Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

Producing pleasantness: the waterworks of Isaac de Caus, outlandish engineer

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 29; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/14601170902818488

1943-2186

Paige Johnson,

Historical Art and Culture Studies

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements Thanks are due to the University of Tulsa librarians, who patiently obtained for me many sources well outside the usual requests from the College of Engineering, and to the chair of its Department of Chemistry, Dale Teeters, for recognizing scholarship wherever he finds it and accommodating my time away from the lab to complete this essay. Appreciation is due as well as to fellow authors Dianne Duggan and Luke Morgan for fruitful discussions. Notes 1. Piero de Crescenzi was also known as Petrus de Crescentiis, Ruralium Commodorum Liber (1305) 133. Quoted in Paula Henderson, The Tudor House and Garden, Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), p. 179. 2. Francis Bacon, Of Gardens, as quoted in John Dixon Hunt and Peter Willis, The Genius of the Place the English Landscape Garden 1620–1820 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988), p. 54. 3. Ibid. 4. Lieutenant Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, The Camden Miscellany, Vol. XVI, 1936, pp. 66–68. 5. Salomon de Caus, Les Raisons Des Forces Mouvantes Avec Diverses Machines Tant Utilles Que Plaisantes Ausquelles Sont Adjoints Plusieurs Desseigns De Grotes Et Fontains (Frankfurt: J. Norton, 1615). (Available online at: http://cnum.cnam.fr/SYN/FDA1.html) 6. Terry S. Reynolds, Stronger Than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1983), p. 52. The Domesday Book is unique for its time, and no equivalent records exist for continental Europe. Some authors do contend, however, that application of the waterwheel was more prevalent in Celtic and Germanic countries and in fact originated there; those languages provide the linguistic roots for milling terminology. See Andree Guillerme, The Age of Water: The Urban Environment in the North of France, A. D. 300–1800 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1988), p. 80. He notes that there are no corresponding words in Greek and Latin for terms such as ‘millrace, ‘sluice’, and ‘dam’. 7. Bruce R. Smith, The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O‐Factor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 57. 8. F. W. Robins, The Story of Water Supply (London: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 35. 9. Giovanni Boccaccio, ‘The Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio’, ed. Henry Morley (London: G. Routledge, 1889), Vol. 1, p. 87. 10. ‘If we compare the gardens of the Decameron with those of French, classical Provencal, or Celtic origin of even with those used by Boccaccio in previous works, one general fact appears quite clear: Boccaccio stripped the Decameron gardens of all supernatural elements’. Edith G. Kern, ‘The Gardens in the Decameron Cornice’, PMLA, 66.4, 1951, p. 514. 11. John Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire: A Reprint of the Natural History of John Aubrey, ed. John Britton (London: Kessinger Publishing, 2004), p. 117. 12. Both the cam and the crankshaft were known in antiquity, at least in theory. The fourteenth century is a reasonable mark for their wider adoption in conjunction with the water‐powered systems of the Middle Ages. 13. Bernard Palissy, ‘The Admirable Discourses of Bernard Palissy’, trans. Aurele la Rocque (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1957), Vol. 30. 14. Reynolds, Stronger Than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel, p. 69. 15. Reynolds, Stronger Than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel, p. 96. 16. Emphasis added. A continental visitor of 1600, as quoted in John Dixon Hunt, Garden and Grove: The Italian Renaissance Garden in the English Imagination, 1600–1750 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996). 17. As quoted in Karsten Harries, Infinity and Perspective (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001), p. 113. 