The Catalano-Aragonese commercial presence in the sultanate of Granada during the reign of Alfonso the Magnanimous
2001; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 27; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1016/s0304-4181(01)00013-6
ISSN1873-1279
Autores Tópico(s)Islamic Finance and Banking Studies
ResumoAbstract Traditionally, historiography has accepted and perpetuated the image of the existence of a predominantly Genoan commercial trade in the Nasrid sultanate of Granada. As a result, the possible importance of traders coming from the crown of Aragon was underestimated. This article analyses the presence in Granada of merchants from Valencia, Mallorca and Catalonia during the reign of Alfonso the Magnanimous (1416–1458). It shows that the penetration was much deeper than was originally thought, above all in the case of the Valencians, and that, as such, it is necessary to revise the idea of Ligurian colonialism. But it also demonstrates that, contrary to what was asserted, in the kingdom of Valencia it was not the Mudejar merchants who dominated trade but the Christians who managed to obtain monopolies in Granada as significant as the exportation of silk and the importation of salt. ☆ This study was first written in Catalan and presented at the XVI Congresso di Storia della Corona d'Aragona held in Naples in September 1997. It has been translated into English by Professor Jill R. Webster. Keywords: Mediterranean tradeGranadacrown of AragonGenoaAlfonso the MagnanimousKeywords: ACA = Arxiu de la Corona d'Aragó AEM = Anuario de Estudios Medievales ARV = Arxiu del Regne de ValènciaB. = Batllia BRABLB = Boletı́n de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona C. = Cancelleria CEM = Cuadernos de Estudios Medievales CR = Cartes ReialsLP = Lletres i Privilegis MEAH = Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos MR = Mestre RacionalRC = Reial Cancelleriareg. = register Notes ☆ This study was first written in Catalan and presented at the XVI Congresso di Storia della Corona d'Aragona held in Naples in September 1997. It has been translated into English by Professor Jill R. Webster. 1 F. Melis, ‘Malaga nel sistema economico del XIV e XV secolo’, Economia e Storia, 3 (1956), fasc. I, 19–59, fasc. II, 139–163 (reprinted in Mercaderes italianos en España (Investigaciones sobre su correspondencia y su contabilidad) (Seville: Publicaciones de la Universidad, 1976), 3–65). 2 J. Heers, ‘Le royaume de Grenade et la politique marchande de Gênes en Occident (XVe. siècle)’, Le moyen age, 63 (1957), 87–121 (reprinted in Société et économie à Gênes (XIVe–XVe siècles) (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), VII). 3 A term applied specifically to Malaga but which, for practical purposes, refers to the entire sultanate; see J.E. López de Coca Castañer, ‘Málaga’, colonia‘ genovesa (siglos XIV y XV)’, CEM. Homenaje al profesor Seco de Lucena, 1 (1973), 135–144. Regarding Western Christian Andalusia, the concept ‘colonial’ has been largely superseded; see Iradiel, ‘El Puerto de Santa Marı́a y los genoveses en el Mediterráneo Occidental’, in: El Puerto de Santa Marı́a entre los siglos XIII y XVI. Estudios en homenaje a Hipólito Sancho de Sopranis en el centenario de su nacimiento (El Puerto de Santa Marı́a: Ayuntamiento, 1995), 18–19. 4 A. Giménez Soler, ‘La Corona de Aragón y Granada’, BRABLB, 3 (1905–1906), 101–134, 186–224, 295–324, 333–365, 405–476, 485–496, and 4 (1907–1908), 49–91, 146–180, 200–225, 271–298, 342–375. 