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The state and identity politics in Zanzibar: challenges to democratic consolidation in Tanzania

2008; Routledge; Volume: 6; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/14725840801933932

1472-5851

Bernadeta Killian,

Postcolonial and Cultural Literary Studies

Abstract A group of islands off the coast of East Africa, Zanzibar has been a semi‐autonomous part of the United Republic of Tanzania since 1964. Despite a common language (Swahili), religion (Islam), and a high rate of intermarriage among the islands' multi‐racial communities (including Africans and individuals of Arab, Persian, and Indian descent), Zanzibar politics has been marred by political conflicts that have culminated into political stand‐offs, violence and lack of social and civic peace. At the core of these conflicts is the politicization of racial identity by leaders seeking the legitimacy to rule. Thus, unlike in Tanzania mainland, struggle for the control of the state in Zanzibar has been intense, deadly and zero‐sum. Indeed, the distinctive character of the Zanzibar state itself makes it appealing for the political elites to politicize ethno‐racial identities in order to claim legitimacy to rule. Two other things are at stake regarding the Zanzibar state: namely, the identity of the state (whether it is an Arab or African state) and sovereignty of the state (Zanzibar vs. Tanzania). This political instability threatens not only Zanzibar's relatively new democratic institutions, but also the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the prospects for democratic consolidation in Tanzania. Keywords: ZanzibarTanzaniaidentity politicsdemocratic consolidationethnic conflictZanzibar elections Acknowledgements I gratefully acknowledge the support I received while writing this article. At the time I was in residence for a six‐month period at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in Washington DC, from March to August, 2007. Notes 1. The United Republic of Tanzania is a union of two formerly sovereign states, namely, Tanganyika and Zanzibar. After the 1964 merger, Tanganyika came to be referred as Tanzania Mainland. Zanzibar consists of two main islands of about one million people of whom 58% live in Unguja Island and 42% live in Pemba Island. 2. Zanzibar Election Monitoring Group (ZEMOG), International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), Commonwealth Observer Group, International Observer Group (IOG) and Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee (TEMCO) 3. This was the first time in the country's history that Tanzanians have sought refuge in a neighbouring country due to political conflicts and civil unrest. 4. For more detail on the tension between the rule‐of‐law development and autocracy (liberal or otherwise), see Carothers (Citation2007). 5. Prior to 1832 the Omani Arabs could exercise their distant sovereignty in Zanzibar, which provided a certain degree of independence for the local rulers. In 1832 Sultan Seyyid Said of Oman decided to shift his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, and it remained there until 1856 when Zanzibar became a separate entity from the Oman Empire. 6. The first commercial treaty signed between the Sultan of Zanzibar, Sultan Said Sultan and a Western country was with the United States, signed on September 1833, followed by the British in 1839 and France in 1844. 7. For details about the indebtedness of the landed agricultural class in Zanzibar see Lofchie (Citation1965, chap. 4). 8. ZNP campaign speeches at Mkoani, Pemba on 13 April 1961 and Dunga, Unguja, 13 April 1961 as quoted by Lofchie (Citation1965, p. 207). 9. All elections, except the 1963 elections, were carried out within a framework of limited enfranchisement in which voter qualification was based on gender (whereby women were excluded), on property and literacy level. Voting rights were extended to women from the June 1961 elections and universal franchise was adopted in the 1963 elections. 10. Indeed, some have argued that the 1964 violent revolution was motivated by both ethnic concerns – to establish Zanzibar as an African state – and ideological concerns – to institute a revolutionary Marxist regime. See Anglin (Citation2000, p. 41). 11. The assassination of the first ASP president, Abeid Karume, in 1972 was seen as revenge for what happened during the Revolution. 12. On the role of the US in the formation of the 1964 Union, see Wilson (Citation1989). 13. Zanzibar adopted the first constitution after the Revolution in 1979 Zanzibar Constitution and Elections were held from 1980. 14. Wolf Dourado, the Attorney General under Karume's Revolutionary government despite the fact that he was working with the ZNP/ZPPP regime (see Peter and Othman Citation2006, p. 51). Seif Sherrif Hamad held the highest post as the Chief Minister (1984–88) and later as Minister of Education (1977). 15. Seif Sherrif Hamad was the Zanzibar Chief Minister between 1984 and 1988, when he was summarily dismissed from his ministerial post and from the ruling party. 16. The 2000 elections were marred by serious irregularities, frauds and mismanagement which made international and domestic observers declare that they were 'fatally flawed'. Members and supporters of CUF boycotted the vote in a re‐run of elections in 16 problematic constituencies and they also boycotted overseeing the counting of votes in the postponed constituencies. 17. Mr Omari Mapuri , who was also the Minister for Information in the Union government, is currently serving as Tanzanian Ambassador in China. He also served as the Director of Advocacy and Propaganda of the ruling party, CCM. 18. For details see TEMCO Newsletter (Citation2005c); Brents and Mshigeni (Citation2004). 19. Tanzania Peoples' Defense Force (TPDF); Field Force Unit (FFU); Reserve for National Service (JKU), Special Unit for Prevention of Corruption (KMKM) 20. It is important to note that although comparisons between the two surveys are made, the 1999 survey covered only eight regions in Tanzania whereas the 2006 survey covered all regions. Thus the comparison is only tentative, enabling us to get a general rather than a definitive trend of Tanzanian public opinion on democracy. 21. The number of parliamentary seats includes both those secured through direct constituency elections and special seats for women allocated to parties in accordance with their respective percentages of parliamentary votes. 22. Despite the fact that CUF did not win any legislative seats in Tanzania Mainland, it was able to gather about 14% of the total parliamentary votes in the Union elections. Also, although it did not win any seats, CUF was able to secure about 40% of parliamentary votes in each of the 15 constituencies in Tanzania Mainland. 23. For instance, back in 1995, the late Julius K. Nyerere advised the CCM leadership in Zanzibar to form a coalition government with CUF. The idea was categorically rejected. In his inaugural speech before the Union parliament on 30 December 2005, President Jakaya Kikwete stated his intention to deal with the political rift in Zanzibar. The Zanzibar CCM leadership denied the presence of any political rift in the islands.