18. The term ‘engineer’ is used in this article in a manner generally in keeping with modern understanding, but it was still being defined in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and had specific application to those who made and operated ‘engines’. Writers of mechanical treatises refer to themselves in a variety of ways, most commonly as architects and inventors, sometimes as mathematicians or engineers. 19. References for the early machine books are as follows: Jacob Besson, Theatrum Instrumentorum Et Machinarum, 1578, B. Vincent, (Available at: http://dmd.mpiwg‐berlin.mpg.de/author/dmd/database/author_list); Agostino Ramelli, Le Diveres Et Artificiose Machine Del Capitano Agostino Ramelli, 1588, (Available at: http://dmd.mpiwg‐berlin.mpg.de/author/dmd/database/author_list); Jacobus Strada, Kunstliche Abrisz Allerhand Wasser‐ Wind‐ Rosz‐ Und Handt Muhlen 1617, Paul Jacob, (Available at: http://digital.library.cornell.edu/k/kmoddl/index.html2008); Vittorio Zonca, Novo Teatro Di Machine, 1607, (Available at: http://dmd.mpiwg‐berlin.mpg.de/author/dmd/database/author_list); Heinrich Zeising, Theatri Machinarum Erster, 1613, (Available at: http://digital.library.cornell.edu/k/kmoddl/index.html). 20. Republished in English in 1659 as New and Rare Inventions of Waterworks. 21. Shakespeare describes a group of low‐class laborers as ‘rude mechanicals’ in A Midsummer Night's Dream, written 1594–96. While the exact etymology of the phrase is unknown, it is possible that he was referring to those who had the operational responsibility for engines and their associated machinery. The term was pejorative. 22. Gernot Bohme, ‘Technical Gadgetry: Technological Development in the Aesthetic Economy’, Tensions and Convergences: Technological and Aesthetic Transformations of Society, eds Reinhard Heil and Andreas Kaminski (Transaction Publishers, 2007), p. 25. 23. W. H. G. Armytage, A Social History of Engineering (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1961), p. 72. Maurice's name is also spelled Morrys, Morris or Morice. He was granted a 500 years’ lease of two arches of London Bridge in which to place his engines, in order to supply the water to Leadenhall and Old Fish Street. His family sold the privilege in 1701 for £30,000. 24. Luke Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), pp. 67–68. 25. Dianne Duggan, ‘London the Ring, Covent Garden the Jewell of That Ring: New Light on Covent Garden’, Architectural History, 43, 2000. 26. Bohme, ‘Technical Gadgetry: Technological Development in the Aesthetic Economy’, p. 25. When Maurice installed his engine on the Thames in 1581, the Lord Mayor had to assure the Water Bearers, whose guild dated from 1496, that their trade would not diminish. See Armytage, A Social History of Engineering, p. 72. Guilds, moreover, generally prohibited non‐citizens from membership. 27. Isaac de Caus, New and Rare Inventions of Water‐Works Shewing the Easiest Waies to Raise Water Higher Then the Spring … First Written in French by Isaak De Caus … And Now Translated into English by John Leak. (London: Joseph Moxon, 1659). 28. de Caus, New and Rare Inventions of Water‐Works Shewing the Easiest Waies to Raise Water Higher Then the Spring … First Written in French by Isaak De Caus … And Now Translated into English by John Leak. 29. Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design, p. 5. 30. See, especially, Hunt, Garden and Grove: The Italian Renaissance Garden in the English Imagination, 1600–1750. For a contrary point of view, see Roy Strong, ‘Foreward: The Renaissance Garden in England Reconsidered’, Garden History, 27.1, 1999. 31. Richard Holt, ‘Medieval England's Water‐Related Technologies’, Working with Water in Medieval Europe: Technology and Resource‐Use, ed. Paolo Squatriti (Leiden: Brill, 2000), p. 53. 32. Roberta Magnusson and Paolo Squatriti, ‘The Technologies of Water in Medieval Italy’, Working with Water in Medieval Europe: Technology and Resource‐Use, ed. Paolo Squatriti (Leiden: Brill, 2000), p. 233. 