5 Reference should be made at least to the most pertinent studies of M.T. Ferrer i Mallol, especially La frontera amb l'Islam en el segle XIV. Cristians i sarraı̈ns al Paı́s Valencià (Barcelona: CSIC, 1988); M. Sánchez Martı́nez, La Corona de Aragón y el Reino Nazarı́ de Granada durante el siglo XIV: las bases materiales y humanas de la cruzada de Alfonso IV (1329–1335), unpublished doctoral thesis (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1983); ‘La contribución valenciana a la cruzada granadina de Alfonso IV de Aragón’, in: Primer Congreso de Historia del Paı́s Valenciano (Valencia: Universitat de València, 1980), volume 2, 579–598; ‘El control del corso valenciano (1334) en el marco de la paz entre la Corona de Aragón y los sultanatos de Granada y Fez’, in: Homenaje al Profesor Jacinto Bosch Vilá (Granada: Universidad, 1991), volume 1, 349–365; M. Sánchez Martı́nez and S. Gassiot, ‘La ‘Cort General’ de Barcelona (1340) y la contribución catalana a la guerra del Estrecho’, in: Les Corts a Catalunya [Actes del Congrés d'Història Institucional. Barcelona, 20–30 abril 1980] (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1991), 222–240; M. Becerra Hormigo, ‘La Corona de Aragón y Granada durante la Guerra de los Dos Pedros, 1356–1366. El corso’, in: Relaciones exteriores del Reino de Granada [IV Coloquio de Historia Medieval Andaluza] (Almeria: Instituto de Estudios Almerienses, 1988), 307–321; ‘Las relaciones diplomáticas entre la Corona de Aragón y Granada durante la Guerra de los Dos Pedros: desde 1356 hasta 1359’, Acta Historica et Archaeologica Mediaevalia, 9 (1988), 243–260; ‘La conexión catalana en el derrocamiento de Ismail II’, in: La frontera terrestre i marı́tima amb l'Islam, [Miscel·lània de Textos Medievals, 4 (1988)], 301–317; P. Cateura, ‘Notas sobre las relaciones entre Mallorca y el reino de Granada en la década de 1339–1349’, Bolletı́ de la Societat Arqueològica Luliana, 830–831 (1979), 151–165; or, embracing the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, À. Masià i de Ros, Jaume II: Aragó, Granada i Marroc (Barcelona: CSIC, 1989). 6 M. Sánchez Martı́nez, ‘Comercio nazarı́ y piraterı́a catalano-aragonesa (1344–1345)’, in: Relaciones de la Penı́nsula Ibérica con el Magreb (Madrid: CSIC — Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura, 1988), 41–86; ‘En torno a la piraterı́a nazarı́ entre 1330 y 1337’, in: Andalucı́a entre Oriente y Occidente (1236–1492) [Actas del V Coloquio Internacional de Historia Medieval de Andalucı́a] (Córdoba: Diputación Provincial, 1988), 431–461; ‘Mallorquines y genoveses’; ‘Las relaciones de la Corona de Aragón con los paı́ses musulmanes en la época de Pedro el Ceremonioso’, in: Pere el Cerimoniós i la seva època (Barcelona: CSIC, 1989), 77–97. 7 Ch.-E. Dufourcq, L'Espagne catalane et le Maghrib aux XIIIe. et XIVe. siècles (Paris: PUF, 1966), or M.D. López Pérez, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb en el siglo XIV (1331–1410) (Barcelona: CSIC, 1995). 8 My doctoral thesis, Relacions de la Corona d'Aragó amb el regne de Granada al segle XV (1412–1458) (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 1996), 2 volumes, microfiche edition, and my books El sultanat de Granada i la Corona d'Aragó, 1410–1458 (Barcelona: CSIC — Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 1998), and Documents per a la història de Granada del regnat d'Alfons el Magnànim (1416–1458) (Barcelona: CSIC, 1999), have attempted to fill this historiographical lacuna. Although there exist the valuable studies of Mariano Arribas Palau on the reign of Fernando I, the most important of which is Las treguas entre Castilla y Granada firmadas por Fernando I de Aragón (Tetuán: Centro de Estudios Marroquı́es — Editora Marroquı́, 1956), practically nothing was known of the reign of Alfonso the Magnanimous. 9 In his commentary on the first edition of the synthesis of the history of Granada by Ladero (M.Á. Ladero Quesada, Granada. Historia de un paı́s islámico (1232–1571) (Madrid: Gredos, 1969); there is now a third, revised and enlarged edition, published in 1989), Dufourcq believed that the author was blinded by what he knew about Genoa and as a result minimised, albeit implicitly, the role of the merchants of the crown of Aragon: Ch.