Brought Home from the East (London, 1845). Joan Corwin, ‘Alexander William Kinglake’ in Barbara Brothers and Julia Gergits, British Travel Writers, 1837 – 1875 (Detroit, 1996), 191. 13Eliot Warburton, The Crescent and the Cross, or, Romance and Realities of Eastern Travel (London, 1847). 14(Mr M. A. Titmarsh) William Makepeace Thackeray, Notes of a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo, by Way of Athens, Constantinople, and Jerusalem: Performed in the Steamer of the Peninsular and Oriental Company (London, 1846). William Makepeace Thackeray, Vanity Fair (New York, 2001). 15Robert Curzon, Visits to Monasteries in the Levant (London, 1849). David Judkins, ‘Robert Curzon’ in Brothers and Gergits (eds), op. cit., 134 – 5, 137. The Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1959 – 60), 354. 16Iran B. Hassani Jewett, Alexander W. Kinglake (Boston, 1981), 18 – 19, 61 – 77. Kinglake, op. cit., iii – iv. Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 103, 282; Thackeray, Vanity Fair, op. cit., 529, 601. 17Jewett, op. cit., 61. Corwin, op. cit., 197. 18Katherine Turner emphasizes the preponderance of middle-class authors in the late eighteenth century in her British Travel Writers in Europe 1750 – 1800: Authorship, Gender and National Identity (Aldershot and Burlington, Vermont, 2001), 3. Billie Melman speaks of the ‘embourgeoisement of eastern travel’ in Women's Orients: English Women and the Middle East, 1718 – 1918: Sexuality, Religion and Work (Houndsmill and London, 1992), 11. 19Marjorie Morgan, National Identities and Travel in Victorian Britain (Basingstoke, 2001), 13 – 21. 20Warburton, op. cit., i, viii – ix. 21Thackeray, Vanity Fair, op. cit., 89; Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 94. 22Kinglake, op. cit., 112, x. 23John Brewer, The Pleasures of the Imagination: English Culture in the Eighteenth Century (Chicago, 2000), 3. See also Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 80 – 2, 96 – 8; Brewer, op. cit., 3 – 55, 208, 219 – 20, 329. 24Peter Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660 – 1730 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1989), 17 – 81. L. D. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialization: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700 – 1850 (Cambridge, 1992), 7 – 9, 26 – 40, 57, 71 – 3, 240. Pamela Sharpe, ‘Population and society, 1700 – 1840’ in Peter Clark (ed.), The Cambridge Urban History of Britain, 1540 – 1840, vol. 2 (2000), 523 – 4. Penelope Corfield, ‘Class by name and number in eighteenth-century Britain’ in Corfield (ed.), op. cit., 107, 119 – 22. 25Earle, op. cit., 5, 10. Dror Wahrman has moved away from his previous emphasis on the language of political participation and reform to emphasize the rise of a modern identity in his The Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven and London, 2004), 152 – 3. Unlike Wahrman, I emphasize here that this modern identity was a cultural construct ultimately based on class. 26Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England, 1727 – 1783 (Oxford, 1989), 59 – 62, 68 – 71. 27Sharpe, op. cit., 521, 525, 527. Simon Gunn, ‘Class, identity and the urban: the middle class in England, c. 1790 – 1959’, Urban History, xxxi, 1 (2004), 29 – 35. 28Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 84 – 7, 90 – 3, 107 – 8. Brewer, op. cit., 125, 136 – 7, 167 – 8, 331 – 3, 346, 392 – 3, 406 – 23. Langford, op. cit., 463 – 4. 29David H. Solkin, Painting for Money: The Visual Arts and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven and London, 1992), 2, 96 – 9, 104 – 5, 213. Arthur Pond catered to the increasingly commercial market for portraits, decorative paintings, collectables and prints. Louise Lippincott, Selling Art in Georgian London: The Rise of Arthur Pond (New Haven and London, 1983), 55 – 6, 72 – 4, 148, 164 – 5. Inventories show the increasing prominence of pictures and decorative goods in middling households. Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660 – 1760 (London and New York, 1988), 48 – 51, 88, 169, 183. 30Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740 – 1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 11 – 14, 63 – 73; Malcolm Andrews, The Search for the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain, 1760 – 1800 (Stanford, 1989), 56 – 8, 67 – 82. 31Andrew Hemingway, Landscape Imagery and Urban Culture in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge, 1992), 26 – 8, 164, 215 – 16, 239, 295. 32Jewett, op. cit., 25. For the close relationship between Thackeray's sketching and his writings, including his Levantine travelogue, see Robert R. Wark, ‘Thackeray's drawings for Cornhill to Cairo in the Huntington Library’, The Huntington Library Quarterly, lvii, 1 (1994). Leask, building on a vast secondary literature, has pointed to the importance of picturesque aesthetics to the representation of India, but has neglected the Levant. Leask, op. cit., 166 – 78. 33Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 278 – 9. 34For similar events and considerations affecting Thackeray's own life, see Catherine Peters, Thackeray's Universe: Shifting Worlds of Imagination and Reality (New York, 1987), 2 – 3, 72 – 94. 35Margaret Hunt, The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680 – 1780 (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1996), 22 – 45, 193 – 218. Sharpe, op. cit., 525. 36Earle, op. cit., 240 – 50. 37Hunt, op. cit., 103 – 4, 117. Jennine Hurl-Eamon, ‘Policing male heterosexuality: the Reformation of Manners Societies’ campaign against the brothels in Westminster, 1690 – 1720', Journal of Social History, xxxvii, 4 (2004), 1025, 1028. 38Margaret C. Jacob and Matthew Kadane, ‘Missing, now found in the eighteenth century: Weber's protestant capitalist’, American Historical Review, cviii, 1 (2003), 23, 44 – 8. Roy Porter, London, a Social History (London, 2000), 180 – 1, 194 – 7, 200 – 2. Langford, op. cit., 252 – 7, 264 – 70. 39Especially associations to finance and manage infirmaries, libraries and theatres. Jonathan Barry, ‘Bourgeois collectivism? Urban association and the middling sort’ in Jonathan Barry and Christopher Brooks (eds), The Middling Sort of People: Culture, Society and Politics in England, 1550 – 1800 (New York, 1994), 91 – 2, 98 – 9. Courtesy books were replaced by conduct books and then by books of etiquette. Marjorie Morgan, Manners, Morals and Class in England, 1774 – 1858 (Basingstoke and London, 1994), 8 – 31, 87 – 118. 40Brewer, op. cit., 57 – 71. For comparable behaviour in the social life of Glaswegian manufacturers, see Stana Nenadic, ‘Businessmen, the urban middle classes, and the “dominance” of manufacturers in nineteenth-century Britain’, Economic History Review, xliv, 1 (1991), 76 – 7, 82 – 3. Even in Victorian times transgression was still an integral part of leisure. Mike J. Huggins, ‘More sinful pleasures? Leisure, respectability and the male middle class in Victorian England’, Journal of Social History, xxxiii, 3 (2000), 585 – 6, 595. 41Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 80. 42Kinglake, op. cit., 1, 7, 20. 43Warburton, op. cit., i, 3, 4. The reference to Miss Mitford – famous for her ‘village stories’ – and the topsy-turvy reconstruction of the ship as a village in the following passage, create a comical pastoral scenery. 44Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 4, 5. 45Warburton, op. cit., i, chap. xv. Kinglake, op. cit., 9, 24 – 5. 46Curzon, op. cit., 3, 30. 47Kinglake, op. cit., 5. 48Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 5. 49Warburton, op. cit., i, 9, 15, 33, 96. 50Terry Castle, Masquerade and Civilization: The Carnivalesque in Eighteenth-Century English Culture and Fiction (Stanford, 1986), 2 – 3. Castle points to their jarring prominence in magazines and how they were addressed (often with alarm) in the work of Pope, Addison, Johnson, Fielding, Hogarth, Burney, Inchbald and Richardson. Wahrman associates this prominence with what he calls the ancien régime of identity, op. cit., 158 – 62, 164 – 8. 