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‘A greater honour and burden’: the predicament of Matthew of Albano, monk and cardinal-bishop

2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 39; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/03044181.2013.775958

1873-1279

Ryan P. Freeburn,

Reformation and Early Modern Christianity

Abstract This article examines the tensions faced by Matthew of Albano (c.1085–1135) and his biographer Peter the Venerable. Matthew, a staunch defender of the Cluniac way of life, had to navigate conflicting identities as cardinal and monk amid a changing political and ideological scene. Peter the Venerable's De miraculis, drawing upon themes from earlier hagiography, portrays Matthew as the ideal monk-bishop and Cluniac. This article discusses the manner in which Peter's life of Matthew served to defend the relevance of Cluny and its continued participation in curial affairs in the context of the Cluniac schism and shifting papal politics. It also discusses Matthew's struggles as evidenced in other sources, including his own writing and documents relating to his activities as a legate. His interventions show his personal struggles with balancing a life of contemplation and action as well as the interests of both Cluny and the pope. Keywords: Matthew of AlbanoPeter the VenerableClunymonasticismmonk-bishopscardinals Acknowledgements I wish to thank Tracey-Anne Cooper, Kate Cushing and Alice Chapman, as well as John Ott, Giles Constable and the anonymous readers of this article for their helpful feedback. Notes 1 The following abbreviations are used in this article: MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica; PL: Patrologiae cursus completus, series Latina. Joachim Mehne, ‘Cluniacenserbischöfe’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien 11 (1977): 263–5. 2 Thomas Head, ‘Postscript: the Ambiguous Bishop’, in The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages, ed. John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 250–64. 3 There are a number of insightful essays into the struggles of monk-bishops in The Bishop Reformed, ed. Ott and Jones. Also see Ryan P. Freeburn, Hugh of Amiens and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 85–98. 4 Ursmer Berlière, ‘Le cardinal Matthieu d'Albano (c.1085–1135)’, Revue Bénédictine 18 (1901): 113–40 and 280–303. 5 See, for instance, Adriaan Bredero, ‘Cluny et Cîteaux: les origines de la controverse’, in idem, Cluny et Cîteaux au douzième siècle. L'histoire d'une controverse monastique (Amsterdam: APA-Holland University Press, 1985), 48–9; H.E.J. Cowdrey, ‘Abbot Pontius of Cluny (1109–22/6)’, in Two Studies in Cluniac History. 1049–1126. Studi Gregoriani per la storia della ‘Libertas Ecclesiae’ 11 (Rome: LAS, 1978): 177–298. At times, discussions of him do acknowledge the more complex and ambiguous nature of his actions. See, for instance, Ambrogio M. Piazzoni, Guglielmo di Saint-Thierry. Il declino dell'ideale monastico nel secolo XII. Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, Studi storici 181–3 (Rome: Istituto Pallazo Borromini, 1988), 101–5. 6 Matthew of Albano, Epistola, ed. S. Ceglar, in Saint-Thierry, une abbaye du VI e au XX e siècle. Actes du colloque international d'histoire monastique. Reims – Saint-Thierry, 11 au 14 octobre 1976, ed. Michel Bur (Saint-Thierry: Association des Amis de l'Abbaye de Saint-Thierry, 1979), 320–33. 7 Much excellent work has been done on these conflicts. See especially Giles Constable, ‘The Interpretation of Mary and Martha’, in idem, Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 3–141; and regarding a twelfth-century bishop, John S. Ott, ‘“Both Mary and Martha”: Bishop Lietbert of Cambrai and the Construction of Episcopal Sanctity in a Border Diocese Around 1100’, in The Bishop Reformed, ed. Ott and Trumbore, 137–60. 8 Matthew of Albano, Epistola, ed. Celgar. 9 Apart from the six diplomatic letters and confirmations in Matthew of Albano, Epistolae et diplomata, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 173 (Paris: Garnier Fratres, Editores et J.