-E. Dufourcq and J. Gautier-Dalché, ‘Histoire de l'Espagne au moyen âge (Publications des années 1948–1969)’, Revue historique, 245 (1971), 467. Further on, in analysing the itineraries between Iberian Christendom and the kingdom of Granada and those he called routes of Malaga and Almeria (that of Malaga, directed towards the Atlantic and connected with the great international trade routes to the West, that of Almeria, also international in character but used much more intensively by Majorcans and Valencians, which, when convenient, joined up with that of Malaga), he showed that it was necessary to insist on the non-monopolistic nature of Genoese trade on these routes. He said that the economic role the Ligurians played in Nasrid lands during the second half of the fifteenth century was well known thanks to Heers, ‘Le royaume’, and G. Airaldi, Genova e Spagna nel secolo XV: Il ‘Liber Damnificatorum in Regno Granate’ (1952) (Genoa: Università di Genova, 1966), but he considered that works like those of R. Arié, L'Espagne musulmane au temps des Nasrides: 1232–1492 (Paris: de Boccard, 1973; second edition published in 1990), and Carrère, Barcelona 1380–1462. Un centre econòmic en època de crisi, 2 volumes, (Barcelona: Curial, 1977–1978), did not take due note of the continuing activity of the Catalans, Valencians and Majorcans in those lands, although he remarked that at the time of the capture of Granada by the Catholic Kings, the only Christians there were merchants from a variety of places who lived together in the so-called ‘street of the Catalans’: Ch.-E. Dufourcq, ‘Les communications entre les royaumes chrétiens ibériques et les pays de l'occident musulman, dans les derniers siècles du Moyen Age’, in: Les communications dans la Péninsule Ibérique au Moyen Age [Actes du Colloque de Pau, 28–29 mars 1980] (Paris: CNRS, 1981), 30–41. 10 M. Sánchez Martı́nez, in his ‘Mallorquines y genoveses en Almerı́a durante el primer tercio del siglo XIV: el proceso contra Jaume Manfré (1334)’, Miscel·lània de Textos Medievals, 4 (1988), 104–162, had already shown that during the first third of the fourteenth century, the so-called tràfech d'Espanya (‘trade from Spain’, which means Granada) was not a secondary route for the Majorcans and that, even then, their involvement in the networks of the Granadan export trade was much more significant that anyone could have suspected. He also repeated, agreeing with Dufourcq, that it seemed clear to him that when the Catalano-Aragonese presence was analysed in depth we would be forced to correct the image created by the historiography on the Genoese mercantile ‘monopoly’ in Nasrid lands (‘Las relaciones’, 92). In his analysis of export trade in the kingdom of Granada, López de Coca had also introduced a certain relativisation in the consideration of Granada as a ‘marginal area’ for the merchants of the crown of Aragon, even though he did not really question Genoese predominance (J.E. López de Coca Castañer, ‘Comercio exterior del reino de Granada’, in: Actas del II Coloquio de Historia Medieval Andaluza (Seville: Diputación Provincial, 1982), 354–357). 11 It is true, for example, in O.R. Constable, Trade and traders in Muslim Spain: the commercial realignment of the Iberian Peninsula, 900–1500 (Cambridge, 1994), Castilian translation Comercio y comerciantes en la España musulmana: la reordenación comercial de la Penı́nsula Ibérica del 900 al 1500 (Barcelona: Omega, 1996), whose bibliography makes no mention of the works of M. Sánchez Martı́nez, overlooking the main works of Hinojosa referring to Granada, and some of those of Ruzafa. 12 See, for example, R. Arié, ‘Sociedad y organización guerrera en la Granada nasrı́’, in: La incorporación de Granada a la Corona de Castilla [Actas del symposium conmemorativo del quinto centenario (Granada, 2 al 5 de diciembre de 1991)] (Granada: Diputación Provincial, 1993), 164–165. 