51See, for example, the first chapter in Enid Welsford, The Court Masque: A Study in the Relationship between Poetry and the Revels (New York, 1960). 52Castle, op. cit., 14. Aileen Ribeiro, The Dress Worn at Masquerades in England, 1730 to 1790, and Its Relation to Fancy Dress in Portraiture (New York and London, 1984), 217 – 48. Philip Mansell, ‘The Grand Tour in the Ottoman Empire, 1699 – 1826’ in Paul and Janet Starkey (eds), Unfolding the Orient: Travellers in Egypt and the near East (Reading, 2001), 45. 53Mansell, op. cit., 49. 54Srinivas Aravamudan, ‘Lady Mary Wortley Montagu in the Hammam: masquerade, womanliness, and levantinization’, English Literary History, lxii, 1 (1995), 74 – 81. Significantly, the desire for privacy and the freedom granted by anonymity also led fashionable ladies to wear masks in London streets, theatres and gardens: Christoph Heyl, ‘When they are veyl'd on purpose to be seene: the metamorphosis of the mask in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century London’ in Joanne Entwistle and Elizabeth Wilson (eds), Body Dressing (Oxford and New York, 2001), 132 – 6. 55Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740 – 1830 (New York, 1987), 63 – 84, 133 – 56. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707 – 1837 (New Haven and London, 1992), 164 – 93. As a term of comparison, consider the obscene antics of some members of the Restoration court described in Brewer, op. cit., 14 – 17. These were simply unthinkable by the early nineteenth century. 56Langford, op. cit., 565 – 6, 574 – 90. Miles Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity: London's Geographies, 1680 – 1780 (New York, 1998), 116 – 57. 57Castle, op. cit., 28 – 33, 46 – 9. 58Mohja Kahf, Western Representations of the Muslim Woman: From Termagant to Odalisque (Austin, 1999), 122 – 5, 136 – 7. Melman relates this distortion to the embourgeoisement of eastern travel: Melman, op. cit., 86 – 8, 99 – 101. Aravamudan has failed to highlight this distinction, as well as the subversive potential of the masquerade paradigm as invoked by Lady Montagu. Arthur J. Weitzman, ‘Voyeurism and aesthetics in the Turkish bath: Lady Mary's school of female beauty’, Comparative Literature Studies, xxxix, 4 (2002), 353 – 7. 59Turner, op. cit., 59 – 60, 80 – 5. Leask points to the ridicule and open criticism aimed at travellers like James Bruce and Joseph Banks. Leask, op. cit., 37 – 40, 55 – 60. Banks was dubbed a ‘Macaroni of the South Pacific’. 60Chloe Chard, Pleasure and Guilt on the Grand Tour: Travel Writing and Imaginative Geography, 1600 – 1830 (Manchester and New York, 1999), 99 – 103, 126 – 49, 169 – 71. 63Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 42 – 3. A similar point is made for the bazaar in Beirut: ‘a new costume was here added to the motley and picturesque assembly of dresses. This was the dress of the blue-veiled women from the Lebanon, stalking solemnly through the markets, with huge horns, near a yard high, on their foreheads’: ibid., 166 – 7. 61Castle, op. cit., 62. 62Ribeiro, op. cit., 40 – 1. 64Curzon, op. cit., 48. 65Warburton, op. cit., i, 22 – 3, 33. 66 ibid., i, 3. 67Thackeray, Vanity Fair, op. cit., 395. Such imagery marks a stark contrast with the ‘pregnant death’ symbolism of the pre-Romantic carnivalesque and shares the isolation and anxiety of the Romantic grotesque. Bakhtin, op. cit., 41 – 4. 68Warburton, op. cit., i, vii. 69 ibid., i, 56 – 7. For a similar description in picturesque travelogues to India, see Leask, op. cit., 179. 71Warburton, op. cit., ii, 258 – 9. 70Welsford, op. cit., 230. In the other scene there is a description of a ‘beautifully appointed caique’ on which he sailed, that ‘might have figured proudly in the wake of the Bucentaur’. Warburton, op. cit., ii, 267. Decorated boats were also central to water pageants which had been a feature of London life since the Renaissance. Kenneth Palmer, Ceremonial Barges on the River Thames: A History of the Barges of the City of London Livery Companies and of the Crown (London, 1997), 1 – 3, 171 – 2. 72Ribeiro, op. cit., 232. 73Castle, op. cit., 75. 74Warburton, op. cit., i, 78. 