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Venice and the Origins of the Art-Historical Tradition of Display of the Modern Museum

2012; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 81; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00233609.2011.644865

1651-2294

Louis Cellauro,

Historical Art and Architecture Studies

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements I am most grateful to the anonymous reviewers who made a number of suggestions for improving an earlier version of this paper. My deep gratitude also goes to my friend John Newman; Henry A. Millon, and Michael Kauffmann who read an early draft and made a number of corrections and amendments. Notes 1. See Tiffany Sutton, The Classification of Visual Art. A Philosophical Myth and its History, Cambridge, MA, 2000, p. 18. 2. Nikolaus Pevsner, A History of Building Types, Princeton, 1970, p. 126. 3. Germain Bazin, The Museum Age, New York, 1967, pp. 141–167, and Niels von Holst, Creators, Collectors and Connoisseurs, New York, 1967, pp. 204–214. 4. On Winckelmann and his role in the creation of art history, See Edouard Pommier, Winckelmann, inventeur de l'histoire de l'art, Paris, 2003; idem, »La nascita della storia dell'arte da Winckelmann a Séroux d'Agincourt« , in Fabio di Maniago e la storiografia artistica in Italia tra Sette e Ottocento, eds Caterin Furlan and Maurizio Grattoni d'Arcano, Udine, 2001, pp. 275–288; idem, »Winckelmann: des vie d'artistes à l'histoire de l'art«, in Les Vies d'artistes, ed. Matthias Waschek, Paris, 1996, pp. 205–230. 5. On de Piles's Abrégé, see Christian Michel, »Des ‘Vite’ de Bellori à l’ ‘Abrégé de la vie des Peintres’ de Roger de Piles: un changement de perspective« , Studiolo, No. 5, 2007, pp. 193–201; Svetlana Alpers, »Roger de Piles and the History of Art«, in Kunst und Kunsttheorie 1400–1900, eds Peter Ganz and Martin Gosebruch, Wiesbaden, 1991, pp. 175–188. 6. For further details on the Recueil Crozat, see Benedict Leca, »An Art Book and its Viewers: the ‘Recueil Crozat’ and the Uses of Reproductive Engraving«, Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 38, No, 4, 2005, pp. 623–649. 7. See in this paper the section on Lodoli's collection. 8. Andrew McClellan, Inventing the Louvre: Art, Politics and the Origins of the Modern Museum in Eighteenth-Century Paris, New York, 1994, pp. 4–5. 9. Ibidem. See also Andrew McClellan, »Rapports entre la théorie de l'art et la disposition des tableaux au XVIIIe siècle«, in Les Musées en Europe à la veille de l'ouverture du Louvre, ed. Edouard Pommier, Paris, 1995, pp. 575–589. 10. Short accounts on Lodoli's collection have been published previously by Francis Haskell in Patrons and Painters: Art and Society in Baroque Italy (first edition: 1963), New Haven and London, 1980, p. 322. Joseph Ryckwert in The First Moderns: The Architects of the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge, MA, 1980, pp. 288–289; and by Kryzsztof Pomian in his article »Collezionisti d'arte e di curiosità naturali« published in the edited collection Storia della Cultura Veneta, Vol. 5/II, Vicenza, 1986, pp. 1–70 (especially pp. 23–25). On Lodoli's life and career, see the short biographical account by Piero del Negro in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 65, Rome, 2005, pp. 390–393 and the recent comprehensive study with bibliography by Louis Cellauro, »Carlo Lodoli and Architecture: Career and Theory of an Eighteenth-Century Pioneer of Modernism«, Architectura: Zeitschrift für Die Geschichte der Baukunst, Vol. 36, No. 1, 2006, pp. 25–59. 