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Hayashi Razan's redeployment of anti-Christian discourse: the fabrication of Haiyaso

2006; Routledge; Volume: 18; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09555800600731106

1469-932X

Kiri Paramore,

Japanese History and Culture

Abstract Haiyaso, a short text found in the collected works of the early Tokugawa Confucian Hayashi Razan (1583–1657), purports to be a record of a debate held in 1606 between Razan and the famous Japanese Jesuit scholastic Habian (1585–1621). The debate is presented in the text as a confrontation between Confucianism and Christianity. In the modern period, right up to the present, the text has been used prolifically to present ‘a conflict between Western thought and East Asian intellectual systems’ as one of the central stories of the intellectual history of early seventeenth-century Japan. In this sense, the text has been used to justify the imposition of fashionable modern dichotomies – between ‘East and West’ and ‘rational and religious’ – onto the intellectual history of Tokugawa Japan. This outlook has been supported by an inaccurate representation of Habian's Jesuit period treatise Myōtei mondō as some kind of ‘introduction to Western thought’. In fact, Myōtei mondō is a much more complex work which, among other things, shows the clear influence of Confucian and Neo-Confucian humanism. This article goes back to the extant source documents of indigenous Japanese Jesuit thought, and the attacks on it in the early seventeenth century. Through examining the ideas of Habian in contrast with other Japanese and Chinese Jesuit texts, and by analysing the context within which Haiyaso sits in Hayashi Razan's collected documents, the paper demonstrates that Haiyaso was a fabrication, in the sense that it is a work of propaganda probably written well after Habian's death, and imputing to Habian views that he clearly did not hold. Keywords: Tokugawa Confucianism Kirishitan thoughtChristianity in Japanearly modern intellectual historycomparative philosophy Notes 1. Habian authored Hadaius (which can be found in the kirishitansho/haiyasho volume of Nihon shisō taikei (CitationEbisawa 1970: 423–47)) in 1620. He is also depicted as a character of ridicule in the 1639 text Kirishitan monogatari (which can be found in CitationWashio 1969b: 379–86). 2. Other than an annotated edition of Heike monogatari (CitationKamei and Sakada 1966) and Buppo no jidai ryakubatsusho (CitationEbisawa 1993: 419–31), the intellectual content of which is fairly close to the opening section of Myōtei mondō, Myōtei mondō itself stands as Habian's only extant work from his Jesuit period. 3. An excellent example of the employment of anti-Christian discourse in this manner is ‘Sokkyohen’ (CitationTokugawa 1860), a collection of early and mid-Tokugawa anti-Christian works compiled towards the end of the Tokugawa period by Mitogaku scholars during the time when the Mito hanshu Tokugawa Nariaki was representing anti-foreign factions in political intrigues and Aizawa Yasushi and other Mitogaku writers were producing a range of anti-foreign diatribes. Examples of emphasis on the non-Japanese nature of Christians in early Tokugawa works included in ‘Sokkyohen’ are, for instance, the opening passages of Suzuki Shosan's Hakirishitan (CitationEbisawa 1970: 450) and the line from Haiyaso itself where Fukan is quoted calling Portuguese vessels ‘our ships’ (CitationHayashi 1977: 672). 4. For instance, CitationElison (1991: 165–6). Elison's argument throughout relies heavily on the establishment of a polarized relationship between the Jesuit and post-Jesuit Habians, mirroring a conflict between ‘traditional East Asian systems’ and Christianity. These arguments are based on readings of Myōtei mondō and Hadaius summarized by Elison (ibid.:166). Elison emphasizes the fact that Hadaius directly addresses issues in Myōtei mondō. He then uses these arguments between the two texts as an analogy for the conflict between Christianity (by which he means orthodox doctrinaire Catholicism) and ‘traditional East Asian systems’. One of the key points of Hadaius, however, which Elison describes as criticism of ‘the Christian dependence upon the extra-terrestrial sphere of justification’, is significantly not a criticism of anything in Myōtei mondō. On this point Myōtei mondō and Hadaius are not actually in conflict. As is pointed out below, Myōtei mondō is significant among Jesuit-produced texts in that it does not emphasize the role of God in the created world, rather placing the emphasis on human action. On this point, Myōtei mondō and Hadaius seem to agree. Elison's summary of Myōtei mondō's main points is correct. It must be noted, however, that those points exclude certain key aspects of Catholic doctrine which were particularly emphasized by European Jesuits in Japan, but ignored by Habian. Therefore, while Myōtei mondō can be said to be a good example of an indigenous ‘Christian’ text in the sense that it is Jesuit inspired and produced by someone who at the time was a member of the Order, it definitely did not represent the European Catholic doctrinal orthodoxy of the time. Elison's employment of Habian in his overall argument does not seem to take account of this differentiation. Elison employs the elements of Myōtei mondō which criticize non-Christian religions, but ignores the non-Christian elements of Myōtei mondō itself. In addition to Ebisawa and Elison, another good modern example of this kind of take on Habian is Ide Katsumi, who describes Habian as ‘a thinker who symbolizes the intellectual battle between east and west’ (CitationIde 1995: 186). 