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Mallorcan merchants in the medieval Maghrib: mercantile strategies in the port of Hunayn in the mid-fourteenth century

2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 28; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09518967.2013.837643

1743-940X

Maria Pérez, José Ignacio Padilla Lapuente,

Islamic Finance and Banking Studies

AbstractBy the end of the Middle Ages, the Maghrib had become one of the largest suppliers of wool in the western Mediterranean. Its produce was soon forwarded to the marketplaces of the Crown of Aragon, where it would be redistributed to the textile centres of southern Europe. The boarding of a massive shipment of wool belonging to almost 100 Mallorcan merchants in a North African port gives us an insight into the procedures applied by the League of Hunayn in its attempts to monopolize the wool export trade in the sultanate of Tlemcen. This is the first record of a mercantile operation carried out by this association and sheds light on the mechanisms at work in the supply and transport of goods to the port of Mallorca. This wide-ranging commercial activity, which renewed trade with the Maghrib after the War of the Straits, required the chartering of a large ship from Barcelona which was used to cover the Sicilian and overseas routes, skippered by Arnau Espaer and Romeu d'Olzinelles. The particular details of this commercial undertaking are enriched by the ship's accounting records.Keywords:: League of HunaynTlemcen, MaghribMediterranean tradewoolchartering agreement AcknowledgementsThis paper is one of the results of the research group 'Grupo de Investigación consolidado en Arqueología Medieval y Postmedieval' (GRAMP-UB) (Generalitat de Catalunya 2009SGR-00469).Notes 1.CitationDufourcq, L'Espagne catalane. 2. The 1133 treaty with Pisa was the first to be concluded by Italians with the Almoravids, CitationBanti, "I trattati tra Pisa e Tunisi"; CitationJehel, L'Italie et le Maghreb; CitationConstable, Housing the Stranger; CitationGourdin, Tabarka. 3. A recent synthesis about the Latin merchants' involvement in Almohad economic centres is due to CitationAbulafia, "Christian Merchants." 4.CitationPetti Balbi, "Las ciudades marítimas italianas." 5. Through the calculation of figures for Genoese trade in the Maghrib between 1155 and 1290, G. Jehel has reached the conclusion that 98% of the trading operations and the capital invested involved the cities of Ceuta, Bejaia and Tunis (CitationJehel, Les Génois en Méditerranée Occidentale, 332). 6. The Pisans appear to have been the first to establish themselves in the Tunisian area. They are likely to have had fondacos as early as 1157 although the first documentary proof does not appear until the treaty of 1166 which makes the first mention of concession of a fondaco, in this case in Zawila, the commercial suburb (faubourg) of Mahdia (CitationBrunschvig, La Bérbérie Orientale; Jehel, L'Italie et le Maghreb, 107; CitationMansouri, "Consuls et Consulats," 154–5; Gourdin, Tabarka, 105). 7. The treaty states that they were prohibited from trading or even disembarking in other lands of the Almohad empire, except for reasons of force majeure, such as a storm; they were forbidden to 'conversare con alcuno degli abitanti'. The only exception to this was Almería, in the Iberian Peninsula, where they could acquire supplies and repair their ships in the case of necessity (Banti, "I trattati tra Pisa e Tunisi," 52–3). 8. Florence did not become directly involved in North African trade until the fifteenth century. 9. These orientations have been demonstrated by CitationBono, "Le relazioni commerciali" and Brunschvig, La Bérbérie Orientale. Jehel put forward the idea that the Almohad collapse was the cause of the shift in the interests of the Genoese. The subsequent disorders would explain why they withdrew from their former positions in Salé and Ceuta towards Tunis (Jehel, L'Italie et le Maghreb, 64). On the other hand, Chérif points to Catalan competition as the probable cause of the reduction (though not the disappearance) of Genoese trade (CitationChérif, Ceuta, 139). 10. B. Doumerc established the commencement of relations in 1231 when Pietro Dolfin signed a treaty of peace and commerce on behalf of the doge, Jacopo Tiepolo, with the sultan, Abu Zakariya Yahya, who had recently become independent from the Almohads. The treaty was to last for 40 years. According to Doumerc, the lengthy, close collaboration with Sultan al-Mustansir from 1271 onwards was decisive for Venice; the presence of Venetian traders in Tunisian cities increased considerably around this time (CitationDoumerc, Venise, 15–21). 