Adventus in Jerusalem: the Palm Sunday celebration in Latin Jerusalem
2014; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 41; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/03044181.2014.979220
ISSN1873-1279
Autores Tópico(s)Medieval History and Crusades
ResumoAbstractThemes of continuity and innovation in the rituals of the church of Jerusalem in the early twelfth century, following the crusader conquest of the city, are examined with a focus on the Latin Palm Sunday procession. Based on the Ordinal of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, which was produced for the use of the patriarch and the religious community of the Holy Sepulchre, and which contains the yearly ritual cycles and major processional celebrations, the study reveals the original characteristics of the Jerusalem liturgy, as well as its components incorporated from pre-crusade practice. It speculates on the earliest organisers of the liturgy, their identity and the sources of their inspiration, as well as the orientations of the early monastic community in Frankish Jerusalem.Keywords: liturgyadventusJerusalemPalm SundaycrusadesritualFulcher of ChartresIvo of Chartres AcknowledgementsI wish to thank my friends and colleagues, Ora Limor, Sebastian E. Salvadó and Eyal Poleg for their helpful comments.Notes1 The following abbreviation is used in this article: BAV: Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.Gideon Avni, The Byzantine-Islamic Transition in Palestine: an Archaeological Approach (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2014), 38–9, 125–31.2 Joshua Prawer, 'The Armenians in Jerusalem under the Crusaders', in Armenian and Biblical Studies, ed. M.E. Stone (Jerusalem: St James Press, 1976), 222–36 (222).3 The remark by the Sevillan scholar, Ibn al-'Arabī (d. 1148) – who dwelled in Jerusalem from 1093 to 1095 and visited it again in 1098, shortly before the crusader conquest – about the local Christians that 'the country is theirs; because it is they who work its soil, nurture its monasteries and maintain its churches', refers most likely to the countryside; see Joseph Drory, Ibn al-'Arabi mi-Sevilyah: Masa'be-Erets Yiśra'el, 1092–1095 [in Hebrew: Ibn al-'Arabī of Seville. Journey in Palestine, 1092–1095] (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1993), 96; Moshe Gil, A History of Palestine, 634–1099, trans. E. Broido (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 171, notes that 'Jerusalem was certainly inhabited mainly by Christians during the entire period [634–1099].' The demographic make-up of the city specifically before the crusader conquest, however, remains uncertain.4 Oleg Grabar, The Shape of the Holy: Early Islamic Jerusalem (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 167–9; M. Levy-Rubin, 'The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem', ARAM Periodical 15 (2003): 197–226.5 Kate Leeming, 'The Adoption of Arabic as a Liturgical Language by the Palestinian Melkites', ARAM Periodical 15 (2003): 239–40.6 Amikam Elad, Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship: Holy Places, Ceremonies, Pilgrimage (Leiden: Brill, 1994); Grabar, Shape of the Holy, 135–69; Andreas Kaplony, '635/638–1099: the Mosque of Jerusalem (Masjid Bayt Al-Maqdis)', in Where Heaven and Earth Meet: Jerusalem's Sacred Esplanade, eds. O. Grabar and B.Z. Kedar (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi Press, 2009), 101–31.7 See B.Z. Kedar, 'Some New Sources on Palestinian Muslims Before and During the Crusades', in Die Kreuzfahrerstaaten als multikulturelle Gesellschaft, ed. Hans E. Mayer. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquium 37 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1997), 129–40.8 See, for example, John France, 'The Use of the Anonymous Gesta Francorum in the Early Twelfth-Century Sources of the First Crusade', in From Clermont to Jerusalem. The Crusades and Crusader Societies 1095–1500, ed. Alan V. Murray (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 29–42; Konrad Hirschler, 'The Jerusalem Conquest of 492/1099 in the Medieval Arabic Historiography of the Crusades: From Regional Plurality to Islamic Narrative', Crusades 13 (2014), 37–76. The chapter written by Joshua Prawer, 'The Latin Settlement of Jerusalem', in idem, Crusader Institutions (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 85–101, remains a seminal starting point.9 Alan V. Murray, 'Construir Jerusalén como capital cristiana: topografía y población de la Ciudad Santa bajo el dominio franco en el siglo XII', in Construir la ciudad en la Edad Media, eds. Beatriz Arízaga Bolumburu and Jesús Ángel Solórzano Telechea (Logroño: Instituto de Estudios Riojanos, 2010), 91–110. See also Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: a Corpus, vol. 3, The City of Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 3–6.10 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: a History. 