-P. Migne Successores, 1895), cols. 1261–8, there is also a letter on the usurpation of priories that belonged to Luxeuil in 1128, found in Honorius II, ‘Epistolae’, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. Bouquet and L. Delisle. 24 vols. (Paris: V. Palmé, 1869–1904), 15: 266–7 (letter 22); a confirmation of the expulsion of the nuns of St-Jean, Laon, and their replacement with monks, found in J.D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. 31 vols. (Florence, 1759–98), 21: 373–4; and a confirmation of the possession of Argenteuil by St-Denis in 1129, found in J. Doublet, Histoire de S. Denys en France (Paris: chez Michel Soly, 1625), 48. The letter to Guigo was written between 1132 and 1134, probably during Matthew's stay at Cluny: H. Rüthing, ‘Ein Brief des Kardinals Matthäus von Albano an die “Grand Chartreuse”’, Revue Bénédictine 78 (1968): 150–1. 10 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis libri duo, Prologues to Books I and II, ed. Denise Bouthillier. Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievalis 83 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988), 3, 93–4. 11 Hugh of Amiens, Dialogues, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 192 (Paris: Garnier Fratres, Editores et J.-P. Migne Successores, 1880), cols. 1141–1248. 12 Hugh of Amiens, Dialogues, ed. Migne. PL 192, cols. 1141A–2B, 1227B–30C; see Freeburn, Hugh of Amiens, Ch. 4. 13 Hugh of Amiens, Dialogues, ed. Migne. PL 192, cols. 1141B, 1142A–B; Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 103–4: II.4–5; Ursmer Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 114–15. 14 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 105–12: II.6–8; Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 117–18; Katherine Allen Smith, ‘Discipline, Compassion and Monastic Ideals of Community, c.950–1250’, Journal of Medieval History 35 (2009): 326–39. 15 This is at least how Peter portrays the events. Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 115–16: II.11. 16 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 115–16: II.11. 17 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 121–4: II.13–14. 18 These include Adriaan Bredero, whose articles supporting his thesis of Pontius as a reformer open to new religious movements are collected in Cluny et Cîteaux au douzième siècle. Other important works include Cowdrey, ‘Abbot Pontius of Cluny (1109–22/6)’, in Two Studies in Cluniac History, 177–298; Pietro Zerbi, ‘Intorno allo scisma di Ponzio, Abate di Cluny (1122–26)’, in idem, Tra Milano e Cluny. Momenti di vita e cultura ecclesiastica nel secolo XII (Rome: Herder, 1978), originally published in Studi storici in onore di Ottorino Bertolini (Pisa: Pacini, 1972), 835–91; Pietro Zerbi, ‘Ancoro intorno a Ponzio e allo “Schisma” Cluniacense. La “svolta” del 1124–25’, in Società, istituzioni, spiritualita. Studi in onore di Cinzio Violante. 2 vols. (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1994), 2: 1081–91; Mary Stroll, The Jewish Pope. Ideology and Politics in the Papal Schism of 1130. Studies in Intellectual History 8 (Leiden: Brill, 1987), 21–54; and Joachim Wollasch, Cluny ‘Licht der Welt’. Aufstieg und Niedergang der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft (Zurich: Artemis und Winkler, 1996), 198–224. 19 Ludwig Falkenstein, La papauté et les abbayes françaises aux XIe et XIIe siècles. Exemption et protection apostolique (Paris: Librairie Honoré Champion, 1997), 186–90; A. Bredero, ‘Pierre le Vénerable: les commencements de son abbatiat à Cluny (1122–32)’, in idem, Cluny et Cîteaux, 80; Cowdrey, ‘Abbot Pontius’, 218–28. 20 Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall. 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969–80), 6: 252–77, XII.21; I.S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073–1198: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 224–5. 21 See Peter the Venerable's defence of exemptions in Peter the Venerable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable. 