11. His pupil and biographer, the Venetian patrician Andrea Memmo, writes that Lodoli »said he did not want to print his treatise on architecture« (»diceva di non volere stampare il trattato della sua architettura«) (see Andrea Memmo, Elementi dell'architettura Lodoliana, ossia l'arte del fabbricare con solidità scientifica, nella stamperia Pagliarini, Rome, 1786. Reprint: Milan, 1973, I, p. 118). Girolamo Zanetti confirms in his Memorie per servire all'istoria letteraria, Vol. 33, Part 6, Venice, 1754, pp. 65–66, that after 20 years, Lodoli finally completed his treatise on architecture, but refused to publish it, probably in conscious emulation of Socrates who published nothing during his lifetime. 12. Memmo, 1973, Vol. I, p. 78: »Pensò in conseguenza di formare una ben dissimile [collection] da tutte quelle che soglionsi vedere …«. 13. See the short biographical account by Hugh Chisholm »Facciolati, Jacopo«, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edn, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1911. 14. For Algarotti, see Haskell, 1980, pp. 347–360; and Sullivan Kaufman, Francesco Algarotti: The Elegant Arbiter of Enlightenment Architecture, London, 1998. 15. See particularly, Marcin Fabiańsky, »‘Musaea’ in Written Sources of the Fifteenth to Eighteenth Centuries«, Opuscula Musaelia, fasc. IV (1990), pp. 7–40 (particularly, pp. 21–22). 16. See Giovanni Pietro Bellori, Nota delli Musei, Librerie, Gallerie & ornamenti di Statue e pitture …, ed. E. Zoca, Rome, 1976, passim. 17. See Arthur MacGregor, Curiosity and Enlightenment: Collectors and Collections from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century, New Haven, 2007. For the etymological origins of the word »Museum«, see Paula Findlen, »The Museum: Its classical Etymology and Renaissance Geneaology«, Journal of the History of Collections, Vol. I, 1989, pp. 59–78. 18. For the geneaology of the gallery in the Renaissance, see Jean Guillaume, »La galerie dans le château français: place et function«, Revue de l'Art, no. 102, 1993, pp. 32–42; and Wolfram Prinz, Die Entstehung der Galerie in Frankreich und Italien, Berlin, 1970; see also the revised italian translation: idem, Galleria, storia e tipologia di uno spazio architettonico, Ferrara and Modena, 1988. 19. Sebastiano Serlio, Book VII, p. 56 (description of the plan of the hotel de Ferrare in Fontaibleau). 20. See Guillaume, 1993, p. 32. 21. For further details on Rudolf II's Kunstkammer, see Eliška Fučiková, »The Collection of Rudolf II at Prague: Cabinet of Curiosities or Scientific Museum«, in The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe, eds Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, Oxford, 1985, pp. 47–53. 22. See the numerous essays on the Cabinet of Curiosities in Impey and MacGregor, 1985. 23. See particularly Paula Findlen, »Inventing Nature: Commerce, Art, Science in the Early Modern Cabinet of Curiosities«, in Merchants and Marvels: Commerce, Science and Art in Early Modern Europe, eds Pamela H. Smith and Paula Findlen, New York, 2002, pp. 297–323; idem, »Cabinets, Collecting and Natural Philosophy«, in Rudolf II and Prague: The Court and the City, ed. Eliška Fučiková, London, 1997, pp. 209–219; and idem, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy, Berkeley, 1994. 24. Carol Duncan, Civilizing Rituals: Inside Public Museums, London and New York, 1995, p. 24. 25. See Carol Duncan and Alan Wallach, »The Universal Survey Museum«, in Museum Studies: An Anthology of Contexts, ed. B.M. Carbonell, Blackwell, Malden, MA, 2004, pp. 24–25. 