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Talking to the enemy: the role and purpose of negotiations between Saladin and Richard the Lionheart during the Third Crusade

2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 39; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/03044181.2013.787542

1873-1279

Thomas S. Asbridge,

Historical and Linguistic Studies

Abstract This article considers the role and purpose of the diplomatic interactions between Saladin and Richard the Lionheart during the Third Crusade. It argues that in 1191–2, both leaders variously employed diplomatic contact to garner military and political intelligence, to gain insight into the temperament and mindset of their adversary, and to purposefully wrong-foot the enemy. It suggests that in the course of this crusade Richard I demonstrated a far greater capacity for subtlety and manipulation than has previously been recognised, exhibiting diplomatic skills that equalled, and perhaps even eclipsed, those of his rival Saladin. The use of negotiation to achieve actual conflict resolution is considered and it is argued that neither protagonist pursued peace for its own sake. These findings are contextualised within the wider framework of Latin–Muslim negotiations during the crusading era, and the broader relationship between Islam and the West during the Middle Ages. Keywords: Richard the LionheartSaladinThird Crusadenegotiationdiplomacymarriage alliancesconflict resolution Notes 1 Saladin was the sultan of a Near-Eastern Muslim realm that stretched from Egypt to Syria, and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. Saladin rose to power in Egypt in 1169, occupied Damascus in 1174, assumed control of Aleppo in 1183 and accepted the subjugation of Mosul in 1186. For examinations and interpretations of his career, see Stanley Lane-Poole, Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (London: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1898); Hamilton Gibb, ‘Saladin’, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, eds. Kenneth M. Setton and Marshall W. Baldwin (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), 563–89; Hamilton Gibb, ‘The Armies of Saladin’, in Studies in the Civilization of Islam, eds. Stanford J. Shaw and William R. Polk (London: Routledge, 1962), 74–90; Hamilton Gibb, ‘The Achievement of Saladin’, in Studies in the Civilization of Islam, eds. Shaw and Polk, 91–107; Hamilton Gibb, The Life of Saladin (Oxford: Saqi Essentials, 2006); Andrew Ehrenkreutz, Saladin (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1972); Malcolm C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Saladin. The Politics of the Holy War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Hannes Möhring, ‘Saladins Politik des Heiligen Krieges’, Der Islam 61 (1984): 322–6; Hannes Möhring, Saladin: the Sultan and his Times 1138–1193, trans. David S. Bachrach (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008); Yaacov Lev, Saladin in Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1999); Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999), 171–95; Thomas Asbridge, The Crusades: the War for the Holy Land (London: Simon and Schuster, 2010), 270–364; Anne-Marie Eddé, Saladin, trans. Jane M. Todd (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011). 2 It is still the case that no modern, authoritative monograph on the Third Crusade has been published. Secondary works that do shed light on the Third Crusade include Steven Runciman, ‘The Kingdom of Acre and the Late Crusades’, in idem, A History of the Crusades, vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 3–75; Sidney Painter, ‘The Third Crusade: Richard the Lionhearted and Philip Augustus’, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, eds. Kenneth M. Setton, R.L. Wolff and H.W. Hazard (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1969), 45–85; Hannes Möhring, Saladin und der dritte Kreuzzug (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1980); Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades, trans. John Gillingham. 2nd edn. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 137–51; Jean Richard, The Crusades, c.1071– c.1291, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 216–31; Christopher J. Tyerman, God's War: a New History of the Crusades (London: Penguin, 2006), 375–474; Asbridge, The Crusades, 365–516. 3 Richard took the cross for the Third Crusade in late 1187, while still only the duke of Aquitaine and count of Poitou. He acceded to the English throne after his father, King Henry II's, death in 1189. The most authoritative work on the Lionheart remains John Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). See also Janet L. Nelson, ed., Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth (London: King's College London, 1992); John Gillingham, ‘Richard I and the Science of War’, in War and Government: Essays in Honour of J.O. Prestwich, eds. John Gillingham and J.C. Holt (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1984), 78–91; Ralph A. Turner and Richard Heiser, The Reign of Richard the Lionheart: Ruler of the Angevin Empire (London: Longman, 2000); Jean Flori, Richard the Lionheart: Knight and King (London: Praeger, 2007). 