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Profitable Networks: Coinages, Panegyris and Dionysiac Artists

2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 22; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09518960802005794

1743-940X

Sélènè Psoma,

Ancient Mediterranean Archaeology and History

Abstract The Dionysiac artists' currency on the Attic-weight standard issued at Teos was considered a panegyris currency, and was associated with the synoikismos and the organization of the city panegyris at Teos. A number of inscriptions from mainland Greece and Asia Minor provide evidence for the international currencies with which the artists preferred to be paid. Keywords: Religious AssociationsFairs Panegyris International CurrenciesBronze CurrencyAttic StandardDionysiac Artists Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank the organizers of the Congress ‘Networks in the Greek World’, Katerina Panagopoulou and Christy Constantakopoulou for inviting me to publish my article in the volume. For useful discussions I am indebted to Sophia Aneziri, Vincent Gabrielsen, Christos Gatzolis, Christina Kokkinia, Maria-Gabriella Parissaki, P. Thonemann and my sister Rania, who as a private banker confirmed the network of gain. Yannis Lolos improved the English and Thodoris Kourembanas took the photographs of the coins. Thanks are also due to unnamed referees for their very useful comments. Responsibility for mistakes remains strictly my own. Notes [1] CitationLorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 59–68, pls. 15–17. Its publication was almost contemporary with the two important monographs on the Dionysiac artists: Le Guen, Associations, passim; CitationAneziri, Vereine, passim. [2] For similar cases, see CitationPsoma, ‘Coinages in the Name of Gods’. [3] Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 65 n.42. For full discussion of revenues and expenses of the artists see, Aneziri, Vereine, 169–202. [4] See CitationElkins, ‘Flavian Colosseum Sestertii’, 218–20. Almost the same theory is developed by K. Liampi, ‘Die Einführung’, 219: ‘Gedenkprägung’. [5] See CitationKraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins, 66–67 on Athenian 5th-century decadrachms, and 211 on the Demarateion. On the Demarateion, see now CitationKnoepfler, ‘La chronologie du monnayage’, 5–40, pls. 1–3. [6] Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 62. [7] CitationLe Rider, ‘Sur un aspect du comportement monétaire’, 42–43. [8] Aneziri, Vereine, 362: D15. [9] Aneziri, Vereine, 81–84; 124. [10] On these dates see Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 40. Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 64: 204–190 BCE based on Price, Coinage, no 3211. CitationMattingly, ‘Ma'aret-en-Nu'man hoard’, 85 on parallels from Myrina, Cyme and Erythrai: ‘the meeting-point of Alexanders and autonomous issues at both mints must lie near 160 BC.’ [11] Le Rider, ‘Sur an aspect’, 40–42. [12] Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 64. [13] IPerg 163; CitationLe Guen, Associations, no. 47; Aneziri, Vereine, D12. [14] Aneziri, Vereine, 100–04. [15] Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 61. [16] CitationBogaert, Banques et banquiers, 109–10; CitationRaven, ‘Amphictyonic Coinage’, 1–22; CitationKinns, ‘Amphictyonic Coinage Reconsidered’, 1–22, pls. I–V; CitationMarchetti, ‘La fin des émissions’, 87–100. [17] According to Marchetti (‘La fin des émissions’, 87–100), who does not follow the dates proposed for the beginning of Alexander's Attic weight currency (CitationTroxell, Studies in the Macedonian Coinage, passim), it was issued to become the