26. On Teniers's imaginary views, see particularly Renate Schreiber, »Darstellungen der Galerie von Erzherzog Leopold Wilhelm bei David Teniers d. J. – Fiktion oder Wirklichkeit?«, Römische Historische Mitteilungen, Vol. 48, 2006, pp. 347–358. See also »David Teniers II and Archiduke Leopold Wilhelm«, in Munuscula amicorum: Contributions on Rubens and his Colleagues in Honour of Hans Vlieghe, ed. Katlijne Van der Stighelen, Turnhout, 2006, pp. 631–644. 27. On the Galleria Colonna, see the recent article by Christina Strunck, »‘The Marvel not only of Rome, but of all Italy’: The Galleria Colonna, its Design, History and Pictorial Programme, 1661–1700«, in Art, Site and Spectacle: Studies in Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. David R. Marshall, Victoria, 2007, pp. 78–102. 28. See Fernando Arisi (ed.), Giovanni Paolo Panini, 1691–1765, exh. cat., Milan, 1993, p. 62. 29. See Duncan and Wallach, 2004, p. 57. 30. On Zoffany's Tribuna, see particularly Oliver Millar, Zoffany and his Tribuna, London, 1967. 31. Duncan, 1995, p. 24. 32. On Pierre Crozat, see Barbara Scott, »Pierre Crozat. A Maecenas of the Régence«, Apollo, January 1973, pp. 11–19; and Cordélia Hattori, Pierre Crozat, 1665–1740: un financier collectionneur et mécène, PhD dissertation, Université Lille 3, 1998. 33. On the artistic relationships between Venice and Paris in the eighteenth century, see especially Pierre Rosenberg, »Parigi-Venezia o, piuttosto Venezia-Parigi: 1715–1723«, Atti dell'Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Classe di Scienze Morali, Lettere ed Arti, No. 161, 2002–03, pp. 1–30. See also Krzysztof Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux: Paris, Venise, XVIe–XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1987. 34. For a complete account, see McClellan, 1994, pp. 30–35. 35. Idem, p. 37, Fig. 15. 36. For further details, see McClellan, 1994, pp. 36–37, and Fig. 16. 37. Idem, p. 38. 38. See Luca, 2005. 39. See in this paper the section on Lodoli's collection. 40. Paolo Cohen's work on secondary art markets in eighteenth-century Rome (Il mercato dei quadri a Roma nel diciotesimo secolo: la domanda, l'offerta e la circolazione delle opera in un grande centro artistico europeo, Florence, 2010) is a great example of this new field of research. 41. For a social analysis of the scuola di sistema and the scuola di conversazione, see Cellauro, 2006, pp. 39–40. 42. For a full account of the curriculum of studies of Lodoli's private school, see Cellauro, 2006, pp. 38–39. 43. Ibidem. 44. Memmo [1786], 1973, Vol. I, p. 43: »Fu appunto in età si tenera, cioè da’ 19 ai 22 anni, che in Roma comincio, diceva egli, la sua gran pazzia per le belle arti, e segnatamente per l'architettura a forza di ammirarne i suoi superbi avanzi«. 45. See section I »Life and Career«, in Cellauro, 2006, pp. 33–35. 46. Memmo [1786], 1973, Vol. I, pp. 78–79. 47. On Lodoli's collection of paintings, see especially Pomian, 1986, pp. 23–25; and Haskell, 1980, p. 322. 48. Memmo, 1973, Vol. I, p. 56. 49. Ibidem: »pezzi architettonici per far conoscere o le maniere delle differenti età, ovvero qualche nuova e non comune invenzione così verso il ragionevole, quanto verso lo spropositato«. See also Edgar Kaufmann jr., »Memmo's Lodoli«, The Art Bulletin, Vol. 46, 1964, pp. 159–174 (especially pp. 165–175). 