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), 1: 79–81 (letter 28); Falkenstein, La papauté, 204–16; Adriaan Bredero, ‘À propos de l'autorité abbatiale de Pons de Melgueil et de Pierre le Vénérable dans l'ordre de Cluny’, in idem, Cluny et Cîteaux, 101–4; Robinson, Papacy, 223, 231–42; Mary Stroll, Calixtus II (1119–1124): a Pope Born to Rule. Studies in the History of Christian Traditions 116 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 425–40; Gerd Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century, trans. Timothy Reuter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 345–6. Some accounts of the Schism of 1130 portray the shift as a decisive one in favour of new religious orders and co-operation with bishops and empire, alienating traditional black monks and Gregorian-style reformers: see Franz-Josef Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres 1130. Forschungen zur kirchlichen Rechtsgeschichte und zum Kirchenrecht 3 (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1961); Hans-Walter Klewitz, ‘Das Ende des Reformpapsttums’, in idem, Reformpapsttum und Kardinalkolleg (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1957), 208–59; Stanley Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century. The Ecclesiology of Gratian's Decretum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972). Others have seen the divisions as primarily political, with a variety of stances found among supporters of both factions and a largely pragmatic approach by Innocent II and Cardinal Haimeric: Gerd Tellenbach, ‘Der Sturz des Abtes Pontius von Cluny und seine Geschichtliche Bedeutung’, Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 42–3 (1963): 13–55; Werner Maleczek, ‘Das Kardinalskollegium unter Innocenz II. und Anaklet II.’, Archivium Historiae Pontificiae 19 (1981): 7–78; Stroll, Jewish Pope, passim. While I agree that there do not appear to have been clear-cut ideological divisions in the schism, Innocent II and Chancellor Haimeric ended up as staunch allies of the new religious movements, and I do not think this purely a result of pragmatism on their part. 22 H.E.J. Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 253–65; Robinson, Papacy, 226, 229–30; especially relevant are canons 4, 17–19 in Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 21: 277–86. 23 ‘Sed licet invideant, tamen, si oculos habent, aspiciant quia monachi tonsura utuntur clericali. Proprie enim sunt de sorte Domini, et ipsum habent sortem quem relictis omnibus quaerunt singularem. Jure ergo vocarentur clerici, recteque canonici, nisi pro jure arctioris excellentiae dici mererentur monachi. Omnis namque monachus est quidem clericus, sed non convertitur; sicut omnis clericus est Christianus, sed non omnis Christianus est clericus’, Hugh of Amiens, Dialogues, ed. Migne, PL 192, cols. 1218D–19A: VI.4. 24 Hugh of Amiens, Dialogues, ed. Migne, PL 192, cols. 1218D–19A: VI.4. See also Freeburn, Hugh of Amiens, 88–93. 25 Ursmer Berlière, ‘L'exercice du ministère paroissial par les moines dans le haut moyen-âge’, Revue Bénédictine 29 (1927): 227–50; Jacques Winandy, OSB, ‘Les moines et le sacerdoce’, La Vie Spirituelle 80 (1949): 23–36; Philipp Hofmeister, ‘Mönchtum und Seelsorge bis zum 13. Jahrhundert’, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 65 (1955): 209–73; Jacques Leclercq, ‘Le sacerdoce des moines’, Irénikon 36 (1963): 5–40; Giles Constable, ‘Monastic Possession of Churches and “Spiritualia” in the Age of Reform’, in Religious Life and Thought (11th–12th centuries), ed. Giles Constable (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), 304–31; Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 93–4, 229. 26 Pietro Zerbi, ‘Cluny e Citeaux. Riflessioni e ipotesi sui rappori fra i due “ordines” durante lo scisma di Ponzio (1122–26)’, in I cistercensi e il Lazio. Atti delle giornate di studio dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Arte dell'Università di Roma. 17–21 Maggio 1977 (Rome: Multigrafica Editrice, 1978), 237–8. 