13 It is in this direction that I have focussed my research in the Archivio di Stato di Genova, which derives both from the analysis of new unpublished sources and the revision of notarial records already used by Heers. Besides studies previously published, such as that of B. Garı́, ‘La advertencia del fin. Génova y el Reino de Granada a mediados del siglo XV’, in: Presencia italiana en Andalucı́a. Siglos XIV–XVII [Actas del III Coloquio Hispano-Italiano] (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1989), 179–189, I refer to R. Salicrú i Lluch, ‘Génova y Castilla, genoveses y Granada. Polı́tica y comercio en el Mediterráneo Occidental en la primera mitad del siglo XV’, in: Le vie del Mediterraneo. Idee, uomini, oggetti (secoli XI–XVI). Genova, 19–20 aprile 1994 (Genova: ECIG, 1997), 213–257; B. Garı́ and R. Salicrú, ‘Las ciudades del triángulo: Granada, Málaga, Almerı́a y el comercio mediterráneo de la Edad Media’, in: En las costas del Mediterráneo Occidental: Las ciudades de la Penı́nsula Ibérica y del reino de Mallorca y el comercio mediterráneo en la Edad Media, ed. D. Abulafia and B. Garı́ (Barcelona: Omega, 1996), 171–211; R. Salicrú i Lluch, ‘La embajada de 1479 de Pietro Fieschi a Granada: nuevas sombras sobre la presencia genovesa en el sultanato nazarı́ en vı́speras de la conquista castellana’, Atti della Accademia Ligure di Scienze e Lettere, LIV (1997), 355–385; and idem, ‘La Corona de Aragón y Génova en la Granada del siglo XV’, in: L'expansió catalana a la Mediterrània a la Baixa Edat Mitjana. Actes del Séminaire/Seminari organitzat per la Casa de Velázquez (Madrid) i la Institució Milà i Fontanals (CSIC, Barcelona), ed. M.T. Ferrer i Mallol and D. Coulon (Barcelona: CSIC, 1999), 121–144. 14 J. Hinojosa Montalvo, ‘Las relaciones entre los reinos de Valencia y Granada en la primera mitad del siglo XV’, in: Estudios de Historia de Valencia (Valencia: Universitat de València, 1978), 91–160. 15 J. Hinojosa Montalvo, ‘Las relaciones entre Valencia y Granada durante el siglo XV: balance de una investigación’, in: Estudios sobre Málaga y el Reino de Granada en el V Centenario de la Conquista (Malaga: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Diputación Provincial, 1987), 83–111, and ‘Armamento de naves y comercio con el reino de Granada a principios del siglo XV’, in: Andalucı́a entre Oriente, 643–657; M. Ruzafa Garcı́a, ‘La frontera de Valencia con Granada: la ruta terrestre (1380–1440)’, in: Andalucı́a entre Oriente, 659–672, and ‘Las relaciones económicas entre los mudéjares valencianos y el reino de Granada en el siglo XV’, in: Relaciones exteriores, 343–381. Much more recent are J. Hinojosa Montalvo, ‘El reino de Valencia, frontera marı́tima entre Aragón y Granada’, in: La frontera oriental, especially 413–416; D. Igual Luis, ‘Italianos en la frontera marı́tima nazarı́. La ruta de Valencia a Granada en el siglo XV’, in: La frontera oriental, 467–475; G. Navarro Espinach, ‘La seda entre Génova, Valencia y Granada en época de los Reyes Católicos’, in: La frontera oriental, 477–483; or M. Ruzafa Garcı́a, ‘La Corona de Aragón y Castilla en el Norte de África durante el Cuatrocientos’, in: Relaciones de la Corona de Aragón con los Estados Cristianos peninsulares (siglos XIII–XV) [XV Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón, volume 2] (Zaragoza: Gobierno de Aragón, 1997), 305–314. 16 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 92 and 127. 17 Registers of coses vedades (forbidden products), llicències (licences), guiatges (safeconducts). In analysing the ships' armaments, Hinojosa himself already modified his initial view while affirming that, in accord with the new source, what seemed to be sporadic trade was actually being consolidated into regular contacts in which Almeria was the main focus of attraction. See both Hinojosa, ‘Armamento’, 651, and ‘Las relaciones⋯balance’, 96–97. 