4 Gillingham, Richard I, 162–71, 183–91, 210–21; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 330–3, 342–6, 354–60; Asbridge, The Crusades, 443–55, 480–91, 509–13. 5 Michael A. Köhler, Allianzen und Verträge zwischen fränkischen und islamischen Herrschern in Vorderen Orient (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1991), 347–54; Yvonne Friedman, ‘Peacemaking: Perceptions and Practices in the Medieval Latin East’, in The Crusades and the Near East: Cultural Histories, ed. Conor Kostick (London: Routledge, 2011), 229–57. Of course, Richard the Lionheart was not the only Latin monarch to participate in the Third Crusade. King Philip II Augustus of France also engaged in significant diplomatic contacts with Saladin and his representatives during the Third Crusade, but these contacts lie beyond the scope of this article. On these negotiations, see Asbridge, The Crusades, 434, 441–5. It once was thought that Emperor Frederick Barbarossa contacted Saladin himself while preparing to embark on the crusade, but the two Latin letters purporting to be copies of their correspondence are now regarded as forgeries. However, it is likely that Barbarossa had established some form of diplomatic contact with Saladin in the 1170s. Hans Eberhard Mayer, ‘Der Brief Kaiser Friedrichs I. an Saladin vom Jahre 1188’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 14 (1958): 488–94; Charles M. Brand, ‘The Byzantines and Saladin, 1185–92: Opponents of the Third Crusade’, Speculum 37 (1962): 167–81. 6 The most recent Arabic edition of this work is Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, al-Nawadir al-Sultaniyya wa'l-Mahasin al-Yusufiyya, ed. al-Shayyal (Cairo: Turathuna, 1964). References here are given to Baha al-Din Ibn Shaddad, The Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, trans. Donald S. Richards (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001). Ibn Shaddad completed his work around 1228. He drew upon his own recollections and the account of Saladin's career written by one of the sultan's secretaries, Imad al-Din al-Isfahani. Crucially, Ibn Shaddad added a significant amount of material related to diplomatic contacts that is not found in Imad al-Din's work: Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, Conquête de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin, trans. Henri Massé (Paris: Geuthner, 1972). Ibn Shaddad's account certainly presented Saladin in a positive light, but I would suggest that this inherent bias was sometimes balanced by Ibn Shaddad's desire to record his own experiences and to reflect upon his personal involvement in events. The pro-Ayyubid accounts of Ibn Shaddad and Imad al-Din can be usefully compared to the testimony of the Mosuli historian Ibn al-Athir, who was not a partisan of Saladin's dynasty: Ibn al-Athir, The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir for the Crusading Period from al-Kamil fi'l-Ta'rikh, trans. Donald S. Richards, vol. 2 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007). See also Abu Shama, ‘Le livre des deux jardins’, in Recueil des historiens des croisades: historiens orientaux. 5 vols in 6 (Paris: L'Académie impériale des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1872–1906), 4: 341–522; 5: 3–101. On the nature and value of these sources, see Hamilton Gibb, ‘The Arabic Sources for the Life of Saladin’, Speculum 25 (1950): 58–74; Francesco Gabrieli, ‘The Arabic Historiography of the Crusades’, in Historians of the Middle East, eds. Bernard Lewis and Peter M. Holt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), 98–107; Donald S. Richards, ‘A Text of Imad al-Din on 12th century Frankish-Muslim Relations’, Arabica 25 (1978): 202–4; Donald S. Richards, ‘Imad al-Din al-Isfahani: Administrator, Litterateur and Historian’, in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. Maya Shatzmiller (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 133–46; Donald S. Richards, ‘A Consideration of Two Sources for the Life of Saladin’, Journal of Semitic Studies 25 (1980): 46–65; Donald S. Richards, ‘Ibn al-Athir and the Later Parts of the Kamil’, in Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. D.O. Morgan (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1982), 76–108. 7 Ambroise, The History of the Holy War: Ambroise's Estoire de la guerre sainte, eds. and trans. Marianne Ailes and Malcolm Barber. 2 vols (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2003) [all the following references to Ambroise relate to the Old French verse edition in vol. 1]. W. Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, Chronicles and Memorials of the Reign of Richard I, vol. 1. Rolls Series 38 (London: Longman, 1864). These accounts can also be compared to Roger of Howden, Gesta regis Henrici II et Ricardi I, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series 49. 2 vols. (London: Longman, 1867); Roger of Howden, Chronica, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series 51. 