27 Giles Constable, ‘Manuscripts of Works by Peter the Venerable’, in Petrus Venerabilis 1156–1956. Studies and Texts Commemorating the Eighth Century of his Death, ed. Giles Constable and James Kritzeck. Studia Anselmiana 40 (Rome: Herder, 1956), 219–42; see the introduction to Pierre le Vénérable, Livre des merveilles de Dieu, ed. and trans. by Denise Bouthillier and Jean-Pierre Torrell (Freiburg: Éditions Universitaires, 1992), 29–44. Bredero, in ‘Cluny et Cîteaux’, 27–73, sees this as an intervention by Bernard on behalf of Pontius. I agree with Zerbi who argued convincingly that Bernard would not have risked alienating the bishops and pope in this fashion: Jean Leclercq, Adriaan Bredero, and Pietro Zerbi, ‘Encore sur Pons de Cluny et Pierre le Vénérable’, in Bredero, Cluny et Cîteaux, 296. 28 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthiller, 3, 93–4. 29 Dominique Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure. Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l'hérésie, au judaïsme et à l'islam 1000–1150 (Paris: Aubier, 1998), 106–8, 195–208, 224–6, 233–40. 30 Bredero, ‘Pierre le Vénérable’, 80–6; Stroll, Jewish Pope, 22–7; but also Chodorow, Christian Political Theory, 22–3. 32 ‘Set qui nescientem vocaverat Deus, reditum impedivit, et quia super pauca fidelis fuerat, eum super multa ut expertum dispensatorem promovit. Iniungit ei cum honore nominandus papa Honorius maioris honoris et oneris pastoralem curam, et eum labori suo sotium adhibens, in episcopum Albanum consecrat. Provectus ergo ad sublimem pontificalis ordinis gradum, et super ecclesie candelabrum ad lucendum omnibus qui in domo Dei erant magnifice exaltatus, nichil de monacho quorundam more dimisit, set sicut de magno Martino legitur, eadem in corde eius humilitas, eadem in vestitu eius vilitas mansit.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 123–4: II.14. 31 Matthew witnessed a bull on 20 October 1126 as prior: Jean Mabillon, Annales ordinis S. Benedicti. 6 vols. (Paris, 1703–39), 6: 649–50. By the summer of 1127 he was on his first mission on behalf of the pope. Leo of Ostia and Peter the Deacon, Chronica monasterii Casinensis, ed. W. Wattenbach. MGH Scriptores, 7 (Hanover: MGH, 1846), 809–10: III.93–4; Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 123–4. 33 For instance, his fellow Cluniac, Pope Urban II, proved to be one of the more competent and flexible popes of the period. See Alfons Becker, Papst Urban II. (1088–1099). MGH Schriften 19. 2 vols. (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1964–88); Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: the Western Church from 1050–1250 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 121–5. 34 ‘Nichil de officiis, nichil de cantibus, nichil de polixa Cluniacensi psalmodia, quarumlibet curarum pretextu reliquit.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 35 The church is now once more known as San Sebastiano. It is unclear whether ‘Palladium’ is a reference to the Palladium of Athena, which may have been kept nearby, or a corruption of ‘Palatine’. Hans-Walter Klewitz, ‘Montecassino in Rom’, Quellen und Forschungen 28 (1937–8): 36–7; P. Fedele, ‘Una chiesa del Palatino. S. Maria “in Pallara”’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 26 (1903): 367–9. H.E.J. Cowdrey, The Age of Abbot Desiderius. Montecassino, the Papacy, and the Normans in the Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983); Herbert Bloch, Monte Cassino in the Middle Ages, vol. 1 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), 319–23. 36 Leo of Ostia and Peter the Deacon, Chronica monasterii Casinensis, ed. Wattenbach, 92: II.94; 729: III.36; Klewitz, ‘Montecassino’, 36, 39; Fedele, ‘Una chiesa’, 373. 37 Stroll, Calixtus II, 295–6, 437–8; Cowdrey, Age of Abbot Desiderius, 62; Klewitz, ‘Montecassino’, 44–5. 38 Leo of Ostia and Peter the Deacon, Chronica monasterii Casinensis, ed. Wattenbach, 803–4: III.81; Stroll, Calixtus II, 296; Cowdrey, Age of Abbot Desiderius, 223; Klewitz, ‘Montecassino’, 36. 39 ‘… a secularium vanitatibus, se quasi septo firmissimo secernebat. Cohibebat se intra se, numquamque sicut de quodam dictum est, magis solus quam cum aliis, numquam magis negotiosus quam cum solus erat.