18 E. Cruselles Gómez, ‘Jerarquización y especialización de los circuitos mercantiles valencianos (Finales del XIV — primera mitad del XV)’, Anales de la Universidad de Alicante, 7 (1988–1989), 83–109. As we can see in footnote 9, it is a similar viewpoint to what Dufourcq had defined as the routes of Malaga and Almeria. 19 López, La Corona de Aragón, 203–204; as the Valencian registers for the previous years have not been preserved, the sources used by the author afford facts relating to the latter quarter of the fourteenth century and the first years of the fifteenth. 20 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 114. 21 Ruzafa, ‘Las relaciones económicas’, 350. 22 Ibid., 347. 23 Ibid., 349. 24 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 117; ‘Las relaciones⋯balance’, 98. 25 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 119. 26 As, for example, Nicolau Estany. In 1429, Bartomeu Salver handed over to them a silver chalice with paten for the church of the Christian merchants of Almeria and in 1452 Francesc d'Àries took them one rova (mesure of weight) of tallow candles. See Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯balance’, 100, and ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 120. 27 Even though he also stated that a good part of the exchanges were monopolised by the Muslims, Hinojosa had already indicated that the sources used might have distorted the picture, and that the small amount of municipal and chancellery documentation which he had consulted suggested the possibility that the involvement of the Christian merchants in this trade might be more important than other sources depicted (‘Las relaciones⋯balance’, 101). Thus, among other examples, he pointed out that in December, 1459, a Valencian, Joan Rossell, was named consul of all the Catalano-Aragonese merchants in Fez, Tlemcen, and Granada, and that in 1472 the Valencian Council made reference to more than eighty Valencian merchants in Almeria who had been imprisoned as a reprisal for a robbery committed against the Granadan merchants (ibid., 100). It is pertinent to add that if this number is correct, it would far surpass that of the Genoese who, in the middle of the fifteenth century, were the victims of the reprisal which took place in the famous Compera, who were fewer than about fifty; see Airaldi, Genova e Spagna, 21–22. Ruzafa also recognised that although he had only concentrated on safeconducts of Muslims and had not found a single Christian merchant, the letters of the Valencian Council which Hinojosa published suggested an important Christian involvement (Ruzafa, ‘Las relaciones económicas’, 350–351). 28 López, La Corona de Aragón, especially 180–181 and 325, in her research on the Valencian protocols of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth centuries, has been able to show the importance of Christian involvement. This has led her to pinpoint not only the supposed domination of the trade between Valencia and Granada by the merchants from the Moorish quarter of Valencia, but also the excessive involvement attributed to the North African Jews in the trade between the Maghrib and Valencia (referring here to J. Guiral, ‘Les relacions comercials de València amb Berberia al segle XV’, ed. A. Furió, in: València, un mercat medieval (Valencia: Diputación Provincial, 1985), 277–313). The importance of the Christian sector in the Nasrid and Maghriban areas is also evident in the notarial sources used by Cruselles, ‘Jerarquización’, 95–102. 29 See, for example, Hinojosa, ‘El reino’, 414, or Ruzafa, ‘La Corona’, 308, 309 and 313. 30 See footnote 13, specially Salicrú, ‘La Corona de Aragón’. 