2nd edn. (London: Continuum, 2005), 58–60.11 The Ordinal may have been brought to Barletta by way of Cyprus after the fall of Acre in 1291. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre of Barletta was established in the first half of the twelfth century: C. Enlart, 'L'église des chanoines du Saint-Sepulchre à Barletta en Pouille', Revue de l'Orient Latin 1 (1893): 556–66. After its arrival a few additions to the manuscript were made, such as the inclusion in the calendar of the obit of Raoul of Granville, titular patriarch of Jerusalem, who died in 1304; there is also, on f. 3v, a bull of Pope Honorius III (d.1227) to the clergy of Apulia, Calabria and Terra di Lavoro (the area around Naples).12 In a single column: ff. 1–24, 142–254. In two 36-line columns: ff. 25–142r. Musical notation appears in many places on ff. 145–259.13 Giuseppe-Maria Giovene, Kalendaria vetera mss. aliaque monumenta ecclesiarum Apuliae et Iapygiae (Naples: ex typographia vid. realis et filiorum, 1828), 7–68. Giovene (1753–1837) was an archpriest in the cathedral of Molfetta and a member of the Accademia Nazionale delle Scienze. He published excerpts of several liturgical calendars from Apulia of the eleventh to sixteenth centuries. His analysis of the Barletta Ordinal is contained in the footnotes. Charles Kohler, 'Un rituel et un bréviare du Saint-Sépulchre de Jérusalem (12e–13e siècle)', in idem, Mélanges pour servir à l'histoire de l'Orient Latin et des Croisades (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1906), 286–403 (previously published in Revue de l'Orient Latin 8 (1900–1): 383–469). Kohler provided a scholarly essay on the significance of the manuscript, which he edited on the basis of reviewing the manuscript in Barletta and Giovene's edition. Both editions contain errors and many lacunae. G. Wessels, 'Excerpta historiae ordinis: ritus ordinis B.V. Mariae de Monte Carmelo. Antiquus ritus de Monte Carmelo', Analecta Ordinis Carmelitarum 1 (1909–10): 95ff. Excerpts were also printed, with an Italian translation, by Sabino de Sandoli, Itinera Hierosolymitana Crucesignatorum, vol. 4, Tempore Regni Latini Extremo: 1245–1291 (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1984). See also Christina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: a Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 77–9, 195–201. Dondi defined the book as an ordinal, and this is the definition I use here. In this article I have used the folio numbers of the manuscript itself, and they thus differ from the folio numbers used by both Kohler and Dondi who included the additional introductory folios in their foliation. The difference between folio sequences is almost consistently 10 pages.14 MS Barletta, f. 25r, begins with a fragment of the ritual, written in two columns, and continues up to f. 32v, where a short chronicle of the crusader conquests begins. The longer ritual, also in two columns, begins on f. 33r. From f. 142v the text runs in one column. On f. 138va, towards the bottom, and continuing to f. 139v, the hand seems to change. The composite nature of the codex is evident from the statement on f. 25r: 'Incipit breviarium adbreviatum, id est quoddam excerptum de pluribus libris, secundum antiquam consuetudinem institutionum dominici ecclesie Sepulcri … '15 For example, 'Arnulfus patriarcha' (f. 60ra); 'Ego Willelmus dei gratia Ierusalem patriarcha, atque Petrus dominici sepulcri prior' (f. 138ra); 'secundum novam institutionem Fulcherii patriarche' (f. 98ra).16 Dondi, Liturgy of the Canons Regular, 77–9.17 Sebastian E. Salvadó, 'The Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite: Edition and Analysis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Study of