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Character and imperialism: The british financial administration of Egypt, 1878–1914

2006; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 34; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/03086530600633405

1743-9329

Peter Cain,

American Constitutional Law and Politics

Abstract The main purpose of the article is to try to show how British governing elites constructed their world through a complex mental grid summed up in the word 'character' and how this impacted upon imperial governance. The latter theme is then illustrated through a detailed study of the financial policies of the small cadre of British officials who controlled Egyptian government in this period. They used the language of character to justify being in Egypt in the first place and it clearly influenced the financial policies they adopted. More fundamentally, as we shall see, the character grid gave them a very negative view of Egyptians and their society and made it impossible for them to recognise that nationalist claims for autonomy had any validity. Acknowledgement I should like to thank Roger Lloyd-Jones, Barbara Bush, Gerald Studdert-Kennedy and Mark Bearn for their comments on earlier drafts and also the audience at the International Economic History seminar at the London School of Economics who helped me to clarify some difficult issues. Notes 1. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 298. 2. Said, Orientalism. The most accessible commentary is by Macfie, Orientalism. 3. Cannadine, Ornamentalism. 4. Gann and Duignan, The Rulers of British Africa, 181. 5. Bush and Maltby, 'Taxation in West Africa'. 6. Kent, Brains and Numbers, 6. 7. The key work on character is by Collini, Public Moralists, Part I, esp. ch.3. See also Bellamy, Liberalism and Modern Society, ch.1; and Romani, National Character and Public Spirit in Britain and France. For the imperial dimension, see Field, Towards a Programme of Imperial Life. 8. Burrow, A Liberal Descent. 9. Seeley, The Expansion of England. 10. Schumpeter coined the phrase 'ethical imperialism' to describe America's post-1945 international stance but it could well be used to describe British attitudes in this period. Schumpeter, 'An Economic Interpretation of Our Times', 394. 11. Collini, Public Moralists, ch.5. 12. However, by 1914 there was also growing support for the New Liberal contention that state help was necessary to provide the poor with the minimum necessary to allow them to develop character and become active citizens. Vincent and Plant, Philosophy, Politics and Citizenship, ch.5. 13. Collini, Public Moralists, 97–98. 14. Collini, Burrow and Winch, That Noble Science of Politics. 15. Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School. 16. The quotation is from Macaulay's essay on Clive in Critical and Historical Essays, 541; see also Daunton, Trusting Leviathan, 109. 17. Studdert-Kennedy, 'The Broad Church Idea of the British State'. 18. For the shaping of Gladstone's thought, see Matthew, Gladstone, 103–48, 330–50; and Hilton, The Age of Atonement. 19. Gladstone, Midlothian Speeches, 132. 20. Daunton, Trusting Leviathan, 75. 21. Durrans, 'A Two-edged Sword', Cain, 'Radicalism, Gladstone and the Liberal Critique of Disraelian "Imperialism"'. 22. Gladstone, Midlothian Speeches, 237–39. 23. Ibid., 18; Lowe, 'Imperialism'. Disraeli's failure to adhere to Gladstonian principles was probably the biggest single reason for his defeat at the election of 1880. Biagini, 'Popular Liberalism, Gladstonian Finance and the Debate on Taxation', 141, 162. For Gladstone's moral dominance as financier, see 'Mr Gladstone as Financier', The Spectator, 6 Dec. 1879, 1529–30. 24. On Egyptian debt, see Owen, The Middle East in the World Economy, 122–28; and Ferguson, The World's Banker, 817–35. For an interesting contemporary account, see Dicey, England and Egypt. 25. Good accounts of the build up to the crisis of 1882 can be found in Atkins, 'The Conservatives and Egypt, 1875–80', 190; Ramm, 'Great Britain and France in Egypt'. 26. Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East. See also Scholch, Egypt for the Egyptians! 27. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 290–91. 28. Blunt, 'The Egyptian Revolution'. 29. Brailsford, The War of Steel and Gold, 96. 30. Ibid., 101. 31. See Owen, 'The Influence of Lord Cromer's Indian Experience'. For an 'Indian' example of the importance of character in the imperial context, see Lord Curzon, 'The True Imperialism', 142–56. 32. Owen, Lord Cromer, is a fine modern biography. 33. On Milner, see Halperin, Lord Milner and the Empire; Wrench, Alfred Lord Milner; and Colin Newbury's article in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 38, 302–09. 34. For Colvin, see the essay by B. R. Tomlinson in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 12, 831–33. For Malet, see Lynn Williams essay in ibid., 36, 309–11. 35. See Mellini, Sir Eldon Gorst. Gorst was known under the name John Lowndes Gorst until 1902. 