Simon de Passe's cartographic portrait of Captain John Smith and a new England (1616/7)
2010; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 26; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/02666280903040797
ISSN1943-2178
Autores Tópico(s)Financial Crisis of the 21st Century
ResumoClick to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many librarians have been of great help to this study, in particular Susan Danforth of the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University; Brian Dunnigan of the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan; and especially Yolanda Theunissen of the Osher Map Library and Smith Center for Cartographic Education, University of Southern Maine. I must also thank several people for their comments on drafts and for their general support of the project: Catherine Armstrong, Frank Benevento, Joseph Conforti, Jess Edwards, William Gartner, John Krygier, Andrew Fitzmaurice, Kirsten Seaver, Yi-Fu Tuan and Jed Woodworth. Notes 1 – As will become clear, De Passe's ‘cartographic portrait’ combines bust and map within a single whole, so its overall title requires elements from its respective parts. I use ‘ ’ to suggest the interconnections between the two parts and to avoid the use of a solidus |, slash /, or dash —, each of which might be taken inappropriately to divide and separate rather than join and combine the title elements. 2 – Daniel Franken, L’Œuvre gravé des van de Passe (Amsterdam: Frederik Muller, 1881), no. 875, misattributed the work to Simon's elder brother Crispin (II) de Passe. This mistake was corrected by Sidney Colvin, Early Engraving & Engravers in England (1545–1695): A Critical and Historical Essay (London: British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, 1905), p. 100; Arthur M. Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Descriptive Catalogue with Introductions, 3 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952–1964), vol. 2, p. 273; and J. Verbeek and Ilja M. Veldman, De Passe (Continued), vol. 16 of Hollstein's Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, ca. 1450–1700, 69 vols (Amsterdam: Van Gendt, 1974), p. 153. Note that it was older scholarly practice to refer to the family as ‘Van de Passe’. 3 – To be fair, this point was recently appreciated by Raymond M. Brod, ‘The Art of Persuasion: John Smith's New England and Virginia Maps’, Historical Geography, 24/1 and 2 (1995), pp. 91–106, followed by Walter W. Woodward, ‘Captain John Smith and the Campaign for New England: A Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion’, New England Quarterly, 81/1 (2008), pp. 91–125, esp. pp. 99–102. Brod's analysis is, however, cursory and accomplished mostly through a comparison with Smith's other famous map, Virginia (see Figure 5). The brief assessment by David H. Watters, ‘Revising New England: Self-Portraits of a Region’, Colby Quarterly, 39/1 (2003), pp. 10–33, esp. pp. 12–13, that the image was a ‘double portrait’ of Smith is valid only if one presumes the logical separation of image from map. 4 – James Granger, Portraits Illustrating Grangers Biographical History of England, 3 vols ([London]: W. Richardson, 1792–[1812]), p. 3: pl. 60. Granger apparently employed two different plates, reproduced by Randolph G. Adams, ‘Notes on the Engraved Portraits of Captain John Smith’, William & Mary Quarterly, 2s/21 (1941), pp. 27–8, pls. 4 and 6; Adams could not identify the source of his pl. 6, but it is the same as the Smith portrait in the British Library copy of Granger's album, as reproduced in Eighteenth-Century Collections Online. 5 – For example Helen Rountree, Wayne E. Clark and Kent Mountford, John Smith's Chesapeake Voyages, 1607–1609 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007), p. [ii]. A colorized version by Jamie May is readily found online: e.g. http://www.apva.org/history/jsmith.html or http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1615180,00.html (which credits it as ‘Stock Image/Getty’); both websites were last accessed in December 2007. 6 – Adams, ‘Engraved Portraits of Captain John Smith’; John Long, ‘Captain John Smith's Portraits on His Maps of New England’, Mapline, no. 67 (1992), pp. 1–4. 7 – Franken, L’Œuvre gravé, no. 875, did not even acknowledge that the bust was part of a larger image. 