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Ni Putes ni Soumises : A Republican Feminism from the Quartiers Sensibles

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 17; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09639480802639736

1469-9869

Nicole Fayard, Yvette Rocheron,

Social Policies and Family

Abstract This article examines the activist movement Ni Putes Ni Soumises (NPNS), whose féminisme d'urgence offers a powerful reformist voice which articulates contemporary feminism with traditional Republicanism. NPNS map the quartiers sensibles as male-dominated spaces which have deteriorated since the 1980s. They do so because they campaign against the abuse of women, mainly sexual violence. We examine their claims, and rely on the few statistics available. We then outline the key ideas which inform NPNS's strategies of resistance to sexual abuse: thus, a second section focuses on victim support. Thirdly, we discuss NPNS's interventions in schools. These preventative measures nurture core values of French citizenship while stressing the need for the sexes to learn to respect each other and live together in harmony (mixité). We also examine NPNS's contentious stance on the voile musulman and laïcité. We note that the radicalism of NPNS reveals paradoxical tensions (in particular with regard to laïcité ) which are at the core of French politics, and is open to accusations of instrumentalisation. Notes [1] Samira Bellil, author of bestseller Dans l'enfer des tournantes, became an NPNS sponsor. [2] The quartiers sensibles have traditionally been seen as areas of riots where male youths originating from multi-ethnic impoverished communities face problems of integration, exclusion and racism (Jazouli 1992 Jazouli, A. 1992. Les Années banlieues, Paris: Seuil. [Google Scholar]). There is no suitable English alternative to the French term. For instance, 'inner-city neighbourhoods' do not apply to the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural 'sink estates' found in the French 'suburbs'. [3] The movement claimed between 6,000 and 10,000 members in summer 2006 (Sihem Habchi, NPNS Vice-President, interview with Nicole Fayard, 17 July 2006). [4] NPNS received increased legitimacy in January 2007 as they were granted a consultative role as an NGO accredited to the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. [5] Campaigns against sexual violence, which predate the emergence of NPNS, have made slow progress until recently, with a few exceptions such as the 1978 Aix trial, the 1980 rape law, the 1992 sexual harassment law, etc. A number of groups, feminist or non-feminist, have campaigned since the late 1970s, and others more recently (see for instance SOS-Viol, CNPF, SOS-Femmes de Marseille, les Nanas Beurs, Voix d'Elles rebelles, Mix-Cité, Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes, etc). [6] The ENVEFF survey estimated that for the year 2000, out of a sample of 7,000 women aged 20 to 59. 9% had been victims of conjugal violence (verbal, psychological, physical or sexual) (Chemin 2007 Chemin, A. (2007) 'Femmes battues: les féministes proposent une loi-cadre', Le Monde, 2 January. Available at: http://lemonde.fr [Google Scholar]). [7] Recent figures show an increase in delinquency generally. According to the Observatoire national de la délinquance, physical violence nationally has increased by 27% since 2002 (Libération 2006, p. 6). [8] Extrapolation out of a sample of 11,200 women and men aged 18–60 (Bauer 2007 Bauer, A. 2007. La Criminalité en France. Rapport de l'Observatoire national de la délinquance 2007, Paris: OND and INHES, CNRS éditions. [Google Scholar], p. 5). [9] The survey defines sexual aggression as 'baisers, caresses ou autres gestes déplacés' (Tournyol du Clos & Le Jeannic 2008 Tournyol du Clos, L. and Le Jeannic, T. 2008. Les Violences faites aux femmes. Insee première, : 3 no. 1180, February [Google Scholar], p. 3). [10] There is no space here to discuss shifting definitions of violence against women and their links to statistical surveys (see Debauche 2007 Debauche, A. 2007. "Enquêter sur le viol: entre sexualité et violence". In Violences envers les femmes. Trois pas en avant et deux pas en arrière, Edited by: Chetcuti, N. and Jaspard, M. Paris: L'Harmattan. [Google Scholar]). [11] The marrying age for Muslim women in France has risen from 16 to 25 over 20 years (Etienne 2003 Etienne, B. 2003. Islam, les questions qui fâchent, Paris: Bayard. [Google Scholar], p. 133). [12] The issue of polygamy is a good example of fluctuating legal status: since its interdiction in France in 1993, second or third wives and their children have lost their rights to housing and welfare. In this case, French Republican universalism clashes with the rights of ethnic minorities. [13] See discussion of 'la sociabilité contrainte des populations pauvres' (Avenel 2005 Avenel, C. 2005. Sociologie des quartiers sensibles, Paris: Armand Colin. [Google Scholar], pp. 49–51). [14] Generally, the police are also reluctant to intervene in domestic violence cases. [15] For more information, see: http://www.vie-publique.fr/actualite/panorama/texte-vote/ loi-du-4-avril-2006-renforcant-prevention-repression-violences-au-sein-du-couple-ou-commises-contre-mineurs.html# [16] The loi cadre also calls for specialised courts to deal with all forms of domestic violence, including psychological violence, because judgments are often inconsistent (Rojtmann 2007 Rojtmann, S. (2007) 'Femmes battues: les féministes proposent une loi-cadre', Le Monde, 2 January. Available at: http://www.lemonde.fr [Google Scholar]). [17] For example the Muslim association Une Ecole pour toutes demonstrated against secularism on International Women's day in 2005. [18] 'Appel pour un nouveau combat féministe March 2005' (NPNS 2005a, p. 104). [19] Fourest also points out that the Collectif féministe pour une altermondialisation laïque voiced the same view (Fourest 2005 Fourest, C. 2005. La Tentation obscurantiste, Paris: Grasset. [Google Scholar], p. 127). [20] This was noted by Amnesty International in April 2005. Available at: http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/fraeur210012005 [21] Historically, gang rapes are not new, and they particularly occur in a social world ruled by honour and reputation, as in nineteenth century rural France (Mucchielli 2005 Mucchielli, L. 2005. Le Scandale des tournantes, Paris: La Découverte. [Google Scholar], p. 36). [22] The men interviewed by Hamel were aware they were committing a crime – they knew what they were doing. It is reasonable to assert that gang rape and the law of silence that goes with it are forms of social control over women (Hamel 2003 Hamel, C. 2003. "Faire tourner les meufs". Les viols collectifs: discours des médias et des agresseurs. Gradhiva, 33: 85–92. [Google Scholar], pp. 88–90). [23] This assertion based on the comparison between the figures released by the Direction centrale de la police judiciaire and the number of rapes estimated by the 2007 l'Observatoire national de la délinquance survey provides an average rate of reporting of 7.6% for 2005–2006. [24] This is an NGO whose brief is to research areas of conflict in the world such as the Balkans, the Middle-East, etc. It produces the monthly publication CrisisWatch.