4 vols. (London: Longman, 1870), vols 3 and 4; Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes of the Time of Richard the First, ed. and trans. John T. Appleby (London: T. Nelson, 1963); William of Newburgh, Historia rerum Anglicarum, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 1, ed. R. Howlett. Rolls Series 82 (London: Longman, 1884); Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon Anglicanum, ed. Joseph Stevenson. Rolls Series 66 (London: Longman, 1875); Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum. The Historical Works of Master Ralph of Diceto, vol. 2, ed. William Stubbs, Rolls Series 68 (London: Longman, 1876); M.R. Morgan, ed., La continuation de Guillaume de Tyre (1184–1197) (Paris: Geuthner, 1982). See also Marianne Ailes, ‘Heroes of War: Ambroise's Heroes of the Third Crusade’, in Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses, eds. Françoise Le Saux and Corinne Saunders (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2004), 29–48; John Gillingham, ‘Roger of Howden on Crusade’, in Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, ed. Morgan, 60–75; Peter Edbury, ‘The Lyon Eracles and the Old French Continuations of William of Tyre’, in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, eds. Benjamin Z. Kedar, Jonathan Riley-Smith and Rudolf Hiestand (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997), 139–53. 8 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 156. 9 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 159; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 309–10; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 329. 10 Language imposed a further barrier to direct negotiations between Latin and Muslim potentates. It is evident that King Richard could not speak Arabic, while neither Saladin, nor his brother al-Adil, could converse in any Western tongue. The Frankish nobleman, Humphrey of Toron, was frequently selected as a crusader emissary, in part because he was a trusted, high-status member of the kingdom of Jerusalem's Latin aristocracy, but perhaps more importantly because he was a fluent Arabic speaker. Hussein M. Attiya, ‘Knowledge of Arabic in the Crusader States in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, Journal of Medieval History 25 (1999): 203–13. 11 Friedman, ‘Peacemaking’, 240–1, argued that Richard's previous experience of diplomatic contacts in Western Europe meant that he expected to engage in direct talks. 12 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 153. 13 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 153, 155, recorded that ‘the sultan answered immediately without thought or hesitation’, and later added that ‘I have also said that the sultan made his excuses.’ 14 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 155–6, 159; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 309–10. King Richard once again began to request luxuries from Saladin after falling ill in August 1192. Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 227–8, recorded that ‘in his illness God had burdened [Richard] with a yearning for pears and plums, which the sultan was supplying him with, while purposing to gain intelligence by the to-and-froing of the messengers.’ Friedman, ‘Peacemaking’, 244–5, argued that traditions of gift giving between potentates existed in Western Europe and the Near East, but suggested that amongst Muslims these gifts were seen as a precursor to contacts, while Latin Christians exchanged gifts to signal the finalisation of agreements. See also Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld, ‘The Medieval Gift as Agent of a Social Bonding and Political Power: a Comparative Approach’, in Medieval Transformations, eds. Esther Cohen and Mayke de Jong (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 123–56. 15 For a full discussion of this phase of diplomatic contact, see Asbridge, The Crusades, 450–5; Gillingham, Richard I, 162–71; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 331–3. 16 Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 259; Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 98; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 172–3. 17 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 173–4. Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 339–40, also described this meeting, noting that al-Adil viewed Richard's proposal as ‘absurd’ and that the king then became irritated. 18 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 174. 19 Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 98–9; Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 259. 20 Saladin had employed similar techniques earlier in his career, for example, in his dealings with the Latin Christian ruler, Count Raymond III of Tripoli, through the 1180s. Asbridge, The Crusades, 342–3. 21 Conrad was the brother of the late William of Montferrat, Sybilla of Jerusalem's first husband and father to Baldwin V. Conrad had been serving the Byzantine emperor, Isaac II Angelus, in Constantinople, but after murdering one of Isaac's political enemies in early summer 1187, the marquis decided to cut his losses and make a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. His arrival in Palestine in July 1187, just days after Hattin, appears to have been entirely coincidental. David Jacoby, ‘Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, and the Kingdom of Jerusalem (1187–92)’, in Dai feudi monferrini e dal Piemonte ai nuovi mondi oltre gli oceani (Alessandria: Alessandria Società di Storia, 1993), 187–238. 