76Curzon, op. cit., 52. 75Kinglake wrote against a positive interpretation of Lady Montagu's views on the harem in an article titled ‘The rights of women’ which he wrote for the Quarterly Review. Corwin, op. cit., 198. Jewett, op. cit., 87 – 9. Warburton takes a more conciliatory tone towards the harem in one passage, but a very moralistic stance elsewhere. Warburton, op. cit., i, 80. Thackeray explicitly engaged Lady Montagu's views in a satirical vein: see Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 104 – 9. 77Castle, op. cit., 34 – 5, 44 – 5. This freedom, of course, was more supposed than real. Catherine Craft-Fairchild, Masquerade and Gender: Disguise and Female Identity in Eighteenth-Century Fictions by Women (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1993), 2 – 3, 21. 78Castle, op. cit., 66. 79Kinglake, op. cit., 47. 80Warburton, op. cit., i, 33, 61. 81Robert W. Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society, 1700 – 1850 (Cambridge, 1973), 16 – 23, 28, 52 – 6. See also Douglas Reid, ‘Interpreting the festival calendar: wakes and fairs as carnivals’ in Robert D. Storch (ed.), Popular Culture and Custom in Nineteenth-Century England (London, Canberra and New York, 1982). 82Sybil Rosenfeld, The Theatre of the London Fairs in the 18th Century (Cambridge, 1960), 1 – 70. Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 61 – 2, 80 – 4. 83In the English translation of Rabelais and His World, ‘billingsgate’ is one of the languages of the marketplace. Bakhtin, op. cit., 16 – 17. 84Penelope Corfield, ‘Walking the city streets: the urban odyssey in eighteenth-century England’, Journal of Urban History, xvi, 2 (1990), 156 – 9. Porter, op. cit., 211, 218. 85Isaac Land, ‘Bread and arsenic: citizenship from the bottom up in Georgian London’, Journal of Social History, xxxix, 1 (2005), 90, 100 – 4. On home ground the working class was not thought of as ‘white’ until the twentieth century. Alastair Bonnett, ‘How the British working class became white: the symbolic (re)formation of racialized capitalism’, Journal of Historical Sociology, xi, 3 (1998), 316, 327. 86Malcolmson, op. cit., 100 – 7, 118 – 19. Hugh Cunningham, ‘The metropolitan fairs: a case study in the social control of leisure’ in A. P. Donajgrodzki (ed.), Social Control in Nineteenth Century Britain (Totowa, New Jersey, 1977), 165, 172. M. J. D. Roberts, ‘Public and private in early nineteenth-century London: the Vagrant Act of 1822 and its enforcement’, Social History, xiii, 3 (1988), 280 – 1, 289 – 90, 293 – 4. Zealous groups continued to press for a very strict street etiquette. Lynda Nead, Victorian Babylon: People, Streets and Images in Nineteenth-Century London (New Haven and London, 2000), 62 – 7, 139, 158 – 60. 87The waning of the rowdy and violent street culture of earlier times did not happen ‘from above’, but saw significant working-class involvement. Cunningham, op. cit., 163 – 4. See also Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Class expression versus social control? A critique of recent trends in the social history of “leisure”’, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832 – 1982 (Cambridge, 1983). 88On circulation, see Nead, op. cit., 34 – 46; Ogborn, op. cit., 91 – 104. For the broad relationship with industrialization, see Ann Firth, ‘State form, social order and the social sciences: urban space and politico-economic systems, 1760 – 1850’, Journal of Historical Sociology, xvi, 1 (2003), 56, 72 – 5. On fair closures, see Porter, op. cit., 234; Malcolmson, op. cit., 109; Reid, op. cit., 143. 89Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 195. Porter, op. cit., 218 – 20. For a colourful account of the curious mixture of ‘low life’, artists and philandering aristocrats in parts of eighteenth-century London, see E. J. Burford, Wits, Wenchers and Wantons. London's Low Life: Covent Garden in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1986). 90Solkin, op. cit., 106 – 7, 120 – 3. Solkin positively acknowledges the influence of Stallybrass and White's work on this argument. 