36. Of course, the British officials in Egypt only echoed a much wider view of 'Oriental' economic incompetence and unreliability. See, for example, 'Reports relating to Uganda by Sir Gerald Portal', in Parliamentary Papers C7303 (1894), esp. 32–38. 37. Mowat, 'From Liberalism to Imperialism', 116–24. 38. Blunt, Secret History of the Occupation of Egypt. 39. Milner, England in Egypt, 179. 40. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 58. 41. Milner, England in Egypt, 176; Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 56. 42. Milner, England in Egypt, 176; Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 21. 43. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 57. 44. Owen, Lord Cromer, 109. 45. Milner, England in Egypt, 178. 46. Ibid., 19. In this context it is worth noting that Cromer and Gorst believed that the Muslim acceptance of female seclusion and polygamy, together with the generally low status of women in Egypt, meant that masculinity was ill-developed there. Egyptian men would never have 'self-respect' until monogamy and proper family life became well established. See Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 155–59, 542; Gorst, 'The Oriental Character', 127. 47. Milner, England in Egypt, 176, 179. The latter page is headed 'Thriftless Expenditure'. 48. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 443–44. For Cromer's obsessive concern with Ismail's moral deficiencies, see Owen, Lord Cromer, 114–15. 49. It is interesting in this context that when, in retirement, Cromer wrote an essay on Disraeli he saw him, as had Gladstone, as typically 'Oriental': and because Disraeli's ambition was personal rather than altruistic and because he had a 'total absence of any moral principle' Cromer even compared him to Ismail. See Cromer, 'Disraeli', 178–79, 183. 50. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 137. 51. Owen, Lord Cromer, 126–34. 52. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 23, 27. 53. Malet, Egypt, 112. 54. It is noteworthy that one radical financial journalist in Britain argued that the debts were Ismail's alone and the Egyptian people had a right to repudiate them if necessary rather than pay the European 'cormorants' who had lured the hapless ex-Khedive into disaster. See Wilson, 'The Eleventh Plague of Egypt'. See also Scholch, 'The "Man on the Spot"'. 55. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 25. Blunt, Secret History, 221–22, was convinced that fears about maintaining financial control lay behind British intervention in 1882. 56. Colvin's memorandum to the Foreign Office, reprinted in Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 218–21. Given the overarching theme of this article it is rather ironic that in 1882 Blunt argued that 'through the strength of his character Sir Auckland has carried Sir Edward everywhere with him, and together they have brought an English army and unutterable misery into Egypt'. Blunt, 'The Egyptian Revolution', 341. 57. Malet, Egypt, 286. 58. Milner, England in Egypt, 16; cf. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 212; and Dicey, England in Egypt, 251. 59. Milner, England in Egypt, 18–19. 60. The 'massacres' were greatly exaggerated. See Chamberlain, 'The Alexandria Massacres of 11 June 1882'. 61. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 330. For modern interpretations of the reasons for occupation, see Robinson and Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians, ch.4; Chamberlain, 'Sir Charles Dilke and the British Intervention in Egypt in 1882'; and Hopkins, 'The Victorians and Africa'. 62. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 328. 63. Said, Orientalism, 32. On this theme, see also the debate on Egypt in Parliamentary Debates 5th ser., 17 (3 June 1910), cols.1124, 1125, 1132, 1134, 1141. 64. Malet, Egypt, 453. 65. Milner, England in Egypt, 377. 66. Ibid., 215. 67. Quoted in Cromer, Abbas II, 40; and in Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 239. For similar sentiments, see Sir Edward Grey's speech in Parliamentary Debates 5th ser., 17 (13 June 1910), cols.1152–53. 68. He did add that this 'may be simply a piece of self-delusion', but the whole tone of the letter shows that he did not believe that. Wrench, Alfred Lord Milner, 121. 69. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 61–62, for an example. Gorst recognised a few members of the Egyptian elite who 'compare with Europeans on equal terms as regards, education, character and habits of thought.' Gorst, 'The Oriental Character', 124. 70. Gorst, 'The Oriental Character', 138; Milner, England in Egypt, 33. 71. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 144–65, 298; Gorst, 'The Oriental Character', 132. 72. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 282, 296. 73. Milner, England in Egypt, 331. 74. Ibid., 290. 75. Owen, Lord Cromer, 243–49. 76. The radical critics are discussed in Chamberlain, 'British Public Opinion and the Invasion of Egypt'. 77. Milner, England in Egypt, 198. 78. Owen, Lord Cromer, 246. 