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Magic monks and spirit mediums in the politics of Thai popular religion

2005; Routledge; Volume: 6; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/14649370500065920

1469-8447

Pattana Kitiarsa,

Vietnamese History and Culture Studies

Abstract In this article, I read the politics of popular religion in Thailand through the case studies of magic monks and spirit mediums, which have been traditional key actors in the popular religious domain and have maintained their lasting popularity in the country in the 1990s and 2000s. Positioning my argument in the context of the much‐criticized commercialization of Buddhism, I accentuate that magic monkhood and spirit mediumship have exhibited themselves as culturally defined channels of, and strategies for, individuals' religious self‐empowerment. In the politics of negotiating and contesting for their religious identities and selfhood, the continued popularity of magic monk and spirit medium has exposed the conventional practices and ideologies of class and gender relations, which apparently favour men over women and, thus, countered attempts by ordinary disciples and followers to move out of their socially marginalized positions in both religious and socioeconomic worlds. In other words, the politics of Thai popular religion point to the affirmation or negotiation of existing religious and socioeconomic structures, but never the resistance against them. The consensus voice in this terrain of everyday life's religious practices emphasizes strong desire and a quest for material wealth and mundane success more than anything else. Keywords: Thailandpopular Buddhismpopular religionmagic monkspirit medium Acknowledgements The original version of this paper was presented in the International Conference on ‘Exploring Theravada Studies: Intellectual Trends and the Future of a Field of Study’, organized by Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore at the Faculty Lounge, Level 1, The Shaw Foundation Building AS7, 12–14 August 2004. I would like to thank the conference organizers, Dr Guillaume Rozenberg and Dr Jason Cabine, for their warm invitation. I also benefit from the discussion and comments generated by the conference participants, especially those from Dr Louis Gabaude and Dr Hiroko Kawanami. I am always grateful to Inter-Asia Cultural Studies' anonymous referees for their valuable comment and suggestion. Through the works of revision, I have rethought over the drafts and negotiated with their constructive criticisms. Therefore, I alone am responsible to any shortcomings and mistakes existing in this article. Notes Jackson (Citation1999a) defines magic monk (phra saksit) as those famous and highly charismatic monks who are believed to have been manifested with magical and supernatural qualities. They have drawn a large number of disciples and followers (luksit). Most famed magic monks have built their reputation by spending years of strict meditation in the forest and shown evidence of supernatural power to help their followers. Magic monks supernatural qualities and ritual specialties include providing mantra and amulets for good luck and profitable business or giving protective power to ward off dangers. With the assistance of national and international mass media, their fame and reputation has risen. Most magic monks are able to mobilize a large sum of money and other assets to build their monumental monasteries and some civic development projects for the benefit of the public. See examples of studies of Thailand's leading forest‐dwelling and magic monks in Kamala Tiyavanich (Citation1997) and Taylor (Citation1993). For the Romanization of Thai names and terms, I adopt the transcription guideline sanctioned by the Royal Institute (Ratcha Bandittayasathan) (see http://www.royin.go.th/roman‐translate01.html) with an exception to some personal names such as, Chulalongkorn, Taksin, Naresuan, etc. I use the term ‘urban spirit medium cult’ (latthi phithi song chao khao phi) to distinguish this type of spirit cult from its traditional, rural‐based ancestral or kin village spirit cult, which have been a prototype of spirit possession practices in urban areas. Basically, both urban and village spirit cults have retained similar sets of core beliefs and practices, except that the rural one deals more with the spirit of the mostly female‐side ancestors and worldly matters within the family neighbourhood and local village, while the urban cult is more complex and sophisticated. In urban‐based spirit medium cults, matters of family well‐being, economic interests, health problem, and some other social issues are brought to the attention of the sacred voices through the mouthpiece of the medium. The differences between village and urban spirit cults may stem from their setting and socioeconomic and cultural grounds where each of them belong, the origins of the spirits being worshipped, and demographic characters of people involved. Some of most popular spirits worshiped in the urban cults include Kuan Yin, Hindu gods and goddesses, spirits of Buddhist saints, and traditional local guardian spirits (see Mahalap Citation1995; Suriya Smutkupt et al. Citation1996). The most famous cults of royal spirits in Thailand include those that worship King Chulalongkorn (r. 1968–1910), King Naresuan (r. 1590–1605), King Taksin (r. 1767–1782), and some charismatic princes and princesses whose life histories have been reproduced through modern nationalist and popular media (see Mahalap Citation1995; Nidhi Auesriwongse Citation2003). There is virtually no Thai term corresponding to the equivalent meaning of ‘popular religion.’ The closest term is ‘satsana baep chaoban ran talat’ (folk religion/the religion of the commoners/the masses). However, the popular religious phenomena under consideration in this article deal more with the commercialization of Buddhism (phuttha phanit) and the popularity of magical and supernatural practices in contemporary Thailand. In this article, I take popular religion as broader religious beliefs and practices, which include popular Buddhism and spirit cults. An Interview with Phra Achan Somsak, Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 23 June 2004. An Interview with Phon, Chumpae, Khon Kaen, 23 June 2004. For more details on the cult of mo tham in north‐eastern Thailand, see Hayashi (Citation2003) and Somchai Sri‐Hla (Citation1992). An Interview with Phon, Chumpae, Khon Kaen, 23 June 2004. An Interview with Phon, Chumpae, Khon Kaen, 24 June 2004. Rai is a traditional Thai area measurement unit. One rai is equivalent to 1600 m2 or 2.25 acres. Interview with Achan Suwan. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 23 June 2004. Unlike most temples in Thailand, this is an exceptional case, where financial management and worldly affairs have been handled by the abbot alone from the very beginning. Interview with Achan Somsak. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 23 June 2004. Interview with Achan Somsak and Achan Suwan. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 24 June 2004. Interview with Achan Suwan. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 23 June 2004. Interview with Ek. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 24 June 2004. Interview with Ek. Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 24 June 2004. The names of mediums and followers are all pseudonyms. Farang is a Thai term referring to Westerners in general. This was probably a polite, indirect way of saying that she did not want to have sex with her husband anymore. I suspect that the curfew to which Aunt Toi referred was the one that was widely applied, especially in big cities, during the military regime of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat in the early 1960s. I did not ask Aunt Toi how she distinguishes the ethnic identities of her disciples. However, it is common knowledge in Khorat and elsewhere in Thailand that the Sino‐Thai and other indigenous Thai (i.e. Thai Khorat) are loosely identified by skin complexion, appearance, and language dialect. In the traditional Thai calendar, the years are grouped into a 12‐year cycle, and are represented by the twelve animal signs. This calendar system is still popular, in parallel with the international one, in contemporary Thailand. This dialogue was recorded by Silapakit Teekhantikul and Chanthana Suraphinit on 23 November 1995. Both were research assistants to the Khorat Spirit‐medium Cults Project during that time. I owe this point to Professor Chua Beng Huat, Department of Sociology and Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. Pattana Kitiarsa, Fieldnote on Achan Somsak's Trip to Sri Bunruang, 23 June 2004. Pattana Kitiara, Fieldnote on Aunt Toi and Khorat Spirit Mediums, 12 August 1996. Interview Achan Suwan, Magic Monks in Khonsan, Chaiyaphum, 23 June 2004.