Robert Grosseteste and the simple benefice: a novel solution to the complexities of lay presentation
2014; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 40; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/03044181.2013.856031
ISSN1873-1279
Autores Tópico(s)Historical Legal Studies and Society
ResumoAbstractThat pastoral care was the main focus of Robert Grosseteste's theological work and correspondence is well established: Grosseteste is often characterised as the vehement, uncompromising promoter of the pastoral ideal in the face of strong opposition, ecclesiastical and lay. Less close attention has been paid to whether the records of his diocesan administration demonstrate the practical outworking of his pastoral theories. Although narrow in compass, his administrative rolls for the English diocese of Lincoln are not entirely sterile. They show Grosseteste experimenting with a novel form of parish organisation, using grants of simple benefices (simplex beneficium) to ensure appropriate provision for a parochial priestly function whilst offering a constructive compromise to the laity who had the right to nominate clergy for churches (the patrons) when their candidates were deemed inadmissible. The practical working out of these proposals reveals that they had both educational benefits, particularly for potential clergy, and allowed Grosseteste to focus his educational and pastoral efforts directly within the parishes.Keywords: Robert Grossetestemedieval episcopatebeneficesLincoln diocesepatronagemedieval England AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of this paper was delivered at the International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, 2011, and at the International Medieval Congress, Leeds, in the same year. I am grateful for comments from audiences at both events.Notes1 The following abbreviations are used in this paper: NE: W. Stinissen, ed., Aristoteles Over de vriendschap: Boeken VIII en IX van de Nicomachische Ethiek met de commentaren van Apasius en Michael in de Latijnse vertaling van Grosseteste (Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1963); Paris, CMaj.: H.R. Luard, ed., Chronica majora Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani. Rolls Series 57. 7 vols. (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1872–84); VCH: Victoria History of the Counties of England.For an introduction to scholarship on Grosseteste and pastoral care, see L. Boyle, 'Robert Grosseteste and the Pastoral Care', Medieval and Renaissance Studies 8 (1979): 3–51; J.H. Srawley, 'Grosseteste's Administration of the Diocese of Lincoln', in Robert Grosseteste: Scholar and Bishop, ed. D.A. Callus (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 146–77; R.W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste: the Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 249–71; and the introduction to F.A.C. Mantello and J. Goering, eds., The Letters of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2010), particularly 18–22. There are many articles on Grosseteste's individual works of pastoral care and the introductions to several of the editions of these provide important discussions: Siegfried Wenzel, 'Robert Grosseteste's Treatise on Confession, Deus est', Franciscan Studies 30 (1970): 218–93; J. Goering and F.A.C. Mantello, 'The Perumbulavit Iudas … "Speculum confessionis" Attributed to Robert Grosseteste', Revue Bénédictine 96 (1986): 125–68; J. Goering and F.A.C. Mantello, 'Notus in Iudea Deus: Robert Grosseteste's Confessional Formula in Lambeth Palace MS 499', Viator 18 (1987): 253–73; J. Goering and F.A.C. Mantello, 'The Early Penitential Writings of Robert Grosseteste', Recherches de Théologie Ancienne et Médiévale 54 (1987): 57–112; and the introduction to J. Goering and F.A.C. Mantello, eds., Templum Dei. Toronto Medieval Latin Texts 14 (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1984).2 For an overview of this work, see James R. Ginther, 'Robert Grosseteste's Theology of Pastoral Care', in A Companion to Pastoral Care in the Late Middle Ages (1200–1500), eds. J. Caskey, A.S. Cohen and L. Safran (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 95–122; and for material published since this, see in particular M. Hessenauer, 'For a Larger Audience: Grosseteste's Perumbulavit Iudas in Anglo-Norman', in Robert Grosseteste, His Thought and its Impact, ed. J. Cunningham. Papers in Medieval Studies 21 (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2011), 259–313.3 On lay patronage and its problems, see R.H. Helmholz, The Oxford History of the Laws of England, vol. 1, The Canon Law and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction from 597 to 1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 177–9, 478–9; Peter Smith, 'The Advowson: the History and Development of a Most Peculiar Property', Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5 (2000): 320–39; Glenn Olsen, 'The Definition of the Ecclesiastical Benefice in the Twelfth Century: the Canonists' Discussion of Spiritualia', Studia Gratiana 11 (1967): 431–45.4 See for example Boyle, 