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 40 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 41 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 42 Gregory the Great, Pastoral Care, ed. Floribert Rommel, trans. Charles Morel. Sources Chrétiennes 381. 2 vols. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1992), 198–200: II.5. 43 Phyllis G. Jestice, Wayward Monks and the Religious Revolution of the Eleventh Century (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 170–209. 44 Jestice, Wayward Monks, 210–28. 45 Jestice, Wayward Monks, 202–4; Constable, Reformation of the Twelfth Century, 131–7; John Cassian, Collationes, ed. Eugène Pichery. Sources Chrétiennes 42, 54, 64. 3 vols. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1955–9), 1: 253, VII.6. See also Constable, ‘Interpretation of Mary and Martha’, 61–72. 46 ‘Itaque licet in terreno sæpius conversaretur palatio, animus tamen in nullo se flectebat a cælestis vitæ proposito.’ Syrus, Vita Majoli, in Acta sanctorum, May, vol. 2, eds. Godfridus Henschenius and Daniel Papebrochius (Antwerp: Michael Cnobarus, 1680), 675E, II.23. 47 Hugh, Vita Hugonis, xix, in Cowdrey, Two Studies, 131. 48 William of Malmesbury, Saints' Lives: Lives of SS. Wulfstan, Dunstan, Patrick, Benignus and Indract, ed. and trans. M. Winterbottom and R.M. Thomson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 118–19 (Vita Wulfstani, III.9). 49 Marie-Dominique Chenu, ‘Monks, Canons and Laymen in Search of the Apostolic Life’, in Marie-Dominique Chenu, Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century. Essays on New Theological Perspectives in the Latin West, ed. and trans. Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little. Medieval Reprints for Teaching 37 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Constable, Reformation of the Twelfth Century, 44–87. 50 This was admittedly a prickly case, given that Langres was the diocese to which Clairvaux itself belonged. Giles Constable, ‘The Disputed Election at Langres in 1138’, Traditio 13 (1957): 119–52; Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure, 173; Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 1: 103–4 (Letter 29). 51 ‘Vita Morandi’, in Martin Marrier and André Duchesne, eds., Bibliotheca Cluniacensis (Paris: R. Foüet, 1614), 506A–C; Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure, 45. 52 Paul F. Kehr, Italia pontifica sive repertorium privilegiorum et litterarum a Romanis pontificibus ante annum MCLXXXXVIII Italiae ecclesiis, monasteriis, civitatibus, singulisque personis concessorum (Berlin: Weidmann, 1906–), 3, 346; Cécile Caby, De l'éremitisme rural au monachisme urbain. Les Camaldules en Italie à la fin du moyen âge (Rome: École française de Rome, 1999), 110–11, 208–12. 53 ‘Orationes continue, oculi assidue in lacrimas defluentes, psalmodia utpote Cluniacensis, totum pene diei noctisque tempus occupans, cui cor, cui linguam, cui opera, cui tandem se totum devouisset, monstrabant.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 129: II.17. 54 ‘Confiteor Deo, quod in monachatu pro more didicerat, proferebat.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 132: II.20. 55 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 132: II.20. 56 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 129–30: II.17. 57 ‘… habitu monachi indutum … Cessit ille in partem, et universis tam sacerdotalibus quam pontificalibus indumentis se cito componens et ornans, ad puerum statim reversus est.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 130–1: II.17; Kehr, Italia pontifica, 3: 70. 58 Arnold of St Emmeram, Libri de memoria b. Emmerami et eius amatori, ed. G. Waitz. MGH Scriptores 4 (Hanover: MGH, 1841), 556: II.2; Nicholas of St-Crépin, Vita sancti Godefridi, ed. Albert Poncelet in Acta sanctorum, November, vol. 3, ed. J. Bollandus and others (Brussels: Socios Bollandianos, 1910): 919, II.3; Jestice, Wayward Monks, 205; John S. Ott, ‘Writing Godfrey of Amiens: Guibert of Nogent and Nicholas of Saint-Crépin Between Sanctity, Ideology, and Society’, Mediaeval Studies 67 (2005): 345; Sulpicius Severus, Vie de Saint Martin, ed. Jacques Fontaine. Sources Chrétiennes 133–5. 