5. For a detailed discussion on Habian's anti-Christian work Hadaius, and a rejection of the thesis that Myōtei mondō and Hadaius are directly opposed to each other, see CitationParamore (2006: 80–8). 6. A letter from the senior Jesuit in Japan, P. Francisco Pasio SJ, dated October 1606 refers to Habian debating Buddhist monks and other representatives of Japan's ‘various religious sects’. The letter does not, however, refer to any particular debate, or to Razan by name, or to any other Confucians, nor indeed does it mention Confucianism. See CitationIde (1995: 189, 209–10). 7. The differences between these terms as expressed in these three English words were not usually differentiated by early Tokugawa era commentators. 8. Habian sets up his explanation of creation and anima categorization in the early sections of Myōtei mondō within his critique of Buddhism and Confucianism. There he argues for the need for an initial substance from which creation can first occur. In his initial comments on Buddhism he repeatedly criticizes Buddhist theories on creation, saying that their ideas of an initial substance from which creation could occur lack the notion of sentience which he claims is necessary for the act of creation (CitationHabian 1993: 301). Identifying substance as busshō or kū in Buddhism, and as yin and yang in Confucianism and Shinto, Habian points out that these lack sentience and a capacity for value judgement. He then suggests the idea of Deus as a sentient first substance. When Habian later also identifies the distinguishing feature of humanity, anima rationalis, as being defined through the function of the human intellect in its ability to conceive of abstract values (CitationHabian 1993: 393), he thereby, perhaps unwittingly, links his conceptions of God and humanity. He creates a humanistic position which, while metaphysically positing substance before principle, also defines substance in terms of function, thus presenting a system emphasizing the role of human discernment and action rather than transcendent intervention. For more detail on the relation between Habian's definition of God and delineation of human beings from animals on similar terms see CitationParamore (2004: 85–6). 9. Something Habian claims Confucianism does not do (CitationHabian 1993: 396–8). 10. Quotations from Myōtei mondō are taken from the current standard printed version in CitationEbisawa (1993). Myōtei mondō was originally printed in 1605. 11. An instance from such a text favoured by Seika can be seen in Zhu Xi's Mengzi Zhangju (CitationZhu Xi 1983: 326) where, while at the same time emphasizing the universality of nature, Zhu Xi also points out the innately human aspects of the human actions associated with nature and principle. Habian's criticism of Neo-Confucian metaphysics does criticize the Neo-Confucian position on nature. However, in terms of the view of human action, and the practical definition of humans in terms of that action (their function), Habian and the Neo-Confucian positions are actually fairly close. 12. Quotes from Dochirina kirishitan are taken from the current standard printed version of the later 1600 version of the text in CitationEbisawa (1993). 13. This is made very clear in Dochirina in passages like: ‘This first sin of Adam is continuously handed down to us in the innately evil nature of our flesh at birth’ (CitationAnon 1993: 24). 14. Myōtei mondō brushes over the question of original sin. The paragraph which briefly mentions Adam's original sin summarizes God's reaction as simply expelling Adam and his offspring (humanity) from the ‘earthly paradise’ and taking away their gift of ‘endless life without aging’. The paragraph concludes with the rather vague but certainly not threatening sentence: ‘So when it is mentioned that some people are not helped in the afterlife, this is what that springs from’ (CitationHabian 1993: 406–7). 15. The first two of these texts can be found in CitationEbisawa (1993) and the last in CitationEbisawa (1970). For discussion on the similarities between these texts and Dochirina on the issues discussed above see CitationParamore (2004: 89–90). In addition to these texts, which like Myōtei mondō were designed primarily to be read at large outside the Order by potential and lay Christian Japanese, it is also instructive to look at how these issues play out in Pedro Gomez's Kōgi yōkō sometimes referred to by its Latin title Compendium, had a different target readership than the other texts in that it was designed for the instruction of Japanese Jesuits themselves. It is therefore an important source as it represents the most comprehensive extant explication of the theology that the Japanese Jesuits were being taught at the time. In terms of the differences pointed out between Myōtei mondō and the other Japanese Jesuit texts of the time, it can be seen that Kōgi yōkō also emphasizes the role of faith. As shown in the following quotation, Kōgi yōkō introduces faith to the anima categories, thereby creating a hierarchy of life which, rather than being formulated to put humans at the top in an order of nature as in Habian, places Christians at the top ahead of non-Christian human beings in a ranking of humanity. ‘Above the light of sensitiva there are those who, using the light of discernment (anima rationalis), turn their works to the path of righteousness. It can be said that these are good people doing good works. Seneca and Plato can be counted in this category. Then there is a light above this which is the light of faith. Those who pursue this light are Christians. Christians alone receive the Grace of God. So we can see that there are 3 categories of light. Higher, middle and lower. The highest is the light of faith. The middle is the light of discernment. The lowest is the light of sensitiva’ (CitationGomez 1998: 29–30). 