'Robert Grosseteste and the Pastoral Care'; B. Tierney, 'Grosseteste and the Theory of Papal Sovereignty', Journal of Ecclesiastical History 6 (1955): 1–17; M.M. Morgan, 'The Excommunication of Grosseteste in 1243', English Historical Review 57 (1942): 244–50; F.A.C. Mantello, 'Bishop Robert Grosseteste and his Cathedral Chapter: an Edition of the Chapter's Objections to Episcopal Visitation', Mediaeval Studies 47 (1985): 367–78. For Matthew Paris' depiction of the bishop in this way whilst Grosseteste was alive, see, too, Paris, CMaj., 3: 528–9, 638–9; 4: 151, 245–8, 497–501; 5: 381, 392, 414, 419.5 Boyle, 'Robert Grosseteste and the Pastoral Care', 3–51; Srawley, 'Grosseteste's Administration of the Diocese of Lincoln', 171.6 James McEvoy, The Philosophy of Robert Grosseteste (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), 236.7 See for example his letters to two archbishops of Canterbury, Boniface of Savoy and Edmund Rich, in which he reminds them of the duties of particular individuals in the realm of pastoral care and their own obligations: Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 135–40, 230–57, 292–4, 371–4 (Ep. 108–13, 205–34, 273–5, 353–6); his discussions with the papal legate, Otto: Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 172–4, 262–4 (Ep. 144–6, 241–3); and his letters to William of Raleigh: Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 94–6, 123–5 (Ep. 63–5, 95–7).8 C.H. Lawrence, ed. and trans., Letters of Adam Marsh. 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006–10), 2: particularly 613–21 (letter 245).9 Paris, CMaj., 5: 491, 653. Paris was not alone in this. The author of the Lanercost Chronicle, for example, records a dream supposedly had by a certain knight at the death of Sewal de Bovil, archbishop of York, also known for his opposition to the papacy in his concern for pastoral care. In this dream three dead members of the episcopate, Becket, Edmund of Abingdon and Robert Grosseteste, come to collect the newly deceased archbishop: W. McDowell, ed., Chronicon de Lanercost MCI–MCCCXLVI (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club and McDowell Club, 1839), 72.10 See Lincoln Cathedral Dj/20/2a, mem. 1. Oliver Sutton, bishop of Lincoln, speaks of Grosseteste's zeal for pastoral care above all things, 'zelum ferventissimum quem ad curam habuit animarum', and links this to his care for the liberty of the church in which he was 'murum pro domo domini', a wall of the house of the Lord, using an example from Ezekiel 13:5, 'a wall of the house of Israel'. Godfrey Giffard, bishop of Worcester, also calls him an impregnable wall, vigilant in his care of his flock but in the same context bold in his defence of the rights and liberties of the church against tyranny: 'curam gregis domini continue exhibuit vigilantem quod incessanter pro eo contra hostis antiquis insidias et pro defensione iurium et libertatum ecclesie Anglicane ipsum sanctitatis deo gratia perpessa cum tirannide diras persecuciones multorum murus inexpugnabilis videbatur'. Notes on this dossier, although with omissions from the content of these letters, can be found in R.E.G. Cole, 'Proceedings Relative to the Canonisation of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln', Associated Architectural Societies' Reports 33 (1915): 1–34.11 In particular his works De modo confitendi et penitentias iniugendi, Templum Dei and Perumbulavit Iudas have all been dated before his rise to the episcopate in 1235. For an overview of this dating and a consideration of the probability that Grosseteste wrote such works without personal parochial experience of cure of souls, see Joseph Goering, 'When and Where Did Grosseteste Study Theology?', in Robert Grosseteste: New Perspectives on His Thought and Scholarship, ed. J. McEvoy (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995): 27–34.12 See for example his attempts in 1235 to persuade W. de Cerda to return to England to take up his pastoral duties: Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 88–90 (Ep. 57–9). He takes similarly persuasive tones when trying to encourage others to take up their pastoral duties in the diocese: see his letters to John of St Giles and Richard of Cornwall, in Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 93–4, 168–9 (Ep. 62–3, 140).13 Lincoln, Lincolnshire Archives, DIOC/ROLLS/GROSSETESTE/1–8, ranging in length from 16 membranes to six. The rolls are edited in F.N. Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste. Lincoln Record Society 4 (Horncastle: W.K. Morton and Sons, for the Lincoln Record Society, 1914). The edition of these rolls is frequently erroneous: while this paper is based on a study of the original manuscript rolls, references are given to the entries in the printed edition.14 See Boyle, 'Robert Grosseteste and the Pastoral Care', 3–51; Srawley, 'Grosseteste's Administration of the Diocese of Lincoln', 156, 162, 169–70.15 A typical entry for an institution reads: 'Magister Ricardus de Keuremunt, capellanus, presentatus per abbatem et conventum de Bello Portu ad ecclesiam de Belesby, facta prius inquisitione per R. archidiaconum Lincoln' per quam etc., ad eandem admissus est et in ea, sub pena concilii, canonice persona institutus. Et mandatum est eidem archidiacono ut ipsum in corporalem ipsius ecclesie possessionem inducat', giving the details of the individual instituted, their level of ordination (chaplain is a synonym for priest in the diocese of Lincoln at this date, as in other sees), the patron, the church, notice of inquisition into patronage having been carried out, any details of the particular benefice and then notice of a mandate to induct: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 1. The dorse of the rolls is of less importance to this study and its relationship to the front is complex; pontifical years are not always noted and the content is more diverse. By far the most common entries there are full copies of letters of institution for particular individual clergy, probably reflecting, as Smith suggests when considering the rolls of Grosseteste's predecessor, Hugh of Wells, the fact that letters of institution were not necessarily issued at the point of institution in the diocese and were requested later: D.M. Smith, ed., The Acta of Hugh of Wells Bishop of Lincoln 1209–1235. Lincoln Record Society 88 (Lincoln: Boydell Press for the Lincoln Record Society, 2000), xliii–lii; D.M. Smith, 'The Rolls of Hugh of Wells, Bishop of Lincoln 1209–1235', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 45 (1972): 187–92. One or two of these provide additional information within this study. There are also some additional notes of installations of heads of religious houses in the same format as those on the front of the roll, with records of establishments of private chapels and some documents not easily categorised.16 For a discussion of this in an English context, but from an international perspective see the 1237 constitutions of the legate Otto, chapter 12: F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church. II: 1205–1313. 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 1: 250–1.17 J.R. Maddicott, Simon de Montfort (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 77–105; F.S. Stevenson, Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (London: Macmillan and Co., 1899), 269–75; Southern, Robert Grosseteste, 244–6; F.M. Powicke, King Henry III and the Lord Edward (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), 390–1.18 These refer to, in Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, the churches of Aston Clinton (361), Blisworth (165–6), Dingley (241), Gayhurst (363, 365), Great Tew (480, 483–4), Harby (391), Harpole (205), Hulcott (372). Langton by Partney (131), Long Bennington (15), Rearsby (385–6, 389) and Somerby (59). In actuality there may have been more. Harby is known only because full letters of institution are entered on the dorse of a roll; the brief entry for the institution on the front makes no reference to any such arrangement. Rearsby is complicated by a grant of the patronage to the bishop for this occasion by the patrons, but this seems unattached to a dispute.19 These were defined as benefices without cure of souls and without obligations of residence in a parish, allowing a clergyman to hold more than one benefice if necessary. See Council of Trent, chapter 17: J. Waterworth, trans., Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Ecumenical Council of Trent (London: C. Dolman, 1848), 224.20 See examples in C. Harper Bill, ed., English Episcopal Acta 32: Norwich 1244–66 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), no. 29; B.R. Kemp, ed., English Episcopal Acta 36: Salisbury 1229–1262 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), nos. 124, 132, 150; B.R. Kemp, ed., English Episcopal Acta 37: Salisbury 1263–1297 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), nos. 247, 286. Interestingly neither the rolls of Hugh of Wells, Grosseteste's predecessor, nor those of his successors as bishops of Lincoln mention simple benefices at all.21 For example, the church of Oakham, where an agreement between Westminster Abbey and the church of Lincoln led to the establishment of a simple benefice for the monks: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 158; and Carlby, where there had clearly been a dispute over the patronage of the church between Robert de Karleby and William de Wasteneys whilst Robert was in his minority: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 96, 110.22 At the induction of John, clerk, son of Landulf, citizen of Anagni, into the church of Chesterton, Royston Priory, patrons of the church, were granted a simple benefice of 20s. a year: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 255, 267; for their patronage of the church, see W. Page, ed., VCH Hertfordshire, vol. 4 (London: Constable, 1914), 436.23 There are 20 such entries on the rolls, ranging from Roger, the married rector of East Keal who received three marks a year, to Simon, ordained priest but who was the son of the former rector of his church of Radwell, who received four marks. In one instance the rector of a moiety of a church had been removed through the consolidation of a benefice, at Navenby. Here the removed rector, Master W. de Parvo Ponte, received 15 marks. Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 44, 99, 283. These pensions could also be considered a form of compromise in themselves, encouraging resignation of unsuitable clergy, thus removing them quickly from the parishes where they were deemed harmful.24 These include three specifically named fathers and sons, two pairs of brothers, one female patron with her nephew, and three cases where patron and simple benefice recipient have the same surname: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 15, 59, 165–6, 205, 241, 363, 365, 372, 386, 389, 391.25 Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 165, 166.26 In the archdeaconry of Northampton in the thirteenth year of the episcopate (1247–8), Master Thomas de Burg', subdeacon, is instituted as rector of All Saints Aldwinckle. Reservation is made to the bishop to make an allowance for William of Aldwinckle, the patron's brother, previously presented and not admitted because of insufficient learning, but a note is added that the bishop has refused to make any grant because the patron, Richard of Aldwinckle, had not presented a suitable chaplain, i.e. a man ordained to the priesthood, so the complaint is about the successful candidate's level of ordination. Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 230.27 In the case of the church of Long Bennington, the grant of a simple benefice to Adam de Benington, clerk, brother of the patron, is known only through letters of institution for the eventual rector, Master Richard de Cressingham, dated January 1237. There is no entry of any sort for this institution on the front of the roll, although Richard's later death and replacement is recorded: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 120 (the identification of the parish as the same as Long Bennington, recorded earlier in the volume, has not been noted by the original editor). In these letters Master Richard is described as 'clerk', a title used on the front of the roll to describe men in lower orders: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 15; but it is not possible to be certain of Richard's level of ordination.28 Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 131, 165, 205.29 Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 131, 165.30 Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 165, 361, 363, 386, 391, 483.31 There are two occasions when the simple benefice appears to be less than a quarter of the church's value, at Collyweston, where the pension is 20s. and the value of the church in 1291 is £5: Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.NO.PE.07 (Accessed 28 February 2013, along with other entries in this note), developed from T. Astle, S. Ayscough and J. Caley, eds., Taxatio ecclesiastica Angliae et Walliae auctoritate Papae Nicholai IV (London: Record Commission, 1802); and at Long Bennington where the pension of 20 marks is only a fifth of the church's whole value of £66 13s. 4d. (100 marks) (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.LK.LV.06). However in two of the churches the pension was nearly the whole claimed value of the church; Hulcott, where the six mark (£4) pension was drawn from a £5 benefice (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.BU.WE.07) and at Blisworth where the church's 1291 value, after payment of a pension to a religious house, was £6 13s. 4d. (10 marks) (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.NO.PR.16) and the simple benefice was valued at the same. At Great Tew the simple benefice of 25 marks (£16 13s. 4d.) was half the church's 1291 value of £33 6s. 8d (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.OX.DE.05) and at Gayhurst the simple benefice recipient had four marks (£2 13s. 4d.) – exactly half of the church's claimed value of £5 6s. 8d (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.NO.PR.16). Three other churches' simple benefices were nearly half the stated income: Harby, with a pension of 12 marks (£8) from a value of £20 (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.LC.FR.17); Dingley with a pension of three marks (£2) from a value of £4 13s. 4d (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.NO.WE.18); and Harpole with a pension of five marks (£3 6s. 8d.) from a value of £8 (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.NO.HA.01). At Aston Clinton the pension of 10 marks was a third of the income of £20 (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.BU.WE.08); and at Langton by Partney it was just under a third, at three marks (£2) from a value of £6 13s. 4d (Taxatio 1291 Database http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio/db/taxatio/printbc.jsp?benkey=LI.LK.HO.19).32 See Council of Oxford, Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 112.33 For example, chapter 17 of the statutes begins 'Inhibemus quoque districtius ne aliquis rector ecclesie faciat huiusmodi pactum cum suo sacerdote', and goes on to discuss provision for this sacerdos. The next chapter speaks about the need for sufficient means to be given to the sacerdos by the rector. Chapter 43 talks about the rectors and sacerdotes of their parishes. This is the same word Grosseteste uses for priest when discussing the proper administration of the sacraments of mass and confession in these statutes: Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 271–4.34 See above, note 25, for the bishop's ability, and willingness, to withhold a simple benefice.35 The earl of Ferrers: William de Ferrieres, fourth earl of Derby. Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 179–82 (Ep. 151–4).36 Age of presentee was an issue for Grosseteste on at least one other occasion. When he instituted Robert de Harrington, clerk, as rector of two-thirds of Fulletby church at his father's presentation, the bishop's concern about the age of the presentee led him to insist upon a vicar, with a pension of just one mark retained for the rector, until that young rector was ordained to higher orders, which happened the next year. That Grosseteste did not use a simple benefice here may reflect the fact that this presentation followed a dispute in the king's courts and he did not wish to cause further delay, or the fact that young Robert was so close to ordination to higher orders and clearly actively intended to enter the church: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 109.37 These included royal clerks, household members and relations of the legate, relatives of important men at court, a candidate sent to him by Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, an unsuitable monastic appointment and others, as well as the famous example of Frederick de Lavagna, the pope's nephew. See Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Grosseteste, 82–6, 94–6, 99–100, 125–8, 130, 142–4, 172–3, 229–30, 292–4, 367–8, 441–6 (Ep. 50–4, 63–5, 68–9, 97–100, 102, 116–17, 144–5, 203–4, 273–5, 348–50, 432–7).38 'Idoneus vicarius ad bonam vicariam in sepefata ecclesia constituatur': Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Grosseteste, 182 (Ep. 154).39 Called an 'annua prestatio de eadem ecclesia sine cura animarum nomine simplicis beneficii': Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Grosseteste, 182 (Ep. 154).40 That is, whilst receiving his simple benefice Thomas will be 'residentiam continuam in eadem [ecclesia] faciente' along with an 'idoneus pastor animarum': Goering and Mantello, eds., Letters of Grosseteste, 182 (Ep. 154).41 The simple benefice at Blisworth was established in the first year of Grosseteste's episcopate and that at Langton by Partney in the last: Davis, ed., Rotuli Roberti Grosseteste, 131, 165.42 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Grosseteste, 16–21.43 Writing on Grosseteste's view of hierarchies is extensive and several authors have noted how for him the hierarchy's central importance was to ensure the exercise of pastoral care: an emphasis not found in Pseudo-Dionysius' work. See McEvoy, Philosophy of Robert Grosseteste, 121; C. Taylor-Hogan, 'Pseudo-Dionysius and the Ecclesiology of Robert Grosseteste: a Fruitful Symbiosis', in Robert Grosseteste: New Perspectives on His Thought and Scholarship, ed. McEvoy, 189–212, particularly 190–8; Candice Taylor Quinn, 'Robert Grosseteste and the Corpus Dionysiacum: Accessing Spiritual Realities Through the Word', in Editing Robert Grosseteste, eds. E.A. Mackie and J. Goering (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2003), 79–95; Ginther, 'Robert Grosseteste's Theology of Pastoral Care', 107–8.44 See, for example, Southern's assessment, Southern, Robert Grosseteste, 261.45 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 95 (Ep. 63): 'non possemus curam pastoralem committere nisi transgrediendo regulas sacre pagine et reverendas sanctorum partum constitutiones, sicque nosmetipsos evidenter ignibus gehanne condemnantes.'46 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 173 (Ep. 145): 'Scio quoque quod quiquis abutitur hac potestate [that is of presentation] aedificat ad ignem gehenne.'47 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 263 (Ep. 241–2).48 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 293–4 (Ep. 274): 'In tradenda animarum cura toti timor concutimur, ne forte pro vivificatoribus eas occisioribus exponamus, ac nosmetipsi per hoc in tremendo judicio cum homicidis condemnemur.'49 For Grosseteste's use of the idea in his commentary on Aristotle, see NE, Book 8, commentary on Aristotle 1160a31–b21, lines 20–30, pages 39–41. For his consideration in 1250, see Servus Gieben, 'Robert Grosseteste at the Papal Curia, Lyons, 1250: Edition of the Documents', Collectanea Franciscana 41 (1971): 378. Here, although the pope's own position is clearly part of the consideration, it is notable that an archbishop too can be a 'super-tyrant' if he neglects his obligations. The links between the two types of authority were also noted by W.A. Pantin, 'Grosseteste's Relations with the Papacy and the Crown', in Robert Grosseteste: Scholar and Bishop, ed. Callus, 