33. Stillman Drake, ‘An Agricultural Economist of the Late Renaissance’, On Pre‐Modern Technology and Science, eds Bert S. Hall and Delno C. West (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1976), p. 59. Drake also notes that Ceredi obtained patents at Milan, Venice and Parma in 1565–66 for irrigation and drainage using Archimedean water screws. More advanced systems for the removal of water were already in place in other countries. Though Ceredi likely knew of Agricola, he was not aware of other northern developments; his subsequent assertion that the Germans were not lifting water for applications other than mining was not true. 34. Technical history generally treats key texts without delicacy: ‘Much of the information it [de Architectura] contains is valuable, but some passages are obscure and others show clearly that Vitruvius did not really understand the techniques that he was describing … the writings of both Frontinus and Vitruvius are a rather curious mixture of reliable technical knowledge … and passages full of obscurities and even complete nonsense’. Donald Hill, A History of Engineering in Classical and Medieval Times (La Salle, Illinois: Open Court Publishing Co., 1984), pp. 37–38. 35. Renaissance references to giants like Archimedes and Vitruvius are so ubiquitous as to become obligatory, and in many cases have more of acknowledgement and admiration than of direct technical source. Lazzaro notes that these references were often made within the context of their being surpassed by the wonders of modern inventions: see Claudia Lazzaro, The Italian Renaissance Garden (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), pp. 17–19. 36. W. Hazlitt, The Complete Works of Michael De Montaigne (London: John Templeton, 1842), 539, p. 45. 37. Hazlitt, The Complete Works of Michael De Montaigne, 623. 38. This sort of localized technological specialization is readily seen: the windmill was generally known to early engineers across Europe but its adoption was dramatically greater in the Low Countries, where it was peculiarly suited to local topographical needs and weather patterns. Later in the seventeenth century, the chemical arts would develop rapidly in Germany (due again to their mining prowess) while being relatively neglected in France and Italy, and Germany's prowess in Chemistry would continue through the twentieth century. 39. While water‐raising technology may have been adopted at limited sites, Italy's Mediterranean climate made it poorly suited to wheel‐based water‐raising machines since the flow of its watercourses varied greatly throughout the seasons. Low summer flows did not provide enough energy for a machine, while heavy spring flows could swamp and break it. Note a reference to an unpublished manuscript on water‐raising machines in Rome in Lazzaro, The Italian Renaissance Garden, p. 290, n. 63. 40. While the education or apprenticeship of the de Caus brothers in Italy remains a possibility, it would have been unusual for even pragmatic Huguenot families to look to Catholic Italy for the education of their sons in the middle of the French Wars of Religion. Protestant centers of learning were geographically closer, and were known to have skilled practitioners of the hydraulic arts. Moreover, the style of Salomon and Isaac's published works evidences a sober, practical approach, an emphasis on reliable application, and an unwillingness to indulge in flights of fancy or visions of perpetual motion that is not only in keeping with a Calvinist worldview, but also echoes general themes and explicit statements common to the technical writers of northern, not southern, Europe. Ramelli published designs for impossible machines that bordered on the absurd and Buontalenti laid claim to perpetual motion, but Agricola carefully claimed that ‘… I have omitted all these things which I have myself not seen, or have not read or heard of from persons upon whom I can rely. That which I have neither seen, nor carefully considered after reading or hearing of, I have not written about’. Quoted in Armytage, A Social History of Engineering, p. 62. 41. These words appear under Isaac's name on the frontispiece for the French version of New Inventions. 42. For a complete history of the Dieppe hydraulic system, see Viviane Manase, L'adduction D'eau a Dieppe Aux Xvie Et Xviie Siecles: De L'utili a L'apparat, 2005, Region Haute‐Normandie, (Available at: http://www.revue.inventaire.culture.gouv.fr/insitu/insitu/article.xsp?numero=6&id_article=manase‐863) 43. The account of the first flow of the fountains is recorded in Louis Vitet, Histoire De Dieppe (Paris: Gosselin, 1844). The remarks on Dieppe's hydraulic system and fountains are summarized from it, in combination with the modern analysis by Manase, and the 1682 account of David Asseline, Les Antiquitez Et Chroniques De La Ville De Dieppe (Paris: Michel Hardy, 1874). 