the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., Ms. Latin 10478)' (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2011); see also Dondi, Liturgy of the Canons Regular, 64–6.18 David Chadd, 'The Ritual of Palm Sunday: Reading Nidaros', in The Medieval Cathedral of Trondheim, eds. M.S. Andas and others (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 253–78 (253–5); Iris Shagrir, 'The Visitatio Sepulchri in the Latin Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem', Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean 22 (2010): 57–77. On the 'interdependence of cult and historical understanding', see Margot Fassler, The Virgin of Chartres (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 3–27 (quote pp 55).19 A. Francheschini and R. Weber, eds., Itinerarium Egeriae. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 175 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1965), 76–7.20 For the Orthodox Palm Sunday procession in pre-crusader Jerusalem according to liturgical sources, see John Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: the Origins, Development and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome: Pontifical Institute, 1987), 75–80, 94–102; Mark Morozowich, 'A Palm Sunday Procession in the Byzantine Tradition? A Study of the Jerusalem and Constantinopolitan Evidence', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 75 (2009): 359–83.21 The evidence from the Early Muslim period shows that the festive Palm Sunday procession was considered an affront to the Muslims. Prohibitions against it were issued, though sometimes exceptional permission to hold it was granted, with the special protection of the governor of Jerusalem; see Milka Levy-Rubin, Non-Muslims in the Early Islamic Empire: From Surrender to Coexistence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 72–8 and passim; Ibn al-Qalānisī, History of Damascus, 363–555 A.H. [Dhayl ta'rikh Dimashq], ed. H.F. Amedroz (Leiden: Brill, 1908), 66. I thank Dr Levy-Rubin for the references.22 Geoffrey Koziol, Begging Pardon and Favor: Ritual and Political Order in Early Medieval France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992), 133.23 'After the resurrection of Lazarus, six days before the Passover, the Lord came to Jerusalem, and sent ahead two of his disciples in order that they would bring to him a donkey and a colt.'24 Since the Barletta manuscript is closely related to the Templar rite, it is interesting that the Templars are not on the list. This may perhaps indicate the early date of the liturgy, before the establishment of the Order of the Temple in 1118 or its official recognition in 1128.25 Amnon Linder, 'Like Purest Gold Resplendent: the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Jerusalem', Crusades 8 (2009): 31–51, especially 47–8; Albert Schönfelder, 'Die Prozessionen der Lateiner in Jerusalem zur Zeit der Kreuzzüge', Historisches Jahrbuch 32 (1911): 578–97.26 This suggestion is based on Chadd, 'Reading Nidaros', 258. In the Barletta Ordinal it might have happened in the case of such directives: 'unus ex episcopis, et, sinon fuerit episcopus, prior predicti Sepulcri vel subprior, aut unus ex maioribus, vel ebdomadarius' (f. 70r).27 On the issue of the historicism of the Jerusalem rite, see Robert E. Taft, 'Historicism Revisited', in idem, Beyond East and West: Problems in Liturgical Understanding (Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute, 2001), 31–49; and Morozowich, 'Palm Sunday Procession', especially 377–83.28 Franceschini and Weber, eds., Itinerarium Egeriae, Chapter 31; J. Wilkinson, ed. and trans., Egeria's Travels (London: S.P.C.K., 1971), 132–3.29 Baldovin, Urban Character of Christian Worship, 95–9. Between the fifth and eighth centuries a shift in the time of the procession occurred and it was incorporated into the morning liturgy (rather than the afternoon); see Morozowich, 'Palm Sunday Procession', 368.30 The extant manuscript of the Typikon of the Anastasis is dated to 1122. See J.