178–215, particularly 212. For a more recent, brief consideration of this passage, see James McEvoy, 'Grosseteste's Reflections on Aristotelian Friendship: a "New" Commentary on the Nichomachean Ethics 8: 8–14', in Robert Grosseteste: New Perspectives on His Thought and Scholarship, ed. J. McEvoy. Instrumenta Patristica 37 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 157–9.50 See the quotation from a currently unidentified letter transcribed and translated in Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 12–13 (introduction). Grosseteste also speaks in his Dicta of his horror of the unqualified priest and the harm he can do. See for example Dictum 51, considering the man who undertakes rule of souls without proper understanding, he declares, 'Cum tamen si hic erratur non possessio sola, non vita qualiscumque, sed vita eterna periclitatur. Non sit in vobis tam audax presumpcio.' Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 798, f. 38rb. A transcription of Grosseteste's Dicta is available online, in open access at http://grosseteste.com/dicta.htm (Accessed 28 February 2013).51 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 95 (Ep. 63–4).52 Ginther, 'Robert Grosseteste's Theology of Pastoral Care', 117; Wenzel, 'Robert Grosseteste's Treatise on Confession, Deus est', 253–4; Dictum 51 in the paragraph referenced in note 50 above.53 See F.M. Powicke, 'Robert Grosseteste on the Nicomachean Ethics', Proceedings of the British Academy 16 (1950): 85–104.54 Daniel A. Callus, 'The Date of Grosseteste's Translations and Commentaries of Pseudo-Dionysius and the Nicomachean Ethics', Recherches de Théologie Ancienne et Médiévale 14 (1947): 200–7.55 NE, Book 8, commentary on Aristotle, 39–40. See too McEvoy, 'Grosseteste's Reflections on Aristotelian Friendship', 157–9.56 This was Grosseteste's interpretation of the clerotes, a Greek king chosen by lot, who was misunderstood by Grosseteste (NE, Book 8, commentary on Aristotle, 40–1): on this see McEvoy, 'Grosseteste's Reflections on Aristotelian Friendship', 153; Philippa Hoskin, 'Cantilupe's Crusade: Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of Worcester and the Baronial Rebellion', Transactions of the Worcestershire Archaeological Society, 3rd series, 23 (2012): 91–102.57 Gieben, 'Robert Grosseteste at the Papal Curia', 378; for Henry III, see Grosseteste's letters to the king: Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 326–7, 366–9, 370–1 (Ep. 308–9, 348–51, 351–3).58 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 367 (Ep. 348–9).59 Dictum 51, in Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 798, ff. 37r–38v.60 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 70 (Ep. 38): 'ne ministorum vitium congrua severitate non repressum, vobis reputetur in peccatum'.61 Robert Grossetesse, 'Les Reules Seynt Roberd', in Walter of Henley, and Other Treatises in Estate Management and Accounting, ed. Dorothea Oschinsky (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 121–45. For the dating of this piece to Grosseteste's episcopate and for a favourable consideration of his authorship, see Michael Burger, 'The Date and Authorship of Robert Grosseteste's Rules for Household and Estate Management', Historical Research 74 (2001): 106–16. For a more recent consideration, which suggests a dating of 1245–53, still within the episcopate, see Louise Wilkinson, Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2007), 59–60.62 Mantello and Goering, eds., Letters of Robert Grosseteste, 169–72 (Ep. 141–3).63 Dictum 103, noted by Ginther, Master of the Sacred Page, 156.64 David M. Smith, 'The Administration of Hugh of Wells, Bishop of Lincoln 1209–1235'. 2 vols. (PhD diss., University of Nottingham, 1970), 2: 40.65 Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 471–2. Presentations should be carried out 'sola intentione salutis animarum operande facta'.66 Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 471.67 For Grosseteste's parochial visitations, see Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 263–5; Callus, 'Grosseteste's Relations with the Papacy and the Crown', 209–15; Gieben, 'Robert Grosseteste at the Papal Curia', 375–6; Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III Preserved in the Public Record Office, vol. 5, 1242–7 (London: H.M.S.O., 1916), 543; Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III Preserved in the Public Record Office, vol. 6, 1247–51 (London: H.M.S.O., 1922), 221–2; Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III Preserved in the Public Record Office, vol. 7, 1251–3 (London: H.M.S.O., 1927), 224, 226; Paris, CMaj., 4: 579–80; 5: 256–7. For the bishop of Worcester's parochial visitation, see Close Rolls 1247–51, 554. Later bishops' registers record parochial visitations in detail. For references, see Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods, 1: 262, note 5.68 Paris, CMaj., 5: 526.69 See the process described in Ian Forrest, 'The Archive of the Official of Stow and the "Machinery" of Church Government in the Late Thirteenth Ce
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