50. Memmo, 1973, Vol. I, pp. 78–79: »Cominciava la sua raccolta da qualche antico rimasuglio di greco pittore, non difficile a trovarsi in quella Venezia, che prima del ristabilimento delle arti in Italia tutto il buono ed il bello traeva dalla Grecia… . Poi veniva qualche opera de’ primissimi Veneziani che da’ Greci avevano imparato a dipingere, e de’ quali non si conoscono più i nomi fino ad Andrea da Murano ed a Jacobello Fiore… . Seguitava una piccola dipintura di Gentile da Fabriano che, sebbene forastero può contarsi tra i Veneziani, perché ebbe pensione a vita dal Senato, e fu maestro per dir cosi della scuola veneziana, mentre insegno a Jacopo Bellini padre del famoso Giovanni e del pur celebre Gentile… . Proseguiva i due Vivarini da Murano, i Carpacci, Donato Veneziano, Marco Basaiti, i tre Bellini, i Croce, i Catena ed altri… . In un'altra stanza aveva la progressione della scuola lombarda. Cominciava questa da un assai raro quadro col nome di Francesco Squarcione, maestro del vecchio Campagnuola e di Andrea Mantegna… . Molti pezzi avea della scuola fiorentina cominciando da Cimabue e da Giotto e cosi ne possedeva alcuni pochi delle scuole romana, bolognese, tedesca e fiamminga«. 51. See Giuseppe Previtali, La fortuna dei primitivi. Dal Vasari ai neoclassici, Turin, 1964, pp. 210–211. 52. Memmo, 1973, vol. I , p. 78: »Povero frate com'egli era e come diceva, non avrebbe potuto intraprendere l'acquisto d'una serie di quadri de’ più celebri autori … pensò in conseguenza di formarne una ben dissimile da tutte quelle che soglionsi vedere, ma forse più utile, immaginandosi che i suoi quadri avessero a mostrar passo a passo la progressione dell'arte del disegno dal suo rinnovamento in Italia sino a’ Tiziani, a’ Corregi, a’ Buonarroti ed ai Paoli«. 53. See Rykwert, 1980, p. 289. 54. On Vasari's concept of progress of the arts, see Ernest H. Gombrich, »The Renaissance Concept of Artistic Progress and its Consequences«, in Actes du XVIIéme Congrès International d'Histoire de l'Art, Paris, 1955, pp. 291–307; idem, Kunst und Forstchritt: Wirkung und Wandlung einer Idee, Köln, 1973; Alina Alexandra Payne, »Vasari, Architecture, and the Origins of Historicizing Art«, Res, Vol. 40, 2001, pp. 51–76; and the recent study by O. Hazan, Le mythe du progrès artistique: étude critique d'un concept fondateur du discours de l'art depuis la Renaissance, Montreal, 1999. 55. »Come i corpi umani, [le arti] hanno il nascere, il crescere, il invecchiare et il morire, potranno ora più facilmente conoscere il progresso della sua rinascità«, Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de piu eccellenti architetti, pittori, et scultori, Torrentino, Florence, 1550, eds.Luciano Bellosi and Aldo Rossi, Turin, 1986, p. 101. 56. See Patricia Lee Rubin, Giorgio Vasari, Art and History, London, 1995, pp. 101 and 209. 57. Haskell, 1980, p. 350. 58. For further details on Algarotti's theory of painting, see Jaynie Anderson, Tiepolo's Cleopatra, 2003, pp. 100–107. 59. For the relationships between Lodoli and Vico, see especially Vincenzo Placella, »La mancata edizione veneziana della Scienza nuova«, in Vico e Venezia, eds Cesare De Michelis and Gilberto Pizzamiglio, Florence, 1982, pp. 143–182; and Pietro Giuseppe Gaspardo and Gilberto Pizzamiglio, »La pubblicazione dell'autografia vichiana nella corrispondenza di Giovan Artico da Porcia con il Muratori e il Vallisneri«, in ibidem, pp. 107–130. 60. For Vico's theory of history, see A. Robert Caponigri, Time and Idea: The Theory of History in Giambattista Vico, New Brunswick, NJ, 2004. 61. See later in this paper, p. 24. 62. For Mariette, see Barbara Scott, »Pierre-Jean Mariette. Scholar and Connoisseur«, Apollo, January 1973, pp. 54–59; Kristel Smentek, »Pierre-Jean Mariette, le connoisseur d'estampes«, in L'estampe un art multiple à la portée de tous?, Paris, 2008, pp. 157–170. 