11. With regard to the engagement of traders from Catalonia and Aragon within North African markets during thirteenth century, see Dufourcq, L'Espagne catalane, and CitationAbulafia, A Mediterranean Emporium. 12.CitationKhelifa, "Le port de Hûnayn." 13. For a synthesis of the causes put forward by historical studies in an attempt to explain this change in direction see CitationLópez, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 346–50. 14. The bibliography available is extensive. CitationManzano'sLa intervención de los benimerines is particularly important. CitationO'Callaghan's recently published The Gibraltar Crusade is quite an interesting piece of research about the conflicts in the Strait of Gibraltar between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. 15. López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 65, note 31. 16.CitationDhina, Le royaume abdelouadite. 17. Abu Zakariya Yah'ia ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Beni Abd el-Wad, I, 189. 18. Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berbères, IV, 220. 19. Circumstances that were made clear by CitationBouayed, "Le port de Hunayn," 342. 20. These are the same military tactics that were used during the previous long siege of Tlemcen, between 1299 and 1307 (Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berbères, IV, 143). 21.CitationKably, Société, 98. 22. On the taxation charged on European trade in the sultanates of the Maghrib see CitationLópez, "Mallorca y el Magreb"; CitationLópez and Padilla, "La consolidación de una nueva estrategia." 23. Bouayed, "Le port de Hunayn," 332. 24. On 1 May according to CitationAbd al-Rahman (Histoire des berbères, IV, 223): 'Tlemcen fut pris d'assaut le 27 Ramadan 737 (1 mai 1337)'; on 2 May, according to Abu Zakariya (Histoire des Beni Abd el Wad, I, 189): 'Le mercredi, vingt-huitième tour de ramad'ân de l'an 737 (2 mai 1337), les assiègeants pénétrèrent d'assaut dans la place.' 25. A recovery described in great detail by Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Khaldun (Histoire des Berbères, IV, 276–80). 26. In fact, there are two ledgers referring to trading voyages carried out by this ship. The first, with no exact date – A[rxiu de la] C[atedral de] B[arcelona], L[legats de] L[libres] E[xtravagants]. C[omptes de] p[articulars], 'Quadern de carregar a Mallorca en la nau d'Arnau Espaer i de Romeu d'Olzinelles 1339?'; published in CitationDuran, "A propòsit d'una expedició comercial" – gives details of the loading of merchandise belonging to different traders that was to leave the port of Mallorca for the Maghrib port of Hunayn. The second, dated 1344 – ACB, LLE.Cp, 'Quadern del carregat en la nau d'Arnau Espaer i Romeu d'Olzinelles 1344' – lists a series of cargoes that were to be transported on the same vessel on the homeward journey from Hunayn to Mallorca. This second register is the documentary basis for this research. In each of its entries the document records the goods belonging to the merchants who had rented the vessel, the quantities embarked, the dates when they were loaded, as well as the mark that identified the load of each trader. 27. López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 90–6. 28. The ledger clearly specifies that 'comensan a caragar dijous a XI de nohembra … del any de MCCCXLIIII' (ACB, LLE.Cp, "Quadern del carregat," fo. 1 r.) and the last date for embarking goods recorded is 8 December (for example, on the day Jaume Santapau embarked, Wednesday, various quantities of wool and 'ayines' (ibid., fo. 2 v.). 29. In the Crown of Aragon the number of parts or shares was usually 16, which gave rise to the term setzenes (sixteenths); but there might also be eight shares, in which case they were known as octavas, or four in the case of lesser vessels with a small crew, in which case the term quarters was used. On ship ownership, see CitationCarrère, Barcelone centre economique, 202–12 and 215–19. See also the interesting analysis carried out by Coulon on the ownership of the vessels that covered the Barcelona-eastern Mediterranean route (CitationCoulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 158–65). 