91Mark M. Hennelly, ‘Courtly wild men and carnivalesque pig women in Dickens and Hardy’, Dickens Studies Annual, xxvi (1998), 13 – 17, 21 – 3. 92One need only think of the encounter between the Gradgrind/Bounderby duo and the troupe of Sleary's circus in Charles Dickens, Hard Times (London, 1969 edn), 70 – 83. 93Williams, op. cit., 44 – 5, 54, 144 – 5, 165 – 6. Bermingham, op. cit., 43 – 4, 191 – 3. Hemingway, op. cit., 75. 94George Morland and Thomas Rowlandson can be argued to have defied convention in this manner. John Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730 – 1840 (Cambridge, 1980), 99 – 102, 105 – 106, 118 – 120. 95Andrews, Search, op. cit., 59, 64 – 5. For the integration of distant figures in the landscape by Constable, see Barrell, op. cit., 137 – 41. This view is nuanced in Bermingham, op. cit., 89 – 92, 108 – 10, 139 – 42. 96Hemingway discusses several examples: Cotman's painting of Norwich Market Place (plate 96); Vincent's Dutch Fair on Yarmouth Beach (plate 42); Crome's Yarmouth Water Frolic and Stannard's Thorpe Water Frolic (plates 116, 117) in Hemingway, op. cit., 262 – 8, 209 – 10, 278 – 90, 282. 97Alex Potts, ‘Picturing the modern metropolis: images of London in the nineteenth century’, History Workshop Journal, xxvi (1988), 36 – 7. For an overview of developments in urban tourism and nostalgia for the inns, see Malcolm Andrews, ‘The metropolitan picturesque’ in Stephen Copley and Peter Garside (eds), The Politics of the Picturesque: Literature, Landscape and Aesthetics since 1770 (Cambridge, 1994). Nead discusses the discourse on the past in relation to the Illustrated London News print of 1862 entitled ‘Demolition of Hungerford Market’: Nead, op. cit., 30 – 4. 98Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 42. Potts, op. cit., 42, 50 – 2. On the influence of popular visual forms such as the city sketch, the panorama and the physiognomy on Thackeray and Dickens, see Sambudha Sen, ‘Bleak House, Vanity Fair, and the making of an urban aesthetic’, Nineteenth-Century Literature, liv, 4 (2000), 480 – 8, 493 – 4, 501 – 2. Wark, op. cit., 34. 99Heidi J. Holder, ‘Other Londoners: race and class in plays of nineteenth-century London life’ in Pamela K. Gilbert (ed.), Imagined Londons (Albany, 2002), 31 – 6, 43. Gregory Dart has suggested that Life in London questioned class boundaries by emphasizing their vagaries and that only in the late 1820s had the literary climate changed to encourage policing of boundaries even in comical literature. Gregory Dart, ‘“Flash Style”: Pierce Egan and literary London, 1820 – 28’, History Workshop Journal, li (2001), 183 – 5, 203 – 4. 100Bonnett, op. cit., 318 – 27. Wahrman, op. cit., 153. 101Kinglake, op. cit., 22. 102Warburton, op. cit., ii, 41 – 2, 79 – 80. 103Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 223. 104Warburton, op. cit., ii, 55, 279 – 80, 8, 60; i, 58 – 9; ii, 223 – 4. 105 ibid., i, 38. 106 ibid., ii, 19, 143. 107Curzon, op. cit., 26 – 9, 123. 108Kinglake, op. cit., 79 – 80, 216, 243 – 4. 110 ibid., 245 – 6. For another such passage, see ibid., 92. 109Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 25, 177 – 8. 113 ibid., i, 307. Italics in the original. 111Leask, op. cit., 134 – 6, 141. Here Leask points to the ‘“presentism” and proximity of popular curiosity’. 112Warburton, op. cit., i, 301. 114Donelle R Ruwe, ‘Satirical birds and natural bugs: J. Harris's chapbooks and the aesthetic of children's literature’ in Steven E. Jones (ed.), The Satiric Eye (New York, 2003), 115 – 19. Significantly, Giovanni Belzoni's adventures had also been made into a book for children, published in the 1820s. 115Castle, op. cit., 334 – 5. 116Kinglake, op. cit., 26 – 7, 58 – 9. Jewett, op. cit., 36 – 45. 117Thackeray, Cornhill to Cairo, op. cit., 83, 116, 129. 118Pemble, op. cit., 143 – 6. Peters, op. cit., 132, 258. Kathryn Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Araby: The English Romance with Arabia (London, 1989), 10 – 13. 119Stallybrass and White, op. cit., 31. 120Barrell, op. cit., 159. Wahrman, op. cit., xiii, 299 – 305.