44. Problem 20 of Salomon's Forces Mouvantes addresses the passage of a conduit through a low‐lying valley or river bed in a similar fashion to the Dieppe aqueduct. 45. Hazlitt, The Complete Works of Michael De Montaigne, 539. 46. Percy Dearmer, Highways and Byways in Normandy (New York: Macmillan, 1900), p. 344. 47. Hugh Thomas, Conquest: Cortes, Montezuma, and the Fall of Old Mexico (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), p. 569. 48. Vitet, Histoire De Dieppe, p. 450. 49. Vitet, Histoire De Dieppe, p. 449. 50. Asseline, Les Antiquitez Et Chroniques De La Ville De Dieppe, p. 280. 51. Vitet, Histoire De Dieppe, p. 96. 52. For Isaac's work at Woburn Abbey, see Dianne Duggan, ‘Isaac De Caus, Nicholas Stone, and the Woburn Abbey Grotto’, Apollo, August 2003. 53. Theodore Licquet, Rouen: Its History, Monuments, and Environs (1869: A. Lebrument, 1869), p. 135. 54. Luke Morgan, ‘Landscape Design in England Circa 1610: The Contribution of Salomon De Caus’, Studies in the History of Gardens and Designed Landscapes, 23.1, 2003, p. 89. The fountain of Lisieux was a rock‐like construct built against a wall, much like the Mount Parnassus in the Hall of Apollo at the Villa Aldobrandini (illustrated in Hunt, Garden and Grove: The Italian Renaissance Garden in the English Imagination, 1600–1750, p. 46). It was not a rock set into a pool and designed to be viewed from all sides, as was Salomon's. A local model exists for this form as well, however, in the giant rock with doorways and portals constructed for the entry of Henry II into Rouen in 1550 (illustrated in Leonard Amico, In Search of Earthly Paradise (New York: Flammarion, 1996), p. 79). Mount Parnassus was a popular motif in French as well as Italian gardens well before the de Caus brothers began their work. 55. William Schellinks, ed., The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England 1661–1663 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1993). 56. Manase, L'adduction D'eau a Dieppe Aux Xvie Et Xviie Siecles: De L'utili a L'apparat. 57. de Caus, New and Rare Inventions of Water‐Works Shewing the Easiest Waies to Raise Water Higher Then the Spring … First Written in French by Isaak De Caus … And Now Translated into English by John Leak., plate VII. 58. In France alone there had been water tricks and automata at Hesdin as early as 1270. Gaillon featured a fountain that rose twenty‐two feet in the air in 1508 and a Mount Parnassus by 1550. The motif of Mount Parnassus also featured prominently in royal masques in the last half of the sixteenth century, visual records of which are preserved in theatrical drawings. A water wheel can be seen in the 1520 etching of Bury, attached to the castle wall and possibly to power the courtyard fountain. The Grotto des Pins was installed at Fontainebleau in 1543, Palissy's marvelous Grotte de Meudon in 1552, and there were Fontaine du Rocher at Chenonceaux and the Tuileries by 1575. See William Howard Adams, The French Garden 1500–1800 (New York: George Braziller, 1979). 59. At Wilton Garden, the water parterre is known to also have been a reservoir because of a map showing the piping to the fountains. At the Hortus Palatinus, for which no such map exists, this is not certain though it is sited appropriately. 60. Simon Stevin, De Beghinselen Des Waterwichts (Antwerp: C. Plantin, 1586). 61. Jozef T. Devreese and Guido Vanden Berghe, Magic Is No Magic: The Wonderful World of Simon Stevin (Southampton: WIT Press, 2008), p. 33. 