30. We know little of his private family life; in 1335 he married Blanca, the daughter of Pere de Valls from Barcelona (Arxiu del Castell de Vilassar de Dalt, 1-9-05 (D-5)); he was survived by his daughter and heir, Joana, who married Bernat Santcliment (CitationManca, "L'administració de la Sardenya catalana," 85–6). 31.CitationHurtado, Els Mitjavila, 147–8. 32. An account book for this society, which was transcribed by Madurell, has been preserved, "Contabilidad de una compañía." 33. This figure is almost as large as the sums invested in contemporary Italian companies, CitationCuadrada and López, "A la Mediterrània medieval." 34. The contributions of the three founding members as capital stock totalled 9820 lliures: 6000 lliures from the principal partner, Pere de Mitjavila, 2000 lliures from Arnau Espaer, and the remainder, 1820 lliures, from Bernat de Puigmoradell (CitationMadurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," 426; Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 148). 35. Esteve de Gerb, citizen of Barcelona; Arnau Llorenç, also from Barcelona; Ponç Malars and Francesc Margarit, both of Girona, and Bernat Ferrer, of Barcelona; their joint investments totalled 1870 lliures (Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 148–9). 36. They contributed a total of 6150 lliures. Among them were well-known businessmen from Girona and Banyoles, the hometown of the Mitjavilas, and family members, such as Jaume and Guillemó, sons of Joan de Mitjavila, from Valencia (Madurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," 426; Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 144, 149–50). 37. Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 153–65. 38. Ibid., 167–8. 39. Madurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," doc. 35, 426–8. Coulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 240. 40. He was sent to Sicily as ambassador and to the court of the Mamluk sultans on several occasions (1327, 1345, and 1346). This close relationship enabled him to obtain safe conducts from Peter the Ceremonious (although only after paying considerable sums); he thus obtained a very favourable position in the trade with Alexandria, even enjoying a monopoly for a time. A description of these embassies can be found in Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 95–115, 229–36 and Coulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 48, note 21, 98–9. 41. Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 171. 42. The only documentary references are two comandas negotiated by Bernat Ferrer, the factor in Cagliari, with Bernat Solzina and Guillem Olomar, in order to trade in Tunis and Annaba, respectively (Madurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," fo. 4 v., 436) 43. This company lasted until 1342 longer than the 'principal' one (Hurtado, Els Mitjavila, 182). 44. The economic power of Arnau Espaer leaves no room for doubt. In the same year, 1344, together with five more citizens of Barcelona, Arnau Destorrent, Joan Boïl, Pere Oulomar, Arnau Sabastida, and Ramon Savall, he negotiated the collection of the revenue from Sardinia. His familiarity with Sardinia, acquired as a consequence of his trading involvement during the years in which the Mitjavila company had one of its centres of operation in Cagliari, must have influenced his decision to invest in the island. The choice of Espaer, together with Arnau Destorrent and Ramon de Guixars, as general administrators of Sardinia shows the confidence that the other investors placed in his knowledge and administrative capacity (Manca, "L'administració de la Sardenya catalana," 7–9). 45. Madurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," fo. 154 r., 486; fo. 156 r., 489–90. 46. Coulon reports the issue of two licences for the same vessel and on dates very close to each other (20 June and 12 July 1341), in which the masters are recorded as, on the one hand, Pere de Mitjavila, and on the other Arnau Espaer and Romeu d'Olzinelles, in order to undertake a voyage to Cyprus (Coulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 680). 47. Our interest focuses particularly on the account book of Jaume Tarascó (1340–48), since its entries cover the period in which the voyage to Hunayn was made (CitationVarela, "El control de los bienes," 358–443 and 937–1014). 48. Consequently its structure seems to represent a series of accounting notes that in many cases require one to hazard an interpretation; therefore the results cannot always be fully verified. 