31 I shall mention only some of the most significant people and facts, omitting the majority which can be found in Salicrú, El sultanat, Salicrú, Documents and Salicrú, Relacions, volume 1, especially 691–778. 32 alguns mercaders christians d'açı́ [Valencia] han contractat ab lo rey de Granada de agabellar totes les sedes, ço és, que alguns altres mercaders, christians, moros ne juheus, ne altres, no puxen comprar alguna seda ne roba de seda en lo reyalme de Granada sinó de poder dels dessús dits (‘some Christian merchants from here [Valencia] have contracted with the king of Granada to gain a monopoly on all the silk, that is, so that no other merchants, Christian, Moors and Jews, and others, can buy any silk or silk cloth in the kingdom of Granada except from the above mentioned’); ACA, C., CR Alfons IV, box 4, num. 410. 1417, February, 22. Valencia (Garı́ and Salicrú, ‘Las ciudades’, doc. 2, and Salicrú, Documents, doc. 6). 33 vós [Francesc d'Àries] tenits la sal del rey de Granada, ab pactes que negú no puixa vendre sal sinó vós (‘you [Francesc d'Àries] have the salt from the king of Granada, with agreements that nobody can sell salt but you’); ACA, C., reg. 2788, f. 105v. 1426, August, 22. Valencia (Garı́ and Salicrú, ‘Las ciudades’, doc. 3, and Salicrú, Documents, doc. 136). For a detailed analysis of the silk and salt monopolies and their composition, and the results in the case of the silk monopoly which were the partial cause of the failure of the ratification, taking effect with the truce of 1418, see Salicrú, El sultanat, 136–164; La treva de 1418 amb Granada: la recuperació de la tradició catalanoaragonesa, AEM, 27/2 (1997), 989–1019; and ‘Joan Mercader: la intervenció del batlle general del regne de València en la polı́tica granadina d'Alfons el Magnànim’, Anales de la Universidad de Alicante, 12 (1999), 135–150. 34 As Gual Camarena and López de Coca stated when referring specifically to salt in the kingdom of Granada, it does not seem necessary to mention the importance of this so-called ‘white gold’ and its trade (M. Gual Camarena and J.E. López de Coca Castañer, ‘La sal del reino de Granada. Documentos para su estudio’, CEM, II–III (1974–1975), 259–296); see, moreover, an example which could represent the salt trade in M. del Treppo, Els mercaders catalans i l'expansió de la Corona catalano-aragonesa al segle XV (Barcelona: Curial, 1976), 188–194. With regard to silk, it is well known, as outlined in the studies of Melis and Heers (although they were thinking of the Italians), that, besides sugar and dried fruit (products of secondary interest for the merchants of the crown of Aragon in Granada), silk was one of the three main products of the export trade from the sultanate. 35 On the role of commercial monopolies in the Muslim states of the Maghrib, see Ch.-E. Dufourcq, ‘Commerce du Maghreb Médiéval avec l'Europe Chrétienne et marine Musulmane: données connues et problèmes en suspens’, in: Actes du Congrès d'Histoire et de Civilisation du Maghreb (Tunis: Centre d'Études et de Recherches Économiques et Sociales, 1974), 164–168, and, with regard to the Genoese, J. Heers, ‘L'Islam et le monde méditerranéen à la fin du Moyen Âge’, in: La incorporación, 67–71. 36 For the chancellery sources and the proceedings of the Valencian municipal Council, which include at least three references to the silk contract; see Epistolari de la València medieval (II) (València-Barcelona: Institut Universitari de Filologia Valenciana, 1998), ed. A. Rubio Vela, doc. 70, and G. Navarro Espinach, El despegue de la industria sedera en la Valencia del siglo XV (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1992), 40 and footnote 46. The latter considers erroneously the beneficiaries of the contract to be the Mudejar merchants from Valencia who traded in silk with the kingdom of Granada. 