8 – Franken, L’Œuvre gravé, no. 830; Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 2, p. 266, no. 47; Verbeek and Veldman, De Passe (cont.), p. 180. 9 – Verbeek and Veldman, De Passe (cont.), p. 182 (quotation, emphasis added). Previously, Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 2, p. 268. 10 – Hind's mentor had previously reproduced all eight lines (but not the signature); Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England, p. 100. The website of the National Portrait Gallery — NPG 4594; David Saywell and Jacob Simon, Complete Illustrated Catalogue (London: National Portrait Gallery, 2004), p. 570 — also shows the fourth couplet, but still without the signature (image accessed, January 2008). 11 – Karen Ordahl Kupperman, ‘“Brasse without but Golde within”: The Writings of Captain John Smith’, Virginia Cavalcade, 38 (1988), pp. 66–75 and 134–43, esp. p. 67; Watters, ‘Revising New England’, p. 12. 12 – As John Wyndham Pope-Hennessy declared in his The Portrait in the Renaissance (New York: Pantheon Books for the Bollingen Foundation, 1966), p. 1, ‘portraits are empirical’. Richard Brilliant, Portraiture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), proposed a complex relationship between artist and sitter, building on Hans-Georg Gadamer's concept of ‘occasionality’, yet nonetheless remained constricted by his adherence to a necessarily mimetic status for portraiture. Shearer West, Portraiture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), esp. pp. 11–12, suggests a less constrained, and interculturally applicable, approach to portraiture as the construction of identity. 13 – A detailed analysis of how historians of cartography and exploration have consistently misunderstood the nature of the portrait's mappish elements, and so of the ideals presumed for modern cartographic representation, is in preparation. 14 – Emerson D. Fite and Archibald Freeman, A Book of Old Maps Delineating American History from the Earliest Days Down to the Close of the Revolutionary War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1926; reprinted New York: Dover, 1969), p. 127; Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1964), pp. 326 and 328; David Buisseret, The Mapmaker's Quest: Depicting New Worlds in Renaissance Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 105. Only Horace Everett Ware, ‘Notes on the Commendatory Verses Inscribed on Smith's Map of New England’, in Transactions, 1910–1911, Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 13 (Boston: Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1912), p. 232–4, and Watters, ‘Revising New England’, pp. 12–13, sought to analyze the poem. 15 – Even the crucial essays advocating the analysis of cartographic iconography — esp. J.B. Harley, ‘Maps, Knowledge, and Power’, in The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design and Use of Past Environments, ed. Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels, Cambridge Studies in Historical Geography, 9 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 277–312; repr. in Harley, The New Nature of Maps, ed. Paul Laxton (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), pp. 51–81 — have tended to distinguish the ‘map’ from its ‘decoration’. 16 – R.A. Skelton, Decorative Printed Maps of the 15th to 18th Centuries (London: Staples Press, 1952), pp. 16–19. 17 – Philip D. Burden, The Mapping of North America II: A List of Printed Maps, 1671–1700 (Rickmansworth, Herts: Raleigh Publications, 2007), no. 429; Ivan Kupcík, ‘Die kartographische Tätigkeit von Augustin Herman (ca.1621–1686): Realität und Fiktion’, in Mappæ Antiquæ: Liber Amicorum Günter Schilder. Essays on the occasion of his 65th birthday, ed. Paula van Gestel-van het Schip et al. (’t Goy-Houten, Netherlands: HES & De Graaf Publishers, 2007), pp. 203–20. 18 – Antony Griffiths and Robert A. Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, 1603–1689 (London: British Museum Press, 1998), p. 13. Laurence Worms, ‘The London Map Trade to 1640’, in Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward, Vol. 3 of The History of Cartography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 1693–1721. 19 – Roy Strong, ‘The British Obsession: An Introduction to the British Portrait’, in The British Portrait, 1660–1960 (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collector's Club, 1991), pp. 9–73, esp. pp. 11–12. 