49. For example, among the entries in the account of Gaubert la Grialltrull or La Geltrú, owner of half a setzena of the ship, we read: 'Ítem, li deg que partim de so que sobra de la nau com fo cramade de que partim per satsena LXXIII ll. XVI s. de que ve a la vostra part … 36 ll. 18 s.' The result of the liquidation is negative; in a subsequent note he points out 'Deg en Gaubert la Guialtrull de comta pasat de la nau que finam los comtes com fo cremade en tras de XXXIII carters atrás […] que asi li u met en comte … 99 ll. 14 s. 7 d' (Varela, "El control de los bienes," 982). 50. On one occasion he notes that he had been paid 9 lliures for four months' salary, and on another he records the amount of 23 lliures 5 sous corresponding to his salary for 11 months and 19 days. 'E axí deu-ma la nau a mi Jachme Tarasschon, esscrivà, de la nau de n'Arnau Espaher e d'en Romeu d'Oltçinelles' (Varela, "El control de los bienes," 481 and 980). 51. 'Deu lo sanyor en Gaubert La Grialltrull que li vení, miga satsena de l'escrivania que yo Jacme Tarascó he an la nau de n'Arnau Sapyer e d'en Romeu d'Oltçinelles, II sacens axi con coste aspexade' (Account book of Jaume Tarascó (1334–38), Varela, "El control de los bienes," 890). 52. 'Deu-ma en Gaubert la Grialtruu que li ve de la seu miga satsena de la nau d'en Arnau Espaher e d'en Romeu d'Oltçinelles, qui costa a raó de IIIIMDCCXXXI ll. e I s. XI d., abatudes C ll. que rehaben en Barsalona e, axí monta a lla vostra miga satsena … 147 ll. 16 s. 11' (Varela, "El control de los bienes," 953). 53. Varela, "El control de los bienes," 520–21. 54. At some point in 1346 or 1347, in Collioure, the ship had a crew of 82 members, made up of sailors (58), officers (21), masters (2) and the scribe (1) (CitationDuran, "L'alimentació a les embarcacions comercials"). 55. On Joan Lombarda, see CitationCoulon, "Ascensión, apogeo y caída." Lombarda had close contacts with the Mitjavilas (CitationHurtado, Llibre de deutes, 395, 411, 414, 415, 442, 443, 461, 464 and 474). In 1347 a papal licence, later ratified by a royal licence, was granted to the nau Santa Eulalia to undertake a voyage to the Orient. This was surely Joan Lombarda's ship, which must have been captained by d'Olzinelles (Coulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 831). In the autumn of 1356 Lombarda had a new Bayonne ship or cog called the Santa Eulalia. Coulon has documented at least five voyages to the Orient by this vessel between 1356 and 1361. Although Lombarda was named as the master, he does not seem to have personally commanded the ship, which was under the control of Romeu d'Olzinelles, accompanied by Arnau Roure or Berenguer Martí, perhaps, as Coulon suggests, representatives of a second owner (Coulon, Barcelone et le grand commerce d'Orient, 138, 162, 268, 690, 692 and 694). 56. López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 286–9. 57. Used for short voyages not only to the Maghrib but also to Menorca and Ibiza, the Catalan and Valencian coasts, Sicily, the Tyrrhenian coast and Seville, but hardly suitable for long distances. This fleet must have been extremely weak, as it had hardly any cogs, tarides, galleys or naus. This is the conclusion reached by Durliat and Pons on the basis of the analysis of the Ancoratge registers, preserved for the years 1321, 1324, 1330, 1332, and 1340 (CitationDurliat and Pons, "Recerques sobre el moviment del port de Mallorca"). 58. An undertaking that could hardly have been carried out with the vessels available in the port of Mallorca. In contrast the cargo capacity of larger vessels would have been, according to the evidence available for the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, between 200 and 500 barrels – between 80 and 200 Moorsom tons – although in some cases they might have a capacity of 1600 barrels (640 Moorsom tons) according to the data provided by CitationFeliu and Riera, "Activitats econòmiques," 196–7. 59. In 1355 he is recorded as a member of the Almería league of merchants (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 474–5). 60. Identified as a merchant and citizen of Mallorca in a maritime loan contract. According to the clauses of the document, Gassó lent the sum of 37 lliures, 10 sous to Berenguer Baya, master of a lleny de bandes and also a citizen of Mallorca, to equip the vessel prior to the voyage that it was to make to Ibiza and Dellys before returning to Mallorca (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 489). 