63. Pierre-Jean Mariette et al., Recueil d'estampes d'après les plus beaux tableaux et d'après les plus dessins qui sont dans le Cabinet du Roy, dans celui de Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans, & d'autres Cabinets suivant les différentes écoles; avec un abrégé de la vie des peintres, & une description de chaque tableau, 2 vols, Imprimerie Royale, Paris, 1729–42. 64. Mercure de France, May 1728, p. 1006: »la première & la plus illustre des Ecoles, puisque Raphaël en a fait le principal ornement« , »huit ou neuf volumes au plus«, »… différentes écoles, qui sont, la Romaine, la Florentine, la Vénitienne, la Lombarde, la Bolognoise, la Flamande, sous laquelle sont l'Allemande, la Françoise, & l'Espagnole«, » … la plus simple & la plus méthodique«. 65. Leca, 2005, p. 632. 66. See Atlante storico, letterario, biografico, archeologico dai secoli omerici ai giorni nostri di A. Le Sage (Las Casas), Vallardi, Milan, 1845, 176: »Racolse [Lodoli] molti lavori di pittura, disegno, architettura, intaglio, fusione, ec. Aveali disposti in classi, e cronologicamente dal rifiorimento delle arti al suo tempo, illustrandoli con annotazioni (precedendo Agincourt); sventurosamente tanto quel museo, quanto i manoscriti andarono perduti«. 67. See Cordélia Hattori, »Pierre Crozat et l'Italie«, Bulletin de l'Association des Historiens de l'Art Italien, Vol. 6, 1999/2000, pp. 40–43. 68. For Rosalba Carriera's Parisian sojourn, see William Barcham, »Rosalba Carriera e Anton Maria Zanetti tra Venezia e Parigi nella prima metà del Settecento«, in Rosalba Carriera: 1673–1757, ed. Giuseppe Pavanello, Verona, 2009, pp. 147–156; and Franca Zava Boccazzi, »Rosalba Carriera e Parigi«, in ibidem, pp. 129–146. 69. Franceso Algarotti, »Progetto per ridurre a compimento il Regio Museo di Dresda presentato in Hubertsbourg alla R. M. di Augusto III Re di Polonia il di 28 Ottobre 1742«, in Opere del Conte Algarotti. Edizione nuovissima, presso C. Palese, Livorno, 1791–1794, VIII, 1792, pp. 351–374 (especially p. 361). 70. For Lodoli's portraits and his connections with Consul Smith, see Cellauro 2006, pp. 40–44. 71. Lodoli is documented to have frequented Smith's circle at least from 1742; See Girolamo Lami, Memorabilia Italorum erudition praestantium, quibus vertens gloriatur, ex typ. Societatis ad insigne Centauri, Florence, 1742, p. 386. For Smith's career and patronage of the arts, see Frances Vivian, Il Console Smith, mercante e collezionista, Vicenza, 1971. 72. Pierre-Jean Grosley, Observations sur l'Italie et sur les italiens. Données en 1764 sous le nom de deux Gentilshommes suédois par M. G., II, de Hansy, London and Paris, 1774, p. 164: »une collection aussi sçavante que singulière. C'est une suite de tableaux où se trouve, pour ainsi dire, développée l'histoire de la peinture depuis sa renaissance en Europe. Elle s'ouvre par les tableaux grecs, dont l'imitation forma les premiers peintres de l'Italie. Ils représentent des Madonnes servilement calquées, sans goût du dessin, et d'une exécution dont la sécheresse et la platitude ne diffèrent en rien de celles de ces estampes en bois et grossièrement enluminées, dont nos paysans parent leurs cabannes. L'art se développe par degré dans les maîtres suivans. L'on arrive à Raphaël et au Titien par le Giotto, le Mantegna, les Bellinis«. 73. See Émile Socard, Biographie des personnages de Troyes et du département de l'Aube, Léopold Lacroix, Paris, 1882, pp. 180–181; Pierre-Jean Grosley, Vie de M. Grosley, écrite par lui-même, etc., London and Paris, 1787, p. 27; and idem, Mémoires sur les campagnes d'Italie de 1745 et 1746, Amsterdam, 1777. 