20 – Hondius worked in London from 1583 to 1593, Van den Keere from 1585 to 1593. Günter Schilder, ‘Jodocus Hondius, Creator of the Decorative Map Border’, The Map Collector, no. 32 (1985), pp. 40–3; idem, Monumenta Cartographica Neerlandica, 8 vols (Alphen aan den Rijn: Canaletto, 1986–2006), vol. 6, pp. 55–81; Worms, ‘London Map Trade’, p. 1705, who also (p. 1706) reproduced Hondius's innovative Typus Angliae (London, 1590). The Japanese also borrowed extensively from Dutch cartographic imagery and created similar cartes à figures: James R. Akerman and Robert W. Karrow, eds, Maps: Finding Our Place in the World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), esp. pp. 100–1 and 144. 21 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, p. 21. 22 – Roy Strong and V. J. Murrell, Artists of the Tudor Court: The Portrait Miniature Rediscovered, 1520–1620 (London: Victoria & Albert Museum, 1983), p. 12: Nicholas Hilliard was paid only by the piece for his miniatures of the queen, so he opened a shop off Fleet Street in the 1570s to reach a wider clientele. He did not receive a court position until 1599. See Eric Mercer, English Art, 1553–1625, vol. 7 of The Oxford History of English Art, 11 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 209, on the effects of commercialization. 23 – Strong, ‘British Obsession’, p. 11. 24 – Roy Strong, ‘From Manuscript to Miniature’, in The English Miniature, ed. John Murdoch, Jim Murrell, Patrick J. Noon and Roy Strong (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981), pp. 25–84, esp. pp. 73–84; Strong and Murrell, Artists of the Tudor Court, pp. 11 and 156. See also Mercer, English Art, 1553–1625, pp. 190–216; Graham Reynolds, English Portrait Miniatures, rev. edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 10–37. 25 – Roy Strong, The English Icon: Elizabethan and Jacobean Portraiture (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969), pp. 29–41; Strong, ‘From Manuscript to Miniature’, pp. 68–73. 26 – For example Roy Strong, Tudor & Jacobean Portraits, 2 vols (London: HMSO for the National Portrait Gallery, 1969), vol. 2: pls 98 (1589), 262 (1591), 366 (1580), 367 (1581), 673 (1548). Margery Corbett and Ronald Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title-Page in England, 1550–1660 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), p. 43. 27 – Mercer, English Art, 1553–1625, p. 259. 28 – Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 1, pp. 159–60; Strong, Tudor & Jacobean Portraits, vol. 1, pp. 70–71 and vol. 2, pl. 128. Sarah Tyacke, Helen Wallis, and Pat Higgins, Sir Francis Drake: An Exhibition to Commemorate Francis Drake's Voyage around the World, 1577–1580 (London: British Museum for the British Library, 1977), no. 24. 29 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, p. 14. 30 – Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 2, pp. 145–62; Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 17–18 and 52–53. 31 – Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England, p. 100; Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 2, pp. 115–39; Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 21, 39, 49–52, and 56–63. Strong, English Icon, pp. 47–8. 32 – Strong and Murrell, Artists of the Tudor Court, 9 (quotation). Generally see Strong, Tudor & Jacobean Portraits, p. ix; idem, ‘From Manuscript to Miniature’, pp. 69–73; Patricia Fumerton, ‘“Secret” Arts: Elizabethan Miniatures and Sonnets’, Representations, no. 15 (1986), pp. 57–97. 33 – West, Portraiture, pp. 59–60. 34 – Steven J. Gores, ‘The Miniature as Reduction and Talisman in Fielding's Amelia’, Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900, 37/3 (1997), pp. 573–93, esp. p. 575 and p. 592n12, made the same connection. See Matthew H. Edney, ‘Bringing India to Hand: Mapping Empires, Denying Space’, in The Global Eighteenth Century, ed. Felicity Nussbaum (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), pp. 65–78; idem, ‘Mapping Empires, Mapping bodies: Reflections on the Use and Abuse of Cartography’, Treballs de la Societat Catalana de Geografia, no. 63 (2007), pp. 83–104. 