79. Milner, England in Egypt, 111; Colvin, Making of Modern Egypt, 111; Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 159–60. 80. Malet, Egypt, 63; see also Dicey, England in Egypt, 239–48. 81. Cromer, Modern Egypt, 443–44; Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 115, 128. 82. Cromer, Modern Egypt, 281. 83. Ibid., 124. 84. Apart from dark hints about French sexual mores, Cromer was concerned mainly with differences in approaches to governance. He argued that the French, like other Europeans, preferred a bureaucratic system with rigid rules handed down from the centre, while British methods were more individualist and left much more discretion to subordinates. In his view, the Egyptians were tempted by the French approach because it absolved them from taking personal responsibility: but the more pragmatic British system was better for them because it helped to build character. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 236–42. See also Earl of Cromer, 'The Government of Subject Races', in Political and Literary Essays, 28–31; and Said, Orientalism, 211–12. Note also the contrast between French 'logic' and English 'common sense' in Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 125. 85. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 111–12. 86. Malet, Egypt, 118. 87. Earl of Cromer, 'The International Aspects of Free Trade', in Political and Literary Essays, 138–40. It is noteworthy that Milner became a passionate protectionist in the 1890s. 88. Owen, Lord Cromer, 227–28. 89. Earl of Cromer, 'The French in Algeria', in Political and Literary Essays, 252–56; and 'The Capitulations in Egypt', in ibid., 159. 90. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 202–04. 91. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 451–52. 92. Milner, England in Egypt, 229. 93. Ibid., 233. 94. Ibid., 234. He also claimed, 242, that 'the idea of repairing anything is alien to the Arab mind'. 95. Ibid., 252. 96. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 178. 97. Milner, England in Egypt, 200–20; Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 447–48. 98. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 130. 99. Ibid., 447. 100. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 376. 101. Cromer, 'The Government of Subject Races', 44–51. 102. Milner, England in Egypt, 174. 103. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 454–55. 104. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 376. 105. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 165–7. 106. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 51–52. 107. Milner, England in Egypt, 255. 108. Ibid., 206, Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 286. 109. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 135. In this context it is of some interest to note that when Vincent was freed from Cromer's grip and became, in 1889, Director-General of the Imperial Ottoman Bank, his arrogance and impetuousness led him into speculative ventures of a thoroughly unGladstonian nature and raised serious questions about his probity. See Auchterlonie, 'A Turk of the West', 61–64; Davenport-Hines and Van Helten, 'Edgar Vincent, Viscount D'Abernon, and the Eastern Investment Company'. 110. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 95. 111. The financial exigencies of the 1880s and disputes over how to deal with them caused considerable tension between Cromer and Vincent and some other British officials. See Owen, Lord Cromer, 229–30. 112. In this context, see the penetrating study of the psychology of the imperial elite by Tidrick, Empire and the English Character. 113. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 342. 114. Owen, Lord Cromer, 186, 204, 243–49. 115. Cromer, Ancient and Modern Imperialisms, 118–19. 116. Cromer, Modern Egypt, I, 383. 117. Malet, Egypt, 57. 118. Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt, 383. 119. Ibid., 382. 120. Earl of Cromer, Abbas II, xxiii. As Brailsford, The War of Steel and Gold, 116, pointed out, expenditure on education should have been a priority if self-government was the chief aim of government. 121. Cromer, 'The Government of Subject Races', 26. 122. Milner, England in Egypt, 328, 84, 313. 123. Ibid., 308. 124. Gorst, 'The Oriental Character', 134, 138. 125. Milner, England in Egypt, 371. 126. Cromer, Modern Egypt, II, 132, 135–36. 127. Ibid., 202. 128. Ibid., 141–44, 232–33, 234. For a fascinating study of how the Egyptian elites in the public service tried to internalise Cromer's lessons on character, see Mitchell, Colonising Egypt, esp. ch.4. 129. Owen, Lord Cromer, 213–14. The financial morality of some other British officials did give cause for concern but even Blunt admitted that Cromer was untouched by any scandal. Ibid., 306–07. 130. For critical modern accounts of Cromer's stewardship of the economy and its effects, see Tignor, Modernisation and British Colonial Rule in Egypt; and al-Sayyid-Marsot, 'The British Occupation of Egypt from 1882', 657–64. 131. The commentary in Brailsford, The War of Steel and Gold, 119–20, is interesting in this regard.