74. See Haskell, 1980, p. 350; Rykwert 1980, p. 289; and the recent book by Barbara Mazza Boccazzi, Francesco Algarotti: un esperto d'arte alla corte di Dresda, La Società di Minerva, Trieste, 2001; and especially J. Anderson, »Algarotti and Dresden«, in Il collezionismo a Venezia e nel Veneto ai tempi della Serenissima, eds M. Seidel and B. Aikema, Marsilio, Venice, 2005, pp. 275–286. 75. See Cellauro, 2006, pp. 28–29. Memmo reports that seeing that Lodoli was unlikely to publish his treatise on architecture, one of his pupils in his school, the Venetian patrician Francesco Foscari, »then a most charming youth, now a weighty senator« (Memmo) was invited to prepare such a text, but he was too distracted, first by bad health and later by public office, so that the second choice fell on Francesco Algarotti. He agreed to do the work on condition that neither Lodoli nor Memmo would see the text before publication. It appeared in Pisa in 1753, and was later translated into French and into German. 76. The earliest known contacts between the Venetian connoisseur and the Dresden court are dated to the year 1739, when the Electoral Prince Frederick Christian (son of Augustus) met Algarotti in Naples. They travelled together in Venice, where he introduced the young prince to Rosalba Carriera, Giambattista Pittoni, Bernardo Belloto and Tiepolo. See Anderson, 2003, p. 105. 77. Algarotti, 1792, Vol. VIII, 1792, pp. 351–374. 78. Algarotti, 1792, p. 357. For these commissions, see Anderson 2003, pp. 103–118. 79. See Algarotti, 1792, 356: »Riunitj questi disegni in varj libri, mettendo insieme quelli che sono d'una medesima scuola … per esempio dopo que’ de Caracci ponendo quelli di Domenichino, di Guido, dell'Albani, del Guercino, del F. Massari, del Tiarini, e degli altri loro scolari, e cosi delle alter scuole romana, fiorentina e veneziana. Si verebbe ad avere sotto gli occhi le differenti maniere, gli stili, e la storia tutta per così dire della pittura, massime se di questi si facesse poi un catalogo ragionato, il quale oltro allo spiegar il soggeto de’ disegni desse un ristretto idea del carattere del valore e dell'epoca di ciascun pittore«. 80. Algarotti, 1792, p. 357. 81. Idem, p. 360. 82. See Anderson, 2005, pp. 275–286. 83. This account book is kept in Treviso, Biblioteca Communale, Ms no. 1252, »Notes des dépenses faites pour S. M. le Roi de Pologne«. The register from 14 June 1743 to 12 May 1746 is in part published by Hans Posse, »Die Briefe des Grafen Francesco Algarotti an der sächsischen Hof und sein Bildkaüfe für die Dresdener Gemäldegalerie, 1743–1747«, Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, Vol. 52, 1931, pp. 1–71; and by Luigi Ferrari, »Gli acquisti dell'Algarotti per il Regio Museo di Dresda«, L'Arte, Vol. 3, 1900, pp. 150–154. 84. See Posse, 1931, p. 32. 85. Gerald Heres, Dresdener Kunstsammlungen im 18. Jahrhundert, Leipzig, 1991, pp. 100–101. 86. Idem, pp. 116–121. 87. Idem, pp. 119–120. 88. Idem, p. 122. 89. Johann Joachim. Winckelmann, Kleine Schriften, ed. Walther Rehm, Berlin, 1968, pp. 28ff. 90. See Heres, 1991, p. 122. 91. On this recueil of engravings, see Virginie Spenlé, »Représentation princière et connaissance des arts: les recueils de gravures d'après les collections de Dresde au XVIIIe siècle«, in A l'origine du livre d'art: les recueils d'estampes comme entreprise éditoriale en Europe (XVIe–XVIIIe siècles), eds Cordélia Hattori, Estelle Leutrat and Véronique Meyer, Cimisello Balsamo, 2010, pp. 169–177. 