22 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 182. 23 Ibn Shaddad, for one, denigrated Conrad as a ‘wicked, accursed man’ and noted that, when the relative merits of dealing with the marquis or King Richard were debated, Conrad was deemed the more treacherous and untrustworthy. Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 182, 195. 24 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 182–3, 191–2, 194–6; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 353–4. In reality it probably was Saladin who was under the greatest military and diplomatic pressure at this point. 25 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 179. 26 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 185–6. 27 This was the first definite example of the proposal of a high-level marriage alliance between a Latin Christian and a Muslim in the crusader Levant. It was rumoured earlier, in 1130, that Alice of Antioch had considered wedding the Muslim ruler Zangi of Mosul and Aleppo, but this probably had little basis in fact. Thomas Asbridge, ‘Alice of Antioch: a Case Study of Female Power in the Twelfth Century’, in The Experience of Crusading 2: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, eds. Peter Edbury and Jonathan Phillips (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 29–47. Saladin and Richard I were very familiar with the use of marriage alliances in power politics, with the sultan having used his wedding to Nur al-Din's widow Ismat to legitimise his rule in 1176, and the Lionheart having become embroiled in a protracted dispute over plans for his own marriage to Alice of France. Asbridge, The Crusades, 296–7, 377. It is also true that Latin Christian settlers in the Levant repeatedly used marriage alliances to secure relations between different crusader states, with the neighbouring Eastern Christian powers of Byzantium and Cilician Armenia, and with Western Christian polities back in Europe. Natasha Hodgson, ‘Conflict and Cohabitation: Marriage and Diplomacy between Latins and Cilician Armenians, c.1097–1253’, in The Crusades and the Near East: Cultural Histories, ed. Conor Kostick (London: Routledge, 2011), 83–106. On the concept and practice of marriage, and use of marriage alliances in Western Europe, see Jack Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Christopher N.L. Brooke, The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); David d'Avray, Medieval Marriage: Symbolism and Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 28 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 187–8; Ulrike Kessler, Richard I. Löwenherz. König, Kreuzritter, Abenteurer (Graz: Styria Verlag, 1995), 205. 29 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 187–8. Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 349–50, offered a much briefer account, noting that al-Adil called together a group of emirs and then had the offer conveyed to Saladin. Ibn al-Athir, Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir, 392, who drew upon Imad al-Din's account, stated simply that ‘al-Adil submitted [this offer] to Saladin.’ 30 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 188. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 342–3, offered a different analysis of this episode, suggesting that al-Adil actually sought openly to encourage Saladin to accept the offer by stressing that it was ‘the final point reached in the peace negotiations’. 31 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 194–5. 32 Asbridge, The Crusades, 540–1; R. Stephen Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols: the Ayyubids of Damascus 1193–1260 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1977). 33 Ibn al-Athir, Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir, 392; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 354, also deemed Richard's approaches to be deliberately duplicitous, but criticised him on these grounds. 34 Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 296; Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 120. A number of Western European near-contemporaries, not present in the Levant, offered much more positive comments on Richard's relationship with al-Adil. The Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (Morgan, ed., La continuation de Guillaume de Tyre, 151), written in the mid-thirteenth century, offered a confused account of the marriage proposal, but noted that Saladin decided to agree terms with King Richard ‘because he was afraid of his brother [al-Adil]’, adding that ‘Saladin believed that if the marriage were to take place he would lose everything he had won.’ Meanwhile, Richard of Devizes, Chronicle, ed. Appelby, 75, maintained that al-Adil had become Richard's close associate by the summer of 1192, describing the Muslim as ‘a man of long military experience, very polished and wise, whom the king's magnanimity and munificence had won over to his friendship and to favouring his side’. 