61. He contributed capital to two comandas negotiated in 1352, which were to be invested in a voyage with Hunayn as its final destination, with stops in Almería and Málaga (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 406). 62. In 1359 he affreighted ad scar Bernat Maimó and Bernat Mates equipped lleny to undertake the Mallorca–Ténès journey, a trip in which he also invested the sum of 16 lliures, 6 sous in a comanda entrusted to Bernat de Puigventós (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 408, 454). 63. A minority partner in the company of Tarill, Cayet & Coloma, in 1362 he was their agent in Algiers while the leading partner, Nicolau Tarill, managed the business from Mallorca and Pere Coloma supervised their Dellys base (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 432). 64. A few years before this journey to Hunayn, in 1341, Pasqual set up a society with mixed Barcelonan and Mallorcan capital, together with Guerau de Noguereda, a citizen of Barcelona, and Pere de Lledó and Bartomeu Burrufó, like him merchants and citizens of Mallorca. The company's common property was administered by Pere and Ramon d'Olorda, hired as agents to supervise the company's business in Almería, Granada and Málaga, and occasionally in Hunayn (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 433). 65. Because of various debts contracted with the Mitjavila company he appears in their account books, where his links to the Mallorca market are specified (Madurell, "Contabilidad de una compañía," 133–43). 66. A regesta of this appointment has been published by CitationMaíz, Actividades económicas y políticas, vol. II, 383, doc. 769. 67. López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 471, nota 195. 68. ACB, LLE.Cp, "Quadern del carregat…," fo. 5 v. 69. Tarragona had an agent in Hunayn, Pere Bonifaci, accused of loading a certain quantity of wool belonging to the association, on his own account, making use of Tarragona's distinctive sign (López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 472, nota 198). 70. These leagues have been analysed in López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 460–76; CitationLópez, "Las asociaciones de fletadores." 71. López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 435–82; CitationLópez, "Para una historia de la navegación." 72. 'En l'any MCCCXLIIII. / Avem aüt de nòlit ab axida del viatge de Hone an Malorque saguons que ha per manut als libra dels nòlits esscrit de ma mà de II cartes ffins en XIII cartes per manut de longa moneda ab I tru vell que avem vanut per I cot … 1410 ll. 1 s. 8' (Llibre de comptes de Jaume Tarascó (1340–48), Varela, "El control de los bienes," 981). 73. The accounting entry described in the previous note is followed by the following observation: 'Avem aüt de nòlit de Malorque ffins en Trapena e de Trapena ffins en Masina saguons que par per menut alls libra dels nòlit escrit de mà en XV carters de carlins DVI o. XV terins V grans / que a rahó de VI tarins X grans florins valen florins IImCCCCXXXI florins que a rahó XXV s. florí, monta … 3038 ll. 2 s. 6' (Llibre de comptes de Jaume Tarascó (1340–48), Varela, "El control de bienes," 981). 74. The salma was a measure of capacity for dry products. In the case of the Sicilian salma, it is estimated to have been equivalent to 4.5 Barcelona quarteres (344,41 l.), in other words somewhat more that the capacity of a Catalan salma, which only held four quarteres (278,072 l.). The unit was used to measure the gross tonnage of a ship. Of course these values are not constant, and, as in other cases, there are enormous divergences between scholars when it comes to determining their equivalents, A. M. Alcover and F. de B. Moll, D[iccionari] c[atalà-]v[alencià-]b[alear], http://dcvb.iecat.ne. 75. Varela, "El control de bienes," 413. 76. López, Las asociaciones de fletadores mallorquines, 97–9. 77. The declarations of one of the members of the association are revealing; in 1345, he defined it as lige facte inter mercatores, before the authorities of Mallorca, 'lige facte inter mercatores critianos dicti loci de Hone super lanis emendis per ipsos in partibus barbaricis', A[rchivo del] R[eino de] M[allorca], Ll[etres] C[omunes], 8, fo. 30 r.–v. (Mallorca, 11 octubre 1345). 