92. See Bayerischen Staatsgemäldesammlungen (ed.), La Galerie Electorale de Dusseldorf: die Gemäldegalerie des Kurfürsten Johann Wilhelm von der Plalz in Düsseldorf, Hirmer, Munich, 2009. See also Thomas W. Gaehtgens and Louis Marchesano, Display & Art History: The Düsserldorf Gallery and its Catalogue, Los Angeles, 2011; and Virginie Spenlé, »La Galerie de collection dans le Saint Empire durant la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle«, in Les grandes galeries européennes: XVIe–XIXe siècle, Paris, 2010, pp. 197–218. 93. For further information on Lambert Krahe, see »Lambert Willhelm Krahe: Ausklang des Barock«, in Himmel, Ruhm und Herrlichkeit: italienische Künstler an rheinischen Höfen des Barock, ed. Hans M. Schmidt, Köln, 1989, pp. 163–172; and Heinz Peters, »Wilhelm Lambert Krahe und die Gründung der Kunstakademie in Düsseldorf«, in Zweihundert Jahre Kunstakademie Düsseldorf: anlässlich der zweihunderdsten Wiederkehr der Gründung der Kurfürstlichen Akademie in Düsseldorf im Jahre 1773, ed. Ernst-Forberg-Stiftung von Eduard Trier, Düsseldorf, 1973, pp. 1–30. 94. Bazin, 1967, pp. 159–160. 95. See Angela Maria Opel, »Art's Emancipation from the Ceremonial. The Development of Spatial Separation of Art Collections from the Princely Apartments: The Wittelsbach Residences in Düsseldorf and Mannheim«, in Collecting and the Princely Apartment, eds Susan Bracken, Andrea M. Galdy and Adriana Turpin, Newcastle upon Tyne, 2011, p. 122. 96. See Duncan and Wallach, 2004, p. 57; and Sutton, 2000, p. 20. 97. Christian von Mechel, Catalogue des tableaux de la gallerie Imperiale et Royale de Vienne, Basle, 1784, p. xv. Mechel's reorganization is discussed at length by Debora J. Meijers, Kunst als natuur: De Hapsburgse schilderijengalerij in Wenen omstreeks 1780, Amsterdam, 1991, pp. 41ff. See also Gerald Heres, »Christian von Mechels: Katalog der Wiener Gemäldegalerie; zu einer Neuerwerbung des Kunstbibliothek«, Dresdener Kunstblätter, Vol. 46, 2002, pp. 132–136; and Debora J. Meijers, »The Places of Painting: The Survival of Mnemotechnics in Christian von Mechel's Gallery in Vienna (1778–1781)«, in Memory and Oblivion: Proceedings of the XXIXth International Congress of the History of Art held in Amsterdam, 1–7 September 1996, eds Wessel Reinink and Jeroen Stumpel, Dordrecht, 1999, pp. 205–211. 98. See Duncan and Wallach 2004, p. 57. 99. Quoted in Bazin 1967, p. 159. 100. Ibidem. 101. On Lanzi's reordering of the Uffizi, see the excellent account by Mina. Gregori, »Luigi Lanzi e il riordinamento della galleria«, in Gli Uffizi: quattro secoli di una galleria, eds Paola Barocchi and G. Ragionieri, Florence, 1983, pp. 367–393. 102. Luigi Lanzi, »La Galleria di Firenze accresciuta e riordinata per commando di S.A.R. l'Archiduca Granduca di Tosca«, Giornale de’ Letterati, XLVII, 1782, unpaginated: »Il Real Museo di Firenze (è ora) ridotto quasi al sistema delle benintese biblioteche, ove ogni classe tiene un luogo separato e distinto da tutte le altre«. 103. On Lanzi's history of Italian art, see C. Gauna, La »Storia pittorica« di Luigi Lanzi: arti, storia e musei nel Settecento, Florence, 2003. 104. Quoted in McClellan, 1994, p. 113. 105. Idem, p. 108. 106. Quoted in ibidem. 107. See McClellan 1994, p. 114. 108. See Sutton 2000, p. 21. 109. See Harriet Ritvo, The Platypus and the Mermaid and Other Figments of the Classifying Imagination, Cambridge, MA and London, 1997, p. 15. 110. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things, New York, 1994, p. 131. See also Jeffrey Garret, »Redefining Order in the German Library, 1775–1825«, Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1, 1999, pp. 103–123. 111. Quoted in McClellan 1994, p. 80. 112. Ibidem. 113. Ibidem. 114. Ibidem. 115. Quoted in McClellan 1994, p. 81.