35 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 21 and 56. For Simon de Passe's work in this regard, see Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain and Ireland, to the Death of George II, 19 vols (London: British Museum, 1904–11), vol. 2, p. xiii, no. 18, p. xvi, nos. 1–9, p. xvii, no. 5, p. xviii, no. 6, and p. xix, no. 13; Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 2, pp. 275–84, esp. p. 275 re similarities to painted miniatures and 277 on the re-engraving of copies guided by printed copies of the original medallion. 36 – Smith described his explorations in John Smith, A True Relation of such occurences and accidents of noate as hath happened in Virginia since the first planting of that Collony, which is now resident in the South part thereof, till the last returne from thence (London: for John Tappe, 1608), and idem, A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Countrey, The Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1612). The so-called Zuñiga Map is widely taken to be the product, copied from Smith's own work, of these travels: Philip L. Barbour, The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606–1609, 2 vols, Publications of the Hakluyt Society, 2s/136–37 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), vol. 1, pp. 238–40; David B. Quinn, New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols (New York: Arno Press and Hector Bye, Inc., 1979), vol. 5: fig. 137; William P. Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps, ed. Louis De Vorsey, Jr., 3rd edn (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), no. 28; John R. Hébert, ‘The Westward Vision: Seventeenth-Century Virginia’, in Virginia in Maps: Four Centuries of Settlement, Growth, and Development, ed. Richard W. Stephenson and Marianne M. McKee (Richmond, VA: Library of Virginia, 2000), pp. 2–45, esp. pp. 12–13 and 33. Also, Rountree, Clark and Mountford, John Smith's Chesapeake Voyages. 37 – This map has been frequently discussed and reproduced. Most recently, see: Philip Barbour, in John Smith, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580–1631) in Three Volumes, ed. Philip L. Barbour, 3 vols (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for The Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, 1986), vol. 1, pp. 140–2 and vol. 2, pp. 133–5; Philip D. Burden, The Mapping of North America: A List of Printed Maps, 1511–1670 (Rickmansworth, Herts: Raleigh Publications, 1996), no. 164; Margaret Beck Pritchard, ‘A Selection of Maps from the Colonial Williamsburg Collection’, in Margaret Beck Pritchard and Henry G. Taliaferro, Degrees of Latitude: Mapping Colonial America (New York: Henry N. Abrams, for the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 2002), pp. 54–311, no. 5; Lisa Blansett, ‘John Smith Maps Virginia: Knowledge, Rhetoric, and Politics’, in Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World, ed. Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), pp. 68–91; Helen C. Rountree, He Drew What He Saw, and He Saw Selectively: Captain John Smith as Mapmaker, Alan M. and Nathalie P. Voorhees Lecture in the History of Cartography, 10 March 2007 (Richmond: Library of Virginia, 2008). It is now de rigueur to base discussions of De Passe's cartographic portrait on comparisons with Virginia — e.g. J.B. Harley, ‘New England Cartography and the Native Americans’, in American Beginnings: Exploration, Culture, and Cartography in the Land of Norumbega, ed. Emerson W. Baker et al. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), pp. 287–313 (repr. in J.B. Harley, The New Nature of Maps, ed. Paul Laxton [Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001], pp. 169–95), esp. pp. 290–93, and Brod, ‘Art of Persuasion’ — but as such comparisons make clear, the two maps really are quite different in terms of their content and intended function. 38 – John Smith, A Description of New England: Or The Observations, and discoueries, of Captain Iohn Smith (Admirall of that Country) in the North of America, in the year of our Lord 1614: with the successe of sixe Ships, that went the next yeare 1615; and the accidents befell him among the French men of warre: With the proofe of the present benefit this Countrey affoords: whither this present yeare, 1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone to make further tryall (London: Humphrey Lownes for Robert Clerke, 1616), remains the primary source of information about all these events. In it, Smith repeatedly (pp. 5, 8 and 26) referenced the lack of time he could spend in exploring and mapping the coast. 