16. For more on the particular nature of the concept of ‘faith’ present in Japanese Christian texts of this period, its political role at the time and the way this political role has been overlooked and its significance misinterpreted in modern studies, see CitationParamore (2006: 33–4, 157–8). 17. For an example of this kind of employment of Haiyaso, see for instance CitationIde (1995: 167). 18. The criticism of Buddhism, which comprises the first two-fifths of the text, is heavily based on this argument (CitationHabian 1993: 301). For a good example of this argument employed against Confucianism and Shinto, see CitationHabian (1993: 393). 19. What Razan refers to as an enbo no chizu (CitationHayashi 1977: 672). 20. In addition to this kind of substitution of vocabulary and terms, the meanings of certain key words, like li and yong, principle and function, are subtly different. This can be observed for instance by comparing CitationHayashi (1977: 416) with CitationHabian (1993: 397). 21. The reference to ‘Sōzoku zenki kōki” is from a hand-copied manuscript in the Naikaku bunko, Tokyo. The copy was made in 1803, thus the date in the reference. This is the earliest extant copy of the document so far found. In the actual text of the document it is dated in 1651 (the first part) and 1652 (the second part). Page numbers are not given because the pages are not numbered. Interestingly, Banzan himself also used the image of Christianity in a similar, although significantly subtler, way in his criticism of Buddhism. Maruyama Masao discusses this issue together with Razan's use of the Christian image against Banzan in ‘Sōzoku zenki kōki’’ (CitationMaruyama 2000: 114–16). In the same 1966 lecture notes Maruyama likens the kind of discourse seen in ‘Sōzoku zenki kōki'’ to McCarthyism and also discusses ‘anti-communist’ repression in the 1930s and ‘anti-Christian’ repression during the Tokugawa period together in a study of the idea of ‘tolerance’ (CitationMaruyama 2000: 116–19). 22. These include an array of documents in Book 58 of Hayashi Razan Bunshū (CitationHayashi 1977: 690–3), as well as Daimin fukken totoku ni kotau, contained in Book 12 of same (CitationHayashi 1977: 136–7). 23. Myōtei mondō had been produced only a year before the date of the alleged debate. Tianzhu shiyi was first imported into Nagasaki from China at around the same time. Indeed there is no evidence that any copies of Tianzhu shiyi had got to Kyoto by 1606. 24. Also referred to as gungaku and related to the bingfa tradition in Chinese thought, which is most famously identified with the Chinese Warring States period thought of Sunzi. The Japanese heigaku tradition popular in the early Tokugawa period was heavily influenced by the classic Chinese tradition, but developed significant new trends and features, in particular through the course of the Japanese Warring States period (by the sixteenth century the Chinese teachings were only one component of Japanese heigaku, thus the decision here to use Japanese Romanization). A contemporary figure closely associated with heigaku was Yamaga Sokō. Kumazawa Banzan was also both highly valued and feared a threat for his heigaku knowledge. In ‘Sōzoku zenki kōki’, Razan emphasizes that Yui Shōsetsu, one of the leaders of the Keian jiken coup plot, was a gungaku teacher. 25. The cause of the noticeable expansion of Razan's working conception of heterodoxy, in particular his emphasis on attacks on xinxue and heigaku thinkers in the 1650s, is an interesting topic of research the author hopes to discuss at further length in a forthcoming article. There is material relevant to the issue in CitationToby (1984: 65, 219, 227) and CitationMcMullen (1999: 92-112, 117–20). 26. It is important, however, to note here that the lines attributed to Fukan in Haiyaso, like the one quoted earlier about ‘unsentient unthinking substance’ (musō munen), are not only inconsistent with Habian's position, but are also equally inconsistent with Ricci's portrayal of God and creation. While Razan addresses Ricci texts, his portrayal of the ‘Christian ideas’ is inconsistent with either Ricci or Habian's real position. 27. As can be seen in Nakae Tōju's criticism of Razan, which includes a derisory reference to his reputation as ‘the father of Japanese Confucianism’ (CitationBitō 1975: 13). 28. One of the main factors in the continual influence of Razan was the development of his school into educational institutions which ultimately became the Shōheizaka gakumonjo (in relation to the Shōheizaka gakumonjo and its influence see CitationWajima (1966)). Razan's later influence, however, did not stop at the undeniable influence the Shōheizaka gakumonjo, and the institutions which preceded it, had in Confucian and bushi circles. There are also numerous examples of Shinto and Buddhist writers quoting Razan in support of their arguments. For instance, the editors of Jōdoshū to nichirenshū shūron no ki, a document in which the Shingon monk Reikei attacks Jōdo and Nichiren sect nenbutsu practices, include at the end of the document after Reikei's text a short treatise on the subject by Razan (CitationReikei 1914: 139). The discussion in Hirata Atsutane's Kokon'yōmikō also opens with a quote from Razan (CitationWashio 1969a: 40). 29. See the Mitogaku compilation (CitationTokugawa 1860) and the Jōdoshu monk CitationKiyū Dōjin's (Ugai Tetsujō) compilation (1861).