62. Stevin was ‘of special importance for the development of garden architecture at the Dutch court’, and a plan attributed to Stevin for a new garden at the Prinsenhuis at Flushing has survived. See Vanessa Bezemer Sellers, Courtly Gardens in Holland 1600–1650 (Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura Press, 2007), pp. 124–127. Stevin's other ventures into the aesthetic economy included the mathematics of music, pioneering work in optical perspective, and explanation of Vitruvian architectural principals; all subjects on which Salomon de Caus wrote as well. Stevin formulated the perspectival case in which a circle in the picture plane appears as the image of an ellipse. (Berghe, Magic Is No Magic: The Wonderful World of Simon Stevin, p. 220). This appears as Chapter 7 of Salomon's own treatise on perspective (Salomon de Caus, La Perspective, Avec La Raison Des Ombres Et Miroirs (London: J. Norton, 1612). 63. Other threads of connection between the de Caus' and the Low Countries remain frustratingly unsearched, of which a few are noted here. Cornelius Drebbel, with whom Salomon would later serve at the court of Prince Henry, spent time in Bruges during a period when Salomon could have been there as well. Luke Morgan records Salomon's references to the river hydraulics of Bruges and Antwerp in his unpublished work on Vitruvius. The similarity between a thermometer‐like device in Salomon's Forces Mouvantes and Dutch models available at the time has been remarked by scientific historians, as has the connection of his orangerie at the Hortus Palatinus to Dutch expertise. Aesthetically, the brothers' work shows some evidence of the Amsterdam Renaissance style, particularly in the architectural scrollwork decorating their green tunnel arbors (see figure 4), with nearly identical detailing as on a domed pavilion depicted by Vredeman de Vries. The ‘fat Dutch Keeper’ in Lieutenant Hammond's account of the Wilton gardens may have been Isaac de Caus (though other explanations have been proposed) and could indicate that Isaac spoke Dutch or French with a Dutch accent. A David de Caux from Dieppe who immatriculated at the University of Leiden in 1606 may be an unrecognized family member. 64. de Caus, New and Rare Inventions of Water‐Works Shewing the Easiest Waies to Raise Water Higher Then the Spring … First Written in French by Isaak De Caus … And Now Translated into English by John Leak. 65. Berghe, Magic Is No Magic: The Wonderful World of Simon Stevin, p. 177. 66. de Caus, New and Rare Inventions of Water‐Works Shewing the Easiest Waies to Raise Water Higher Then the Spring … First Written in French by Isaak De Caus … And Now Translated into English by John Leak, p. 3. 67. Illustrated in Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design, p. 84. 68. Adams, The French Garden 1500–1800, p. 22. 69. For more details on both Sardi and de' Servi, see Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design. The division of labor between Sardi and Muller in design and installation of the Coudenburg pumping system is uncertain. De' Servi later failed to successfully operate the machinery for a court masque, and was spoken of as thinking too much of himself. See Roy Strong, The Renaissance Garden in England (London: Thames & Hudson, 1979), p. 98. 70. This scorn was due to the fact that an engineer, however skilled, was still a laborer who worked with his hands. Guidobaldi del Monte noted in 1577 that ‘… there are some who wax indignant if they are called engineers’. As quoted in Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design, p. 132. 71. William Barclay Parsons, Engineers and Engineering in the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1939), p. 249. 72. This was true through most of France and Germany as well; see Reynolds, Stronger Than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel, p. 107. 73. From the 1611 accounts of the works at Hatfield House, as quoted in Morgan, Nature as Model, Salomon De Caus and Early Seventeenth‐Century Landscape Design, p. 109. 74. Lodewijck Huygens, ed., The English Journal 1651–1652 (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 1982), p. 133. 75. Eye‐witness accounts of the Wilton Garden are as follows, in chronological order (some dates are approximate): Isaac de Caus’ own preface to Wilton Garden, whose description can be considered contemporaneous with the garden's creation in the 1630s, but which was not published until 1645. Facsimile edition available as Isaac de Caus, Wilton Garden; New and Rare Inventions of Waterworks (New York: Garland, 1982); Lieutenant Hammond (1635), while the gardens were still being finished. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’; John Taylor, Wandering to See the Wonders of the West (1649); Lodewijck Huygens, ed., The English Journal 1651–1652; John Evelyn (1654) John Evelyn, ed., The Diary of John Evelyn, 2 vols. (London: M. Walter Dunne, 1901), Vol. 1, p. 291; John Aubrey (1656) John Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire: A Reprint of the Natural History of John Aubrey; William Schellinks, ed., The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England 1661–1663; Celia Fiennes, Through England on a Side Saddle in the Time of William and Mary (London: Field and Tuer, 1888). 76. Schellinks, ed., The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England 1661–1663. 77. Though this description is of Versailles, it also reflects the defined procession through the gardens of the Earl of Pembroke. Chandra Mukerji, ‘Territorial Gardens: The Control of Land in Seventeenth‐Century French Formal Gardens’, The Culture of the Market: Historical Essays, ed. Thomas Haskell and Richard Teichgraeber (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 86–87. 78. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, p. 67. 79. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, p. 67. 80. Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire: A Reprint of the Natural History of John Aubrey, p. 116. 81. Fiennes, Through England on a Side Saddle in the Time of William and Mary, p. 5. 82. Desmond M. Clarke, Descartes: A Biography (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 93. 83. Asseline, Les Antiquitez Et Chroniques De La Ville De Dieppe, p. 278. 84. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, p. 66. 85. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, p. 66. 86. Huygens, ed., The English Journal 1651–1652, p. 132. 87. Fiennes, Through England on a Side Saddle in the Time of William and Mary, p. 5. 88. Schellinks, ed., The Journal of William Schellinks’ Travels in England 1661–1663. According to Hammond, there were ‘Statues of Venus, Luna, and 2 more … cut in white Marble on the Frontispice’. 89. Fiennes, Through England on a Side Saddle in the Time of William and Mary, p. 5. 90. Isaac de Caus’ preface states ‘… att the end of the great walke is a Portico of stone … above the sayd portico is a great reserve of water for the Grotto’. Lieutenant Hammond's description implies two areas as well: ‘the fayre House of Freestone built at the further end of the sayd walk … close to the Banquetting House, is that rare Water‐worke now making … for the Singing and Chirping of Birdes’, apparently making the Banquetting House (Portico) distinct from the close‐by Water‐worke (Grotto). 91. The 1683 inventory of Wilton House, made upon the death of the sixth Earl, lists the contents of the ‘Great Garden’. Though they shared a common wall, the Grotto and Portico were structurally distinct enough to be separated sometime between the inventory of 1683 and the Knyff oil painting of approximately 1700, which shows the Portico on a bowling green to the south east and the middle room of the Grotto to the west of the house. 92. Fiennes, Through England on a Side Saddle in the Time of William and Mary, p. 5. 93. Paige Johnson, ‘Proof of the Heavenly Iris: The Fountain of Three Rainbows at Wilton House, Wiltshire’, Garden History, 35.1, 2007. 94. Hammond, ‘Description of a Journey Made into Westerne Counties’, p. 66. 95. Huygens, ed., The English Journal 1651–1652. 96. There were other attempts within the garden to adjust its level; Schellinks records ‘beyond them is a little terrass raised, for the more advantage of beholding those platts’ — the parterre de broderie of the first section, and it has been noted that the need to view the garden may have been a factor in the selection of the twin viewing towers for the South Front's subsequent design. See Tim Mowl, Historic Gardens of Wiltshire (Stroud: Tempus, 2004). 97. Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire: A Reprint of the Natural History of John Aubrey, p. 113. 98. Christopher Hussey, ‘Gardens of Wilton House, Wiltshire’, Country Life, CXXXIV, 1963. 99. Asseline, Les Antiquitez Et Chroniques De La Ville De Dieppe, p. 194. See also Michel Claude Guibert, Mémoires Pour Servir À L'histoire De La Ville De Dieppe, p. 53.