3 vols. (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967), 1: 272 (10.2); Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.13. 59 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 131: II.17; Kehr, Italia pontifica, 3: 97. 60 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 134: II.21. 62 ‘Fertur statim iusti corpus a devotis viris in claustrum monachorum, et Cluniacensi more psalmodia undique decantatur. Abluitur ut se habet communis mos, et decundum quod ipse iusserat, suo quo numquam a monacho carverat cilicio prius, de hinc monachili cuculla vestitur. Adduntur a fratribus sacerdotalia vel pontificalia indumenta, et his sacerdos et pontifex Dei, ut dignum erat ornatur.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 138: II.23; Ulrich of Zell, Consuetudines, ed. Migne. PL 149, cols. 771D–775D. 61 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 137: II.22. He was also following the customs of Cluny: Ulrich of Zell, Consuetudines Cluniacensis, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 149 (Paris: Garnier Fratres Editores et J.-P. Migne Successores, 1882), cols. 771D–772A: II.29. 63 ‘Et quod non plantaverat Pater celestas, eradicare totis viribus contendebat.’ Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 126: II.16. 64 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 128: II.17. 65 ‘Prudens erat singulari sapientia’, Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 66 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14; 127: II.16. 67 ‘Et sacris semper studiis occupatus’ : Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 127: II.16. 68 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 124: II.14. 69 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 132–3: II.20. 70 Surveys of Matthew's legatine actions can be found in Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 123–40; Theodor Schieffer, Die päpstlichen Legaten in Frankreich vom Vertrage von Meersen (870) biz zum Schisma von 1130. Historische Studien 263 (Berlin: Verlag Dr Emil Ebering, 1935), 229–33; Wilhelm Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten in Frankreich von Schisma Anaklets II. bis zum Tode Coelestins III. (1130–1198) (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1961), 16–17; Rudolf Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130. Bibliothek des Deutschen historischen Institut in Rom 48 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1977), 96–7. 71 Leo of Ostia and Peter the Deacon, Chronica, ed. Wattenbach, 809–10: III.93–4; Stroll, Jewish Pope, 55–64; Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 124. 72 Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 125–34; see Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Kardinalbischof Matthäus von Albano das Konzil von Troyes und die Entstehung des Templerordens’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 99 (1988): 294–325, where he argues that the Council of Troyes took place in January 1129, not 1128, thus making spring 1128 the likely start of Matthew's legation. 73 As with his approval of the replacement of nuns by monks at St-Jean, Laon and at Argenteuil in 1128 and 1129: Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 126, 128; Catherine Schulze, ‘Eliminating a “Cause of Ruin”? Expulsion and Reform at the Abbey of Saint-Jean of Laon, 1128’, Revue Bénédictine 119 (June 2009): 164–88; Thomas Waldman, ‘Abbot Suger and the Nuns of Argenteuil’, Traditio 41 (1985): 239–72; Matthew of Albano, Epistolae et diplomata, ed. Migne. PL 173, cols. 1265B–6A (Letter 4) and cols. 1268A–B (Letter 7); or his confirmation of the transfer of the church of St-Martin-au-Val, a house of secular canons, to Marmoutier: Mabillon, Annales, 6: 166. Of course, these actions were all supported by local bishops. See also Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten, 16–7; Schieffer, Die päpstlichen Legaten, 229–33; Hüls, Kardinäle, 96–7. 74 E. Sabbe, ‘La réforme clunisienne dans le comté de Flandre au début du XII siècle’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire 9 (1930): 121–3; Steven Vanderputten, ‘A Time of Great Confusion: Second-Generation Cluniac Reformers and Resistance to Monastic Centralization in the County of Flanders (c.1125–1145)’, Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 102 (2007): 47–75. 