37 ACA, C., reg. 2561, f. 175r, or reg. 2562, f. 30r-v. 8 February 1417, Tortosa (in two versions of the same letter, one in Catalan and the other in Aragonese; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 5A and 5B); ACA, C., reg. 2562, f. 37r. 2 March 1417, Fuentes (here Galceran d'Eixarc is omitted; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 10); and also Epistolari, doc. 70. 38 See footnote 33. 39 We know, moreover, that in May 1409 he sent a variety of merchandise to Bougie with Lluı́s Granollers (see both López, La Corona de Aragón, 435, footnote 121, and M. Ruzafa Garcı́a, ‘Los operadores económicos de la morerı́a de Valencia’, in: IV Simposio Internacional de Mudejarismo. Economı́a. Teruel, 17–19 septiembre de 1987 (Teruel: Instituto de Estudios Turolenses, 1992), 249 and footnote 17). J. Guiral-Hadziiossif, Valencia, puerto mediterráneo en el siglo XV (1410–1525) (Valencia: Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, 1989), 216, 328 and 352, includes some references to Joan Baiona, although they relate to the importation of grain from Brittany, and not to Granada or Barbary. 40 The company was formed with a paraire (carder) called Bartomeu, and another merchant, Berenguer Famades. See Cruselles, ‘Jerarquización’, 95. 41 According to the table of licences granted by the general bailiff for the kingdom of Valencia for the armament of ships destined for the North of Africa and Granada, published by López, La Corona de Aragón, 195–200. During the reign of Fernando de Antequera, Joan had taken a cargo of woollen cloth to the sultan Abu Said in Fez, in the name of King Fernando, which was worth 1385 dobles, and a certain Muhammad Sobra of Fez owed him 505 dobles more; in his attempt to recover the debts, he was beaten with a stick to prevent him from presenting a claim to the Catalano-Aragonese monarch (ACA, C., reg. 2386, ff. 27r-28v and 28v [9 August 1414, Morella] and reg. 2391, ff. 11v and 11v-12r [9 August 1415, Valencia], M. Arribas Palau, ‘Reclamaciones cursadas por Fernando I de Aragón a Abu Said Utman III de Marruecos’, BRABLB, 30 (1963–1964), 307–322, doc. 10 and 11). 42 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 106. 43 ACA, C., reg. 2391, f. 8r-v. 28 July 1415, Valencia. 44 Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 106. 45 See Hinojosa, ‘El Reino’, 426, who does not give the reference. 46 ACA, C., reg. 2749, ff. 131v-132r. 4 May 1420, Castelló de la Plana; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 65. 47 ACA, C., reg. 2962, ff. 138v and 138v-139r. 29 June 1424, Barcelona; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 99. 48 ARV, RC, reg. 40, f. 26r. 25 April 1426, Valencia; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 134. Even though Muhammad IX had given an order for it to be paid, Galceran had not succeeded in collecting payment for the cloth and affirmed that he had to go personally to Granada on more than five occasions to try to recover the debt. 49 ACA, C., reg. 3112, ff. 12v and 12v-13r. 8 and 9 September 1427, Valencia; and reg. 2577, ff. 43r and 57v. 12 and 30 September 1427, Valencia; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 157, 158, 159 and 162. 50 See López, La Corona de Aragón, 195–200. 51 See Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, Appendix II, 152. In 1412, he himself received a licence to sail to Alexandria; see Á. Santamarı́a Arández, Aportación al estudio de la economı́a de Valencia durante el siglo XV (Valencia: Institución Alfonso el Magnánimo, 1966), 153. 