35 Gillingham, Richard I, 214, 217; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 357; Runciman, ‘Kingdom of Acre’, 71, wrongly described ‘Richard joking with some captive emirs’ on 1 August 1192 – the erroneous implication being that the king could only have treated in such a manner with Muslims who were his prisoners. 36 Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 29, 127, 227–30, 277; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 66, 102, 136; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 63, 264, characterised al-Mashtub as a warrior ‘who, through his zeal, ignited the wars and poured sorrow upon the enemy’. The appellation ‘al-Mashtub’ meant literally ‘the scarred’. 37 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 141; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 318. 38 Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 233–5; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 158; Ibn al-Athir, Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir, 389. Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 312–13, 318, noted that al-Mashtub negotiated with Philip Augustus on 4 July. 39 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 186–7. Ibn Shaddad recounted the story of Shirkuh ibn Bakhil's escape, another Muslim emir captured at Acre, and described how he ‘broke his chains’ during his getaway. 40 Ibn-Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 187, noted that the details of a ransom had been discussed as early as October 1191, while Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 375, recorded that a sum of 50,000 dinars was agreed, with 30,000 dinars paid up front. This figure would appear to be broadly in line with the ransoms paid for high-level captives in the twelfth century. Yvonne Friedman, Encounter Between Enemies: Captivity and Ransom in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 158–61. It is worth noting that al-Mashtub's fellow captive, and governor of Acre before its fall, Baha al-Din Qaragush al-Asadi, was not released until October 1192. He then had to pay a large ransom, gathered from Damascus, of 80,000 dinars according to Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 236. 41 There was a precedent for the establishment of close ties in the aftermath of captivity. Count Baldwin II of Edessa was released after four years in captivity by Chavli of Mosul in 1108. One of the terms of Baldwin's release appears to have been a promise of a mutually beneficial military alliance. Baldwin and Chavli then joined their respective forces to wage a war against Tancred, the Latin ruler of the principality of Antioch. Thomas Asbridge, ‘The “Crusader” Community at Antioch: the Impact of Interaction with Byzantium and Islam’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 9 (1999): 305–25. 42 Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 375; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 199. 43 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 205, also noted that on 10 June an envoy from the crusaders camped at Latrun arrived, accompanied by one of al-Mashtub's mamluks. 44 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 212–16. 45 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 231. The other family members noted as taking this oath on 3 September were Saladin's son al-Zahir and great-nephew al-Mansur. A wider group of Muslim potentates holding land neighbouring Latin territory were also instructed to swear an oath, including Ibn al-Muqqadam, lord of Shaizar, but the implication was that al-Mashtub and Badr al-Din Dilidirim were particularly specified and honoured by being named amongst the first group of leading guarantors. 46 Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 161, 177, 195, 249, 268; Eddé, Saladin, 142; Anne-Marie Eddé, Principauté ayyoubide d'Alep (579/1183 – 658/1260) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1999), 40, 44–5, 47, 51. 47 Gillingham, Richard I, 213–14. 48 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 223. 49 Given some of the confusion present in the Latin Christian sources at this point in events, it is impossible to be certain with whom Dildirim was dealing on the crusader side, but given the major role accorded to Hubert Walter, the bishop of Salisbury, by the chronicler Richard of Devizes, it is possible that Hubert was acting as Richard's main mediator in August 1192. Richard of Devizes, Chronicle, ed. Appleby, 83. 50 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 228–30; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 388–94. On the development and significance of hand-shaking as a ritual of peace, see Yvonne Friedman, ‘Gestures of Conciliation: Peacemaking Endeavours in the Latin East’, in In laudem Hierosolymitani: Studies for B.Z. Kedar, eds. Iris Shagrir, Ronnie Ellenblum and Jonathan Riley-Smith (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 31–48; Friedman, ‘Peacemaking’, 245–6. 51 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 229–30. 