78. On the participation of the Jewish community of Mallorca in the north African trade, see López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 327–46 and CitationMaíz, Los judíos de Baleares. 79. ARM, Extraordinaris, 441, fo. 249 r.–266 r. (Mallorca. 11, octubre, 1345). 80. Some examples in López, Las asociaciones de fletadores mallorquines, 99, nota 26. 81. ARM, LLC, 8, fo. 30 r.–v. (Mallorca. 28, noviembre, 1345); López, Las asociaciones de fletadores mallorquines, 98, nota 23. 82. A regesta of this document has been published by Maíz, Actividades económicas y políticas, II, 371, doc. 755. 83. Ibid., 380, doc. 767. 84. Ibid., 383, doc. 769. 85.CitationVicens Vives, Suárez and Carrère, "La economía de los países de la Corona de Aragón," 106. 86. Dufourcq, L'Espagne catalane, and López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb. 87. See the map published by CitationMelis in "La lana della Spagna," 248–9. 88. ARM, LLC, 7, fo. 94 r.-v. (Mallorca. 18, junio, 1346). 89.CitationTreppo, I mercanti catalani, 287. 90. Menorcan wool was among the best in sud Europe: Melis, "La lana de l'Espanya," 71. 91. Jehel, Les Génois en Méditerranée, 345. 92. Or from the Valencian market. Through an analysis of the notarial registers, the most recent research carried out by Soler shows a preference for wool from the ports of the Maghrib, especially Hunayn, in the cargoes arriving in Valencia (CitationSoler, "Relaciones comerciales," 140–1). 93. See the various examples of notarial contracts – shipping contracts, maritime loans – that demonstrate the Mallorca-Italy trade in wool from the Maghrib in López, La Corona de Aragón y el Magreb, 550–1. 94. Analysed by CitationAntoni, I "partitari" maiorchini. 95. Two hundred and twenty-two sacks and nine bales of Hunayn wool owned by Pisans were exported to Porto Pisano, together with 42 sacks of wool from Algiers and two from Collo. To these should be added 182 sacks and eight bales of mocona wool, almost certainly from the Maghrib. Even so, the main exports refer to Mallorcan wool, 2305 bales and 2377 sacks, with other smaller quantities of San Mateo wool, from Valencia, and also English produce (Antoni, I "partitari" maiorchini, 54). 96. Abulafia points out Datini's numerous trades with the Maghreb: only wax and leather to some extent, but not wool, seem to have attracted his investments, as we know from the carteggio produced by his correspondents in the island. Information contained in this correspondence shows a clear preference for Mallorcan, Menorcan, and Iberian wool, which was lower priced and had a higher quality than North African wool (Abulafia, A Mediterranean Emporium, 216–31). 97.CitationHoussaye, "Les efforts des compagnies Datini," 589–90. 98.CitationGourdin, "Les pays du Maghreb," 597. 99. Houssaye, "Les efforts des compagnies Datini," 583. This research is not concluded as Ingrid CitationHoussaye's PhD thesis ("Réseaux et stratégies marchands") has not yet been published. The analysis from Datini's documentation carried out by this researcher will undoubtedly allow confirming or rectifying the appreciation obtained from the Mallorcan standpoint, which only bears in mind the perspective of local merchants.100. Analysis of this question is complicated by the different interests of the Muslim and Christian documentation. As Valérian points out, the Arabic texts display no interest in either the sea or the Christians, while the European documents do not speak about events outside the port or about the inhabitants of these lands (CitationValérian, Bougie, 11).101. 'Los habitants de Hunayn eran en otro tiempo gente noble y distinguida y casi todos trabajaban el algodón y los tejidos', Juan León El CitationAfricano, Descripción general del África, 212; 'Y de esta causa estaba One muy rica y bien poblada y los moradores hazían ricas cotonias y lienços' (CitationMármol y Carvajal, Descripción General de África, fol. 174 v).102.CitationLawless, "Tlemcen," 55.103. The periods of inactivity invariably included Sunday. Hence, the first pause covered the 12, 13, and 14 November, while the second included 19, 20, and 21 November, which were Friday, Saturday, and Sunday. Nevertheless, the third period, 28, 29, and 30 of the same month, changed the days of the week, since these dates corresponded to Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, with loading starting again on the following day, 1 December.104. At the end of the nineteenth century, wool continued to be the principal export of the