52 This is to be found in a very interesting letter from the general bailiff for the kingdom of Valencia to the jurates of the city of Majorca narrating the capture of a ship of men from Nice chartered by Saracen merchants from Valencia and Granada, which details the merchandise loaded in it by each of the Valencians (ARV, B., LP, reg. 1148, f. 315r-v. 1437. Before 17 May 1437, Valencia; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 304). It deals, probably, with the same Vicent Granollers as pleaded with Joanot Martorell's father and brother; see both J. Villalmanzo and J.J. Chiner, La Pluma y la Espada. Estudio documental sobre Joanot Martorell y su familia (1373–1483) (Valencia: Ajuntament, 1992), and J. Villalmanzo, Joanot Martorell. Biografı́a ilustrada y diplomatario (Valencia: Ajuntament, 1995). 53 See López, La Corona de Aragón, 195–200. 54 ACA, C., reg. 3162, f. 68r-v. 23 June 1417, Valencia; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 14. 55 See Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 120 and footnote 53. Hinojosa himself also found him in 1402 and 1422 among the merchants who traded with Granada (Ibid., Appendix II, 152 and 153). 56 Brother of Francesc Martorell, a canon of the see of Valencia and apostolic collector (ACA, C., reg. 3162, f. 68r-v. 23 June 1417, Valencia; Salicrú, Documents, doc. 14). It does not refer to his homonym, Joanot Martorell, born probably, according to the latest research, in 1410. Although it is very possible that they were related, this merchant did not belong to the direct family of the author of Tirant. He was the brother of this Francesc, canon and apostolic collector, who does not appear either in the compilations of documents referring to the direct family of Joanot, even though there is a Francesc Martorell, canon of Barcelona, among them, but he too was no relation to him. I refer, in this regard, to Villalmanzo and Chiner, La Pluma, and Villalmanzo, Joanot. 57 See López, La Corona de Aragón, 200. 58 ACA, C., reg. 2391, f. 8r-v. 28 July 1415, Valencia, regarding the letter of Fernando I. On the letter from the jurates of Valencia, see Hinojosa, ‘Las relaciones⋯en la primera mitad’, 106 and footnote 36. 59 Salicrú, El sultanat, 168 and ff. 60 On the entire affair, ACA, C., reg. 2570, f. 61r. 20 November 1420, Bonifacio's siege; reg. 3222, ff. 28v-29r, 29r-v, 30r, 30r-v, 30v and 31r. 15 November 1420, Daroca (Salicrú, Documents, doc. 69, 70, 71, 72 and 73). For the letter addressed to Martorell, reg. 3222, ff. 29v and 31r. 15 November 1420, Daroca (the last document, Salicrú, Documents, doc. 72). 61 ACA, C., reg. 2677, ff. 114v-115r. 2 August 1429, Calatayud (Salicrú, Documents, doc. 193). Finally, however, the general bailiff for the kingdom of Valencia made the monarch abandon his plan. See Salicrú, El sultanat, 233–234, and Salicrú, Joan Mercader, 148–150. 62 ACA, C., reg. 2686, ff. 71r and 71v. 21 April 1430, Valencia, reg. 2684, f. 108r. 24 April 1430, Valencia (Salicrú, Documents, doc. 199 and 200) and, for the memorandum on the errand, reg. 2692, f. 52r. [10/22 April 1430, Valencia] (partial edition in Giménez, ‘La Corona de Aragón’, BRABLB, 4 (1907–1908), 473, and complete edition in Salicrú, Documents, doc. 198). 63 Consult Salicrú, El sultanat, 263–264, 269–270, 276 and 279. 64 ARV, RC, reg. 40, ff. 121r and 121v. 24 April 1430, Valencia (Salicrú, Documents, doc. 201 and 202). Muhammad IX had returned to power at the end of March 1430, so that this recommendation, which made special mention of Martorell and Torrent but which referred to all the merchants who were vassals of Alfonso the Magnanimous, constituted a kind of general recommendation to the new sultan in favour of the Catalano-Aragonese merchants engaging in trade. 65 In accord with what the Magnanimous had asked them in his letters of recommendation of 1430; in a proper exchange of correspondence, he informed him that he also would hold all the Granadans engaged in any kind of business in the Crown of Aragon in due regard and favour (ACA, C., reg. 2687, ff. 57v and 58r. 17 Marc
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