52 The significance of al-Mashtub and Dildirim is further confirmed by the fact that they appear to have been more widely known within the crusader camp than any other Muslim emirs. Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 193, listed them as Mestoc and Bedreddin Dorderon respectively, and described how they supposedly joined al-Adil in advising Saladin not to break the terms of the Treaty of Jaffa by attacking unprotected Christian pilgrims en route to Jerusalem in September 1192. It is possible that Richard developed links with a wider circle of Muslims. The Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (Morgan, ed., La continuation de Guillaume de Tyre, 149) recorded that, in the course of the crusade, Saladin's ‘emirs and mamluks learned of [Richard's] largesse and gifts, and any who had angered his lord fled and came to the king of England. Sometimes the king had at least 300 mamluks.' However, this narrative history was written in the mid-thirteenth century and offers a garbled account of the crusade. 53 In the aftermath of the crusade, al-Mashtub was removed from power in Nablus, supposedly for corrupt governance and ‘wicked stewardship’ of the town. He was also passed over for the governorship of Jerusalem. Al-Mashtub died in the Holy City on 1 November 1192. Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 236–7; Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 397, dated his death to 4 November. 54 Eddé, Principauté ayyoubide d'Alep, 51. 55 Friedman, ‘Peacemaking’, 229–32, in contrast argued that Latin Christians did aspire to peace in their dealings with fellow Latins during this period and that victory was only an over-riding imperative when Latins were interacting with Muslim foes. See also Tomaž Mastnak, Crusading Peace: Christendom, the Muslim World, and Political Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). Concepts of peace and Christian fraternity were promoted by the Roman Church, but they rarely exerted a significant influence upon the actual processes of war and diplomacy between rival Latin powers, and therefore, by extension, we should not necessarily view Latin–Muslim relations as a distinctive subset. For an overview of the practice of medieval diplomacy in the Byzantine, Islamic and European worlds, see Keith Hamilton and Richard Langhorne, The Practice of Diplomacy: its Evolution, Theory and Administration. 2nd edn. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2011). 56 Mayer, The Crusades, 147, viewed this as an unusual (and seemingly unlikely) period of negotiations, noting that ‘at one stage even so recondite a project as a marriage between Richard's sister and Saladin's brother was said to have been discussed.’ Runciman, ‘Kingdom of Acre’, 59–60, argued that Saladin viewed the marriage proposal ‘as a joke and gaily agreed’, but suggested that ‘Richard may have been quite serious about it.’ Gillingham, Richard I, 183–9, argued that the marriage was not entirely inconceivable. Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 342–5. 57 David Abulafia, Frederick II: a Medieval Emperor (London: Penguin, 1988), 148–201, 251–89; Thomas Van Cleve, ‘The Crusade of Frederick II’, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 2, ed. Setton, Wolff and Hazard, 429–62; Rudolf Hiestand, ‘Friedrich II. und der Kreuzzug’, in Friedrich II.: Tagung des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom im Gedenkjahr 1994, eds. Arnold Esch and Norbert Kamp (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1996), 128–49; Linda Ross, ‘Frederick II: Tyrant or Benefactor of the Latin East?’, Al-Masaq 15 (2003): 149–59; Francesco Gabrieli, ‘Frederick II and Muslim Culture’, East and West 9 (1958): 53–61; James M. Powell, ‘Frederick II and the Muslims: the Makings of a Historiographical Tradition’, in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, eds. Larry J. Simon (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 261–9. 58 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 188, suggested that Joanne had been ‘very displeased and angry’ about the offer and ‘rejected it utterly’. However, Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 350–1, believed that she was willing to enter into such a union, but had been compelled to refuse by the Latin clergy. 59 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 196. 60 The Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (Morgan, ed., La continuation de Guillaume de Tyre, 151) mentioned the proposed union between al-Adil and Joanne, but this text (also known as the Lyon Eracles) originated in the mid-thirteenth century. It offered a confused account of this event and appears to misdate the discussion of a marriage to early 1192. 61 Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 349–50; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 187–8. 62 Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 354; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 194–5. 63 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 195–6. 64 Gillingham, Richard I, 189–91; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 345–6; Asbridge, The Crusades, 488–91. 65 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 229–31. Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 391, noted that the truce would last three years and eight months. Richard of Devizes, Chronicle, ed. Appleby, 79, described a truce lasting three years, three months, three days and three hours. 66 Imad al-Din, Conquête de la Syrie, 384–6; Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 216–23; Gillingham, Richard I, 211–13, offers an excellent reconstruction of this famous episode. 67 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 225; Ibn al-Athir, Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir, 401. The sources closest to Richard seized upon this opportunity to celebrate their hero's martial qualities at length. Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 184–8. 68 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 226–8; Ibn al-Athir, Chronicle of Ibn al-Athir, 401–2. 69 Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 422; Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 189–91; Richard of Devizes, Chronicle, ed. Appleby, 73–9; Asbridge, The Crusades, 496–7. 70 Eddé, Saladin, 268, has continued to suggest that during late July and August 1192 ‘the stumbling block [to the conclusion of a treaty] was still Jerusalem, which neither of the two parties wanted to let go of.’ 71 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 215. Given that the recovery of the True Cross had been specified as one of the crusade's objectives in the papal proclamation Audita tremendi, the sudden absence of any mention of this relic during the discussion of terms during the summer of 1192 is surprising. 72 Denys Pringle, ‘King Richard I and the Walls of Ascalon’, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 116 (1984): 133–47. Richard also maintained an interest in the fate of the neighbouring fortress of Darum in this period. 73 Gillingham, Richard I, 218; Asbridge, The Crusades, 512. 74 Richard of Devizes, Chronicle, ed. Appleby, 74–9. Those Latin sources that do appear to have been based upon direct eyewitness testimony (Ambroise, History of the Holy War, 189–91, and Stubbs, ed., Itinerarium peregrinorum, 422), noted that al-Adil played an important role in finalising the terms of the Treaty of Jaffa, but did not place al-Adil in Jaffa on 2 September. 75 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 224–5, 233. 76 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 160, 200. 77 Ibn Shaddad, Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, 229–31. Saladin duly met with Humphrey of Toron and Balian of Ibelin on 3 September, who then ‘took his hand and received his oath to observe the peace and the agreed terms’. 78 The most perceptive overview of these contacts is still Köhler, Allianzen und Verträge. See also Thomas Asbridge, ‘Knowing the Enemy: Latin Relations with Islam at Time of the First Crusade’, in Knighthoods of Christ, ed. Norman Housley (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 17–25; Hadia Dajani-Shakeel, ‘Diplomatic Relations between Muslim and Frankish rulers 1097–1153 A.D.’, in Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. Maya Shatzmiller (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 192–215. In the period after the Third Crusade, diplomatic contacts appear to have accelerated: Jay Harris Niermann, ‘Levantine Peace Following the Third Crusade: a New Dimension in Frankish-Muslim relations’, Muslim World 65 (1975): 107–18; R. Stephen Humphreys, ‘Ayyubids, Mamluks and the Latin East in the Thirteenth Century’, Mamluk Studies Review 2 (1998): 1–17; Peter M. Holt, Early Mamluk Diplomacy (Leiden: Brill, 1995). 79 For an examination of the variegated perceptions of Muslims, see Bernard Hamilton, ‘Knowing the Enemy: Western Understanding of Islam at the Time of the Crusades’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd series, 7 (1997): 373–87. 80 On the issue of Latin–Muslim diplomacy during the medieval period, see Wilson B. Bishai, ‘Negotiations and Peace Agreements between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Islamic History’, in Medieval and Middle Eastern Studies in Honour of Aziz Suryal Atiya, ed. Sami A. Hanna (Leiden: Brill, 1972), 50–63; Alauddin Samarrai, ‘Arabs and Latins in the Middle Ages: Enemies, Partners and Scholars’, in Western Views of Islam in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, eds. David R. Blanks and Michael Frassetto (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), 137–45; Robert I. Burns and Paul E. Chevedden, Negotiating Cultures: Bilingual Surrender Treaties in Muslim-Crusader Spain under James the Conqueror (Leiden: Brill, 1999). 81 For a classic example of the misrepresentation of the crusades as simply a ‘clash of civilisations’, see Bernard Lewis, Islam and the West (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), vii, 13. See also Norman Daniel, Islam and the West (Edinburgh: One World, 1960); John V. Tolan, ed., Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam: a Book of Essays (London: Routledge, 1996). 82 Simon Barton, ‘Marriage Across Frontiers: Sexual Mixing, Power and Identity in Medieval Iberia’, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 3 (2011): 1–25. 83 Asbridge, The Crusades, 513–16.