39 – Smith apparently wrote one section of the Description of New England (pp. 45–61) while held captive by a French privateer, in order to disassociate himself from any taint of treason; I agree with Barbour, in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 357n9, that Smith did not write the entire pamphlet at the same time. 40 – Edward Arber, ed., A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554–1640 A.D., 5 vols (London: privately printed, 1875–1894), vol. 3, p. 588, reprinted in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 369. See W.W. Greg, Some Aspects and Problems of London Publishing Between 1550 and 1650, Lyell Lectures, 1955 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), pp. 35–7 and 51–3, on interpreting the formula of registry entries. 41 – Smith, Description of New England, p. 61. 42 – It is unclear which Humphrey Lownes was the printer. Both were involved with Smith and colonial ventures: the senior Lownes had previously entered Smith's True Relation into the Stationers' Register; the junior Lownes was also one of the Stationers who had invested £125 in the new Virginia Company in 1609. See Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. xli and 116. Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States: A Narrative of the Movement in England, 1605–1616, which Resulted in the Plantation of North America by Englishmen, Disclosing the Contest Between England and Spain for the Possession of the Soil now Occupied by the United States of America, 2 vols (Boston, MA: Houghton, Mifflin, 1890), vol. 1, pp. 292–3, cited by Barbour, Three Worlds, pp. 327 and 473, was wrong to suggest that George Low, the map's printer, was also one of the stationers who subscribed to the Virginia venture. 43 – Greg, Some Aspects and Problems of London Publishing, pp. 85–7, explained the contemporary formula for imprints of letterpress works. 44 – Arber, ed. Registers of the Company of Stationers, vol. 2, p. 220 (apprenticeship in 1597), vol. 2, p. 738 (made free), vol. 5, p. lxxxviii. 45 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, p. 15. 46 – Worms, ‘London Map Trade’, 1696–1712. 47 – Smith, True Relation. See William Boelhower, ‘Mapping the Gift Path: Exchange and Rivalry in John Smith's A True Relation’, American Literary History, 15/4 (2003), pp. 655–82. 48 – Smith, Description of New England, p. 29. 49 – Smith, Description of New England, pp. 4 and 5. 50 – John Smith, New Englands Trials. Declaring the successe of 80 Ships employed thither within these eight years; and the benefit of that Countrey by Sea and Land. With the present estate of that happie Plantation, begun but by 60 weake men in the yeare 1620 (London: by William Jones, 1622), sig. B4v; Smith, The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captain Iohn Smith, In Europe, Asia, Affrica, and America, from Anno Domini 1593 to 1629 (London: Thomas Slater, 1630), p. 46; also Smith, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles: with the Names of the Adventurers, Planters, and Governours from their First Beginning An: 1584. to this Present 1624 (London: Michael Sparkes, 1624), p. 205. 51 – Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 34, updated Wilberforce Eames, A Bibliography of Captain John Smith (New York: [Bibliographical Society of America], 1927) — a preprint of Joseph Sabin et al., Bibliotheca Americana: A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from its Discovery to the Present Time (New York, 1868–1936), p. 20: nos 82812–63 — by identifying and describing the six states of this engraving. Barbour also identified possible sources for the portraits among the available prints of the period. 52 – Barbour, in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 309n1, noted that Smith was actually still held in chains below decks when Cape Henry was named in 1607. 53 – Smith, Description of New England, sig. \para2r–v. 54 – Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 322. Note that this argument implicitly refutes the claim earlier made without clear grounds by Barbour — Barbour, Three Worlds, p. 327 — that De Passe had provided Smith's entry into the London book trade. 55 – Smith, New Englands Trials [1620], sig. B3r (quotation); Smith, Generall Historie, p. 229; Smith, Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, or Any Where. Or, the Path-Way to Experience to Erect a Plantation (London: Robert Milbourne, 1631), p. 16. For Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 306, the use of the title here and on the title-page of the Description of New England therefore referred ‘more’ to ‘a promise than a gift’. 