region around Oran. In 1892, the summary of commercial traffic in the port of Oran reflects a minimum export of 2,558,667 kilos of wool en masse, according to the information given by the customs inspector, a quantity that places this raw material among Algeria's main exports, as it had been in the late Middle Ages ("Département et port d'Oran. Exportations et importations," Société de Géographie de la province d'Oran, tome XIII (1893), XXVII. Digital edition at http://gallica.bnf.fr).105. As a general rule in the trading centres of the Maghrib it was possible to purchase and remove from the territory the equivalent to any goods imported free of any payment of duty (López and Padilla, "La consolidación de una nueva estrategia," 834). On fondacos and their function in Maghreb lands, see Constable, Housing the Stranger, 158–200.106. In the following year, 1345, the members of the league themselves certified before the Mallorcan authorities that 'per nós en aquest loch de Hone sia feyta ordinacion en lo feyt de les lanes d'aquest any present que les havem feytes comunes totes aqueles qui són acostumades de comprar en aquest loch e encara hajam ordonat que negun no gos comprar o fer comprar a moro ni a juheu ni a crestià en neguna manera d'aquestes lanes ni portar-les en ninguna part sino per la dita comunitat ordenada…' (ARM, Extraordinaris, 441, fo. 249 r.–266 r. (Mallorca. 11, octubre, 1345)).107. 'Item lane ab sayall de la creu vermella de la comonitat' (ACB, LLE.Cp, 'Quadern del carregat…', fo. 6 r.).108. Skins or wool of lambs aged one year or less; perhaps the skin with the wool (CitationGual, Vocabulario del comercio medieval, 209–10; CitationGual, El primer manual, 219).109. A type of material used for stuffing mattresses or màrfegues (Dcvb).110. Skins or leather with wool and also fleeces (Gual, Vocabulario, 234; CitationGual, El primer manual, 224).111. Only identifiable as a certain type of wool (Dcvb).112. Pulverized juniper resin, known in Spanish as grasa (Dcvb); grasa o sandáraca, gomorresina del enebro (Gual, El primer manual, 238) and in English as sandarac or sandarach.113.CitationGual, "Para un mapa de la industria textil"; CitationGual, "Orígenes y expansión de la industria textil."114. This chronological difference can be explained by the fact that in the second half of the thirteenth century Barcelona had become a leading commercial centre that received cloth from various other points – Flanders, France, or Occitania – the minority of which was destined for the local market, while the greater part was intended for re-export (Feliu and Riera, "Activitats econòmiques," 155).115. Carrère, Barcelone centre économique, I, 423–30.116. Feliu and Riera, "Activitats econòmiques," 165.117. The transportation of Maghrib wool from Mallorca to Palamós is documented in 1336. On this port, see CitationFerrer, "Navegació, ports i comerç," 125–6.118. In that year, Pere de Noguer, his son, Berenguer de Noguer, and Pere de Vilosil, all inhabitants of Berga, filed an appeal before the King contesting the confiscation of certain amounts of Barbary wool, A[rchivo de la] C[orona de] A[ragón], C[ancillería], reg. 585, fo. 90 r. (Zaragoza. 25, abril, 1336).119.CitationRiera, La Corona de Aragón y el reino de Mallorca, 131–3.120.CitationSevillano, "Artesanía textil," 538–9.121. Melis, "La llana de l'Espanya," 73–4; CitationMelis, "La situazione de la marina," 117.122.CitationHeers, J. "Il commercio nel Mediterraneo," 194.123.CitationAbulafia, "L'economia mercantile," 1038–9.124.CitationMas Latrie, Traités de paix, doc. VI, 192–5; CitationAguiló, "Tractat de pau entre el rey del Garb," 317–18.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMaría Dolores López PérezJosé Ignacio Padilla Lapuente was born in San Sebastian in 1953 and died in Barcelona in 2012. He held a PhD in Medieval History and was Professor at the University of Barcelona. His research focused on funerary archeology and landscape studies. In recent years he had directed his interests towards the Mediterranean world and the relations with the Maghreb.José Ignacio Padilla LapuenteMaría Dolores López Pérez has a PhD in Medieval History and is Professor at the University of Barcelona. She has dedicated her research to the medieval Mediterranean and especially the relationship between the Crown of Aragon and the Maghreb. At present she is Director of the Research Group 'Medieval and Post-Medieval Archeology', GRAMP-UB.