75 Johannes Longus, Chronica monasterii sancti Bertini, ed. O. Holder-Egger. MGH Scriptores 25 (Hanover: MGH, 1880), 797: Chapter 41, part 5. As has been kindly pointed out by a reader, the text reads ‘de Marchiliaco’, which a footnote identifies as Marcilly in Burgundy, a house of Cistercian nuns. This would result in an entirely different interpretation of the event, if it were not for the fact that Marcilly was not founded until the following century: M. Parat, ‘L'abbaye de Marcilly’, Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Historiques et Naturelles de l'Yonne 79 (1925): 339–57. Possibly the scribe intended to write ‘de Marchinaco’, for in the context Cluniac customs make sense. Not only was St-Bertin following Cluniac customs, but also the founder of the convent, Manasses, count of Guines, was the brother of Aelis, married to Geoffrey IV of Semur, grand-nephew of Abbot Hugh of Cluny: Christian Frachette, ‘Guy de Guines fut-il comte de Forez au XIIe siècle?’, in Les princes et le pouvoir au moyen âge, ed. Michel Balard (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1993), 164. The following are also in agreement with this interpretation: Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 134; Daniel Haigneré, Les chartes de Saint-Bertin. Vol. 1 (Saint-Omer: H. D'Homont, 1886), 65, no. 164; A. Baudrillart and others, Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques. 27 vols., in progress (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1912–), 22: 1099–1100; J. Becquet, Abbayes et prieurés. Vol. 14: Diocèse d'Arras (Province de Cambrai), Revue Mabillon 253 (July–September 1973): 342–4. 76 Armin Kohnle, Abt Hugo von Cluny (1049–1109) (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1993), 186–91; W. Arndt, ed., Gesta abbatum Lobbensium. MGH Scriptores 21 (Hanover: MGH, 1869), 321–2, section 19; Anne-Marie Helvétius, ‘Aspects de l'influence de Cluny en Basse-Lotharingie aux XIe et XIIe siècles’, Publications de la Section Historique del'Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 106 (1991): 63; Vanderputten, ‘A Time of Great Confusion’, 50–5. 77 Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, ed. Chibnall, 6: 418–21, XIII.1.1; Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 135. 78 ‘Studio precipue Mathei’, Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 127: II.16. 79 Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 135–8. 80 See Freeburn, Hugh of Amiens, 11. 81 This included not only Rheims, but also the dioceses of Arras, Cambrai, Thérouanne and Amiens: Stanley Ceglar, ‘Guillaume de Saint-Thierry et son rôle directeur aux premiers chapitres des abbés bénédictins, Reims 1131 et Soissons 1132’, in Saint-Thierry, une abbaye, ed. Bur, 299–309. 82 Simon, Gesta abbatum S. Bertini Sithiensium, ed. E. Holder-Egger. MGH Scriptores 13 (Hanover: MGH, 1881), 648–9: II.64–8. 83 Simon, Gesta abbatum S. Bertini Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Egger, 649–57: II.70–109; 660: II.126–7; 661: II.133; 662–3: III.4–13; Kohnle, Abt Hugo, 186–91. 84 Vanderputten, ‘A Time’, 47–75. 85 Ceglar, ‘Guillaume de Saint-Thierry’, 299–305. 86 Ceglar, ‘Guillaume de Saint-Thierry’, 301. 87 See S. Ceglar, ‘Acta primi capituli provincialis ordinis S. Benedicti Remis A.D. 1131 habiti’, in Saint-Thierry, une abbaye, ed. Bur, 312–19. 88 See Matthew, Epistola, ed. Ceglar, 344–7, lines 211 (‘audivimus quod in illo vestro celebri conventu quiddam propositum fuit’), 213–14 (‘nobis relatum est’), 228–9 (‘multorum relatione comperimus’), 254 (‘audivimus’), 257 (‘ut fertur’). 89 Matthew, Epistola, ed. Ceglar, 320–33; the reference to an iron wall, ‘murum ferreum’, can be found at lines 77 and 122. 90 William of St-Thierry, ‘Responsio abbatum’, ed. S. Ceglar, in Saint-Thierry, une abbaye, ed. Bur, 334–50, especially lines 31–52 and 282–99; S. Ceglar, ‘The Chapter of Soissons (1132) and the Authorship of the Reply of the Benedictine Abbots to Cardinal Matthew’, Cistercian Studies 24 (1976), special issue: Studies in Medieval Cistercian History II, ed. John R. Sommerfeldt (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1976), 92–105. 