56 – Smith, Generall Historie, p. 205. 57 – Ilja M. Veldman, Crispijn de Passe and his Progeny (1564–1670), A Century of Print Production, trans. Michael Hoyle, Studies in Prints and Printmaking, 3 (Rotterdam: Sound and Vision, 2001), pp. 13, 199, 229, and 243–6, esp. p. 244 (quotation). In subsequent years, Crispin de Passe sought unsuccessfully to recover money that he argued Holland owed him: Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 52–3. 58 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, p. 56. 59 – Colvin's confusion — Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England, p. 100, whether or not it was prepared for the Description of New England — about the original context of the image's preparation is telling. 60 – Corbett and Lightbown, Comely Frontispiece, pp. 2, 6 and 46 (quotation). See also Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England, pp. 2 and 71, and 100, and Hind, Engraving in England, passim. 61 – Corbett and Lightbown, Comely Frontispiece, pp. 42–3 and 172–82. Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 2, pp. 33–4; Burden, Mapping of North America, no. 213. 62 – A marginal figure, Low is known to have printed only a small number of prints; before New England, he had briefly printed for William Hole. 63 – Griffiths and Gerard, The Print in Stuart Britain, pp. 15; see also Peter van der Krogt, ‘Latin Text on Old Maps: Elementary Latin Grammar and Cartographic Word Lists’, The Portolan, no. 70 (2007), pp. 10–26. There has been some confusion over Clerke's role in making the map: Brown, Genesis of the United States, vol. 2, p. 780, thought that Clerke had drawn the map (because Brown could not countenance that Smith had made it himself); Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. xxxiii, 306 and 322, thought that Clerke had engraved it although, previously — Barbour, Three Worlds, pp. 326–7 — he had accepted De Passe as the engraver. 64 – Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. 306–7 and 369. 65 – Smith, Description of New England, sig. \para3r. 66 – Smith, Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 380. 67 – Smith, Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters, p. 16; also Smith, Generall Historie, pp. 228–9. Smith, Description of New England, sig. \para4r–v. 68 – Smith, Generall Historie, p. 230, referring to John Smith, New Englands Trials. Declaring the Successe of 26. Ships Employed Thither Within these Sixe Yeares (London: William Jones, 1620). Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 442n3, cited three records of Smith's presentations to the London guilds in 1621 and 1629. See also Smith, Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 39. Justin Winsor, ‘The Earliest Maps of Massachusetts Bay and Boston Harbor’, in The Memorial History of Boston, Including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1660–1880, ed. Justin Winsor (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1880), vol. 1, pp. 37–62, esp. p. 52, incorrectly suggested that this large printing was of Smith's Description. 69 – Smith, Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters, p. 17. 70 – John Smith, [Prospectus for the Generall History of Virginia, the Somer Isles, and New England] (London, [1623]), sig. A2v. 71 – David B. Quinn, ‘A List of Books Purchased for the Virginia Company’, Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 77 (1969), pp. 347–60. 72 – Smith, [Prospectus]. Smith, Generall Historie, sig.1; see Barbour in Smith, Complete Works, vol. 2, pp. 38–9. 73 – This presumption is resilient: Catherine Armstrong, Writing North America in the Seventeenth Century: English Representations in Print and Manuscript (Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate, 2007), pp. 179–80 — following David Cressy, Coming Over: Migration and Communication Between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 6 — noted that Smith had hand-distributed his books, yet promptly (pp. 180–1) repeated the unsubstantiated claim — by Lauran Paine, Captain John Smith and the Jamestown Story (London: Robert Hale, 1973), p. 192 — that the Description was a ‘commercial success’. Woodward, ‘Captain John Smith and the Campaign for New England’, p. 100, suggested a broad dissemination for the map such that it could ‘cut across class lines’ and be read by illiterate as well as literate people. 