monnayage par excellence of the Greek world but the attempt failed, Philip II was killed and Alexander III chose the Attic standard for his ‘imperial’ coinage. [18] Not to be confused with a number of coinages that bear legends of the type ‘ etc. See also CitationRobert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 44. They also differ from southern Italian, Sicilian, and other Greek coinages with the name of the god in the nominative or genitive, accompanying the same god's head or statue: see CitationLiampi, ‘Die Einführung’, 211 n. 23. [19] CitationSeyrig, ‘Monnaies hellénistiques’, RN 1963, 38–51, pls. IV–V; CitationLe Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 75–6; CitationMørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 30; CitationColin, Die Münzen von Perge, 39, 85–93 (chronology). [20] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 22–46; Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 75. For the unique, until very recently, silver tetradrachm (Figure 9) with the legend , see CitationSeyrig, ‘Un tétradrachme énigmatique’, 24–25. Its types point to an attribution to Smyrna: Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 76 and 78: ‘Nous ignorons pour le moment est originaire le tétradrachme de Zeus Sôter Epiphane.’ Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 42: Smyrna. The legend under the exergual line of a second specimen in good condition from the 1987 hoard of Tartous, Syria (CH VIII 471, pl. LXIV 1) KΛAZOME) leaves no doubt about its attribution to Klazomenai. For the third known specimen, see CitationTsangari, , 248, no. 166. [21] G. Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 66–79. [22] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 22–46; Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 29. See also CitationÖzhan and Tombul, ‘A New Hellenistic Decree’, 109–13. On Perge, see Seyrig, ‘Monnaies hellénistiques’, 38–51, pls. IV–V; CitationBoehringer, Zur Chronologie mittelhellenistischer Münzserien, 57–58, followed by Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 75–76, argued against the common Pamphylian era of Seyrig. A return to the common era and Seyrig's dating of it was argued by CitationMørkholm, ‘The Era of the Pamphylian Alexanders’, 69–75. See also CitationBoehringer, ‘Beobachtungen und Überlegungen’, 65–75, and pls. 5–7. [23] For the Nikephoria, see Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 70 and n.3, and CitationJones, ‘Diodoros Pasparos’, 183–205; CitationJones, ‘Diodoros Pasparos Revisited’, 1–14 on the epigraphic evidence concerning the Nikephoria. For the connection of the coinage with the Nikephora, see CitationMørkholm, ‘Some Pergamene Coins’, 187–92. For its connection with the struggle of Eumenes II with the Galatians, see CitationPrice, ‘The Larissa 1968 Hoard’, 233ff. The terminus ante quem of 160 is provided by the presence of two known specimens at the Sitichoro, Thessaly hoard (IGCH 237) of c.165 BCE (see Price, ‘The Larissa 1968 Hoard’, 233ff.), and of one specimen in Maaret-en-Nouman hoard (CH IX [2002] 511 (Mattingly, ‘The Ma'aret-en-Nu'man Hoard’, 83 with n.8). [24] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 46 and n.2. See 46: ‘On a relevé sur certaines des marques d'une origine non pergaménienne, suivant quelque système qui parait original.’ On these coins, see von CitationFritze, Die Münzen von Pergamon, 28–30, 32; followed by Le Rider, ‘Un tétradrachme’, 77 nn.1–2. [25] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 38. [26] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 45–46. On that important sanctuary, see now CitationMackay, ‘The Major Sanctuaries’, 2050–51 and 2059ff. On the meaning of the word panegyris = commercial part of a religious festival, see CitationRobert, Review of Samothrace, 67–69; = religious festival, see de CitationLigt and de Neeve, ‘Ancient Periodic Markets’, 392–94. See also CitationChandezon, ‘Foires et panégyries’, 74–76. [27] Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade, 46. [28] CitationKinns, ‘Amphictyonic Coinage’, 1–22 with previous bibliography and discussion. [29] Plu., Paroim. 2, 5 ( = Zen., Paroim. 5, 36) on Tyttigias the andrapodiskos; Ath., VI 7 referring to the poet Alexis (PCG II fr. 201); [Scymn.], 1–980, 600, who mentions the Amphictyonike agora; Thphr., HP 9, 10, 2, 6; Str. IX 3, 7 ( = 420C); 4, 17 ( = 429C); D. Chr., LXXVII 4; Harp., s.v. pylai, EM, s.v. pylagoroi; Hsch., s.v. pylatides agorai; Schol. ad Aeschin. III 124; Schol. in Ar., Nub. 623; in Pac. 734b; in Av. 121, 766 with references to Cratinus' Pylaia (PCG IV frs. 180–92). [30] It will be useful to note that the third-century Amphictyonic decree that voted in favour of asylia for the Aitolians (CID IV 33, 122–31) mentioned the asphaleia of those who were going to the panegyreis. [31] B. V. CitationHead was the first to relate the Amphictyonic coinage to these markets on the evidence of its types (HN 2, 341–42). That coinage was rather short-lived: Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 86. [32] CitationF. Lefèvre, ‘Remarques sur le calendrier’, 579–94. At Delphi, the year begins in the summer: see CitationTrümpy, Untersuchungen, 212–13. [33] CitationPsoma, ‘A propos de drachmes d'argent’, 79–88. On that decree, see also CitationSosin, ‘Alexanders and stephanephoroi’, 191–208. [34] On panegyreis see now Chandezon, ‘Foires et panégyries’, 70–100. See also CitationCzech-Schneider, ‘Das Apollonheiligtum von Aktion’, 76–100. [35] On that tax see CitationKnoepfler, ‘L'intitulé oublié’, 287–88 ( = SEG 38 [1988] 380) of 100 BCE. [36] Chandezon, ‘Foires et panégyries’, 81, and CitationMigeotte, ‘Les pouvoirs des agoranomes’, 293 on Syll. 3 736, ll. 99–101. [37] CitationKroll, The Athenian Agora, 29–30. [38] See de CitationLigt, Fairs and Markets, 58. [39] CitationWörrle, Stadt und Fest, 212, n.165. [40] See above, note 33 and Migeotte, ‘Les pouvoirs des agoranomes’, 292–93. [41] On the term argyrion dokimon, see CitationPicard, ‘Sur deux termes des inscriptions’, 679–90, followed by CitationD. Knoepfler, ‘Tétradrachmes attiques’, 235–41 and 213–17. On episemon nomisma, see also CitationMartin, ‘Silver Coins and Public Slaves’, 21–48. [42] This agio was named epikatallage in fourth-century inscriptions from Delphi (FD III 5, 25 II A11: 344 BCE; FD III 5, 58 l. 7 and 15: 331 BCE) and Epidauros (IG IV [2] 1, 103 B 41). The term is also noted by Thphr., Char. 30. 15. On the exact meaning of that term, see CitationSosin, ‘Agio at Delphi’, 67–80, and independently Le Rider, Naissance de la monnaie, 261–63. [43] Bogaert, Banques et banquiers, 297. [44] See Psoma, ‘Coinages in the Name of Gods’. [45] CitationLe Rider, ‘Politique monétaire’, 164–69. [46] On the Attalids, see Le Rider, ‘Politique monétaire’, 181. [47] On Eumenes II see Mattingly, ‘The Ma'aret-en-Nu'man Hoard’, 83–84: c.165 BC for his rare portrait coins. On the second-century BCE wreathed tetradrachms of the free cities of Asia Minor, see Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 37–59, pls. I–III; Kinns, ‘Asia Minor’, 105–19; CitationPicard, ‘Les Romains et les émissions’, 245–50. All three reached the same conclusion: these coinages were issued by the cities of the Attalid kingdom for transactions with the outside world. See also Le Rider, ‘Politique