91 Piazzoni, Guglielmo di Saint-Thierry,102–4; Ceglar, ‘Guillaume de Saint-Thierry’, 307. 92 Arndt, ed., Gesta abbatum Lobbensium, 324–5: section 22. 93 Innocent II, Epistolae et privilegia, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 179 (Paris: Garnier Fratres, Editores et J.-P. Migne Successores, 1899), cols. 253A–254A (Letter 202). The letter, dated 17 November from Pisa, must have been composed either in 1135 or 1136 when Innocent was in that city. 94 Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, 6: 424–6, XIII.13; Peter the Venerable, ‘Statuta’, ed. Giles Constable, in Consuetudines Benedictinae variae (saec. XI – XIV), ed. D.F. Avagliano. Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum 6 (Siegburg: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1975), 19–106; Piazzoni, Guglielmo di Saint-Thierry, 112–14; David Knowles, ‘The Reforming Decrees of Peter the Venerable’, in Petrus Venerabilis, ed. Constable and Kritzeck, 1–20; Ceglar, ‘Guillaume de Saint-Thierry’, 301–3. 95 Peter the Venerable, De miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 128: II.17. 96 Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 1: 131–4 (Letter 39). 97 Kathleen G. Cushing, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 76–7. 98 Mehne, ‘Cluniacenserbischöfe’, 264; Stroll, Jewish Pope, 42, 142–3. 99 Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 1: 142–4 (Letter 46). 100 ‘Dolemus tamen, quod eum quem solum ordinis et cordis nostri solatium post illum magnae et piae memoriae Matheum episcopum in Romano palatio habemus’, Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 1: 221 (Letter 84). 101 R. Manselli, ‘Alberico, cardinal vescovo d'Ostia’, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 78 (1955): 50–2; Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten, 39–40; Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure, 54; L. Mirot, ed., La chronique de Morigny 1095–1152 (Paris: Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1912), 75–7: III.4. 102 Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten, 177–8. 103 Berlière, ‘Le cardinal’, 290, dates this intervention to the beginning of Albero's episcopate, in 1131 or 1132, which would make it convenient as another possible cause for the deterioration of relations between Matthew and Innocent II. However, the first Premonstratensian abbot of St-Paul, Verdun, was not consecrated until 1135: Norbert Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense, vol. 3 (Straubing: C. Attenkofersche Buchdruckerei, 1956), 112; Laurence of Liège, Gesta episcoporum Virdunensium, ed. George Waitz. MGH Scriptores 10 (Hanover: MGH, 1852), 510, section 34, describes the expulsion as taking place in or just before 1135. 104 Laurence of Liège, Gesta episcoporum Virdunensium, ed. Waitz, 510, section 34. 105 Albero of Verdun, Epistola ad Innocentium, in Innocent II, ‘Epistolae’, in Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. Bouquet and Delisle, 15: 389–90; Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense, 3: 111. 106 Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 1: 144–5 (Letter 47). 107 Bernard of Clairvaux, Epistolae, in S. Bernardi Opera, eds. J. Leclercq, C.H. Talbot and Henri Rochais. 8 vols. in 9 (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1957–77), 7: 388–9 (Letter 178). 108 Peter the Venerable, Letters, ed. Constable, 2: 130. 109 Peter the Venerable, De Miraculis, ed. Bouthillier, 128, II.17; Arnaud of Bonneval, Vita sancti Bernardi, Liber secundus, ed. J.-P. Migne. PL 185 (Paris: Garnier Fratres, Editores et J.-P. Migne Successores, 1879), cols. 273C–274B, 278D–279D, Chapter 2, section. 9, and Chapter 3, sections 18–19. 110 Manselli, ‘Alberico, cardinal vescovo d'Ostia’, 63. 111 See here the analysis in Clifford Geertz, ‘Religion as a Cultural System’, in idem, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 87–125, especially 112–18, on the manner in which ritual reinforces one's view of reality.