74 – Consider the reconfigurations of Jürgen Habermas's crucial text — The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger and Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989) — by studies such as Michael Warner, The Letters of the Republic: Publication and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 1–33; Steve Pincus, ‘“Coffee politicians does create”: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture’, Journal of Modern History, 67 (1995), pp. 807–34; Harold Mah, ‘Phantasies of the Public Sphere: Rethinking the Habermas of Historians’, Journal of Modern History, 72 (2000), pp. 153–82; and David Zaret, Origins of Democratic Culture: Printing, Petitions, and the Public Sphere in Early-Modern England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000). See also James Raven, The Business of Books: Booksellers and the English Book Trade, 1450–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), esp. pp. 46–82. 75 – Andrew Fitzmaurice, Humanism and America: An Intellectual History of English Colonization, 1500–1625 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 16–19. See also J.A. Leo Lemay, The American Dream of Captain John Smith (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991), p. 49. 76 – Armstrong, Writing North America in the Seventeenth Century, p. 34, included Smith among ‘many other authors’ who ‘chose directly or indirectly to appeal to their readership’. 77 – Smith, New Englands Trials (1620), p. 12, emphasis added. 78 – Peter Barber, ‘Mapmaking in England, ca.1470–1650’, in Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. Woodward, 1589–692, esp. p. 1663; Elly Dekker, ‘Globes in Renaissance Europe’, in Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. Woodward, pp. 135–73, esp. pp. 135–45. 79 – Tyacke, Wallis and Higgins, Sir Francis Drake, nos. 75, 97 and 99; Helen M. Wallis, ‘The Cartography of Drake's Voyage’, in Sir Francis Drake and the Famous Voyage, 1577–1580: Essays Commemorating the Quadricentennial of Drake's Circumnavigation of the Earth, ed. Norman J.W. Thrower (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 121–63, esp. pp. 122–3 and 141–9; Thomas Suárez, Shedding the Veil: Mapping the European Discovery of America and the World, Based on Selected Works from the Sidney R. Knafel Collection of Early Maps, Atlases, and Globes, 1434–1865 (Singapore: World Scientific, 1992), no. 38; Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps, 1472–1700, 2nd edn (Riverside, CT: Early World Press, 2001), no. 149. 80 – Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes, 4 vols (London: Henry Fetherston, 1625), vol. 3, p. 461. Smith, Description of New England, p. 3, would claim Drake's ‘Nova Albion’ as the immediate inspiration for ‘New England’. 81 – Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 105–47. 82 – Crispin de Passe and Matthias Quad, Effigies regum ac principum, eorum scilicet, quorum vis ac potentia in re nautical seu marina prae caeteris spectabilis est (Cologne: Crispin de Passe, 1598). Translation by Veldman, Crispijn de Passe and his Progeny, p. 151. 83 – Franken, L’Œuvre gravé, no. 1336; K.G. Boon and J. Verbeek, Van Ostade-De Passe, vol. 15 of Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, ca. 1450–1700, 69 vols (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger, n.d.), p. 285 [no. 850]. The Library of Congress's copy, of which detailed scans have been taken (http://www.hdl.loc.gov/loc.rbc/rbdk.d059) lack the terrestrial hemispheres; they are not identified in Shirley, Mapping of the World. 84 – Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England, pp. 45–6; ‘Hondius's Portraits of Drake and Cavendish’, Geographical Journal, 75/1 (1930), p. 1; Hind, Engraving in England, vol. 1. pp. 157–9 and 173–6; Shirley, Mapping of the World, no. 188. On Hondius's remarkable world map, see also David Woodward, ‘Did John Donne Have a Map in Mind in Hymne to God my God, in my sicknesse?’, in Mappæ Antiquæ, ed. Van Gestel-van het Schip et al., pp. 637–44. Also Strong, Tudor & Jacobean Portraits, pp. 70–1. 85 – Franke
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