monétaire’, 164–69 and 179–82; CitationHoughton, ‘Seleucid Coinage and Monetary Policy’, 57–58. [48] Chandezon, ‘Foires et panégyries’, 70–100. [49] See above, note 47. [50] See above, note 23. [51] IG XII 9, 207 add S. 176+ IG XII Suppl. S. 178 (SEG 13, 1956, 462; 30, 1980, 1095). On this inscription, see now Le Guen, Associations, no. 1; Aneziri, Vereine, 53, n.184. [52] CitationPicard, Chalkis et la Confédération eubéenne, 343–48, on the coinage of Euboea during that period. On that same law, see also CitationPicard, ‘Monnaie , 244–45. [53] IG IX 4, 798 ( = IG IX 1, 694). See also IMagnesia 44, l. 32: payments of Corcyra and IMagnesia 46 l. 41 of Epidamnos: sums calculated in Corinthian currency. [54] CitationFried, Autonomous Silver Coinage, Gr. V. [55] On that standard, see Psoma, ‘A propos de drachmes d'argent’, 83. [56] On the coinage of Korkyra during the Hellenistic period, see Mørkholm, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 84, 152; CitationAshton and Warren, ‘Hoard of Western Greek and Pseudo-Rhodian Silver’, 5–16. [57] Immediately after the sack of Corinth, the artists of Isthmos, their wives and children were granted by L. Mommius aleitourgesian, anepistathmeian, ateleian kai aneisforian (IG VII 2413-4; cf. Sherk, RDGE 44 l. 1–9). See also CitationAneziri, ‘World Travellers’. [58] On the Attic and Corinthian standards, see CitationKroll, ‘Observations on Monetary Instruments’, 77–91. On exchange rates between different currencies in Metropolitan Greece, see CitationBousquet, Etudes sur les comptes de Delphes, 126ff. On Hellenistic hoards from western Greece containing Corinthian currency: IGCH 140, Cephallenia, 1935: c. 300–275 BCE; 171 Mycenae, Argolis, 1895: 250-240 BCE; 182 Therianos, W of Patras, Achaea, 1930: after 265 BCE (Varoucha), c.220 BCE (Picard); 200 Kyra Vrysi, near Corinth, 1934: third century BCE; 201 Epirus, before 1825: third century BCE; 207 Butrinto (anc. Buthrotum), 14 km. S of Sarandë, Albania, 1927: late third century BC.; 246 Peloponnesus, 1936: c.175–150 BCE; 261 Zougra (anc. Pellene), Achaea, 1859: c.146 BCE; CH II 74, western Greece, 1973? Third century BCE; IV 31 (VI 45, near Stratos, Acarnania, Greece 1974: 330 BCE); IX 136, Anactorium environs, 1993: 300–240 BCE; 248, Amphilochia, 1995: 160 BCE. [59] Le Guen, Associations, no. 53 l. 21–22; and Aneziri, Vereine, D13 l. 21–22. [60] On the retreat of the Seleucids from Asia Minor after Apameia, see CitationWill, Histoire politique, 223–28; CitationMa, Antiochos III, 282–83. [61] See Lorber and Hoover, ‘An Unpublished Tetradrachm’, 65, n.43. [62] On that inscription, see Aneziri, Vereine, D13 l. 21–22, and 194–95, and n.125. [63] Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 40. [64] On the relations of Antiochos III and his wife Laodike with the Carian city of Iasos, see Ma, Antiochos III, 89, 112, 161, 180–82, 216–17, 230, 232, 334–35. [65] Aneziri, Vereine, 82, n.332 on the date of Kraton's death. [66] On Alexander drachms in second- and first-century BCE inscriptions, see CitationKnoepfler, ‘Alexandreion nomisma’, 46. On Attic and other monetary units in second- and first-century BCE Asia Minor inscriptions, see CitationPsoma, ‘Monetary Units in Asia Minor Inscriptions’. [67] Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 40 on Alexanders of Teos, and 43 on the Ionian cities issuing coins with civic types. [68] The Seleucid kingdom, Pamphylia, and the Propontis received coins of these series too, and we cannot exclude, for reasons already explained by G. Le Rider, their arrival in Delos or Rhodes. See Le Rider, ‘Sur un aspect’, 51. [69] See CitationGabrielsen, ‘Brotherhoods of Faith’.