-B. Thibaut, Ordre des offices de la Semaine Sainte à Jérusalem du IV au Xe siècle (Paris: n.p., 1926); Gabriel Bertonière, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil and Related Services in the Greek Church (Rome: Pontifical Institute, 1972), 12–18. See also Morozowich, 'Palm Sunday Procession', 368–72. It has been shown that the Typikon evidences routine liturgical activity of the Greek Orthodox clergy in the Frankish Church of the Holy Sepulchre by 1122; see Johannes Pahlitzsch, 'The Greek Orthodox Church in the First Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1187)', in Patterns of the Past, Prospects of the Future. the Christian Heritage in the Holy Land, eds. Thomas Hummel, Kevork Hintlian and Ulf Carmesund (London: Melisende, 1999), 195–212. A gloss in the Typikon of the Anastasis from 1122 indicates that by then the Orthodox Palm Sunday procession also had a station at the Templum Domini instead of at the Probatic Pool, and thus probably imitated the itinerary of the Latin procession, perhaps because the Golden Gate was opened especially for the entry liturgy and only then could the citizens go through it in the footsteps of Jesus: see Bertonière, Historical Development of the Easter Vigil, 14, and the reference to the opening of the gate in the accounts of the pilgrims John of Wurzburg and Theodoric in Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, vol. 3, 104–6. An interesting perspective on liturgy as a mode of accommodation between Latins and Greeks is offered in Brendan J. McGuire, 'Evidence for Religious Accommodation in Latin Constantinople: a New Approach to Bilingual Liturgical Texts', Journal of Medieval History 39 (2013): 342–56.31 Morozowich, 'Palm Sunday Procession', 372.32 Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, vol. 3, 104.33 Cf. Heinrich Hagenmeyer, ed., Fulcherius Carnotensis, Historia Hierosolymitana (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1913), 409 (Book 2, Chapter 11); Alan V. Murray, 'Mighty Against the Enemies of Christ: the Relic of the True Cross in the Armies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem', in The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, eds. J. France and W.G. Zajac (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), 217–38.34 Benjamin Z. Kedar, 'Intellectual Activities in a Holy City: Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century', in Sacred Space. Shrine, City, Land, eds. B.Z. Kedar and R.J. Zwi Werblowsky (New York: Macmillan, 1998), 131.35 The notion that the city offers divine protection appears also in a special blessing, oratio [ante portas], to be recited at the gate of Jerusalem, appearing in the Ordinal of Barletta: 'Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, edificator et custos Ie[rusalem civitatis super]ne, custodi die noctuque locum istum [cum habitatoribus suis]' (f. 189r). The condition of this folio is miserable, but a complete reading is possible in the Sacramentary of Jerusalem, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12056, f. 301v, available through the Gallica Digital Library, http://gallica.bnf.fr (Accessed 23 September 2014).36 Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States. The Secular Church (London: Variorum Publications, 1980), 170–1; B.Z. Kedar, 'Latins and Oriental Christians', in Sharing the Sacred: Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land, First–Fifteenth Centures CE, eds. A. Kofsky and G. Stroumsa (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi, 1998), 209–22; J. Pahlitzsch and D. Baraz, 'Christian Communities in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1187)', in Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land from the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms, eds. O. Limor and G. Stroumsa (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 205–35.37 Benjamin Z. Kedar and Denys Pringle, '1099–1187: the Lord's Temple and the Temple of Salomon under Frankish Rule', in Where Heaven and Earth Meet, eds. Kedar and Grabar, 132–49; see also John Giebfried, 'The Crusader Rebranding of Jerusalem's Temple Mount', Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 44 (2013): 77–94.38 Dondi, Liturgy of the Canons Regular, 59–60.39 For the twelfth-century ceremony at Chartres, see Margot Fassler, 'Adventus at Chartres', in Ceremonial Culture in Pre-Modern Europe, ed. N. Howe (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 13–62 (procession summary at 30–4, 49–50); and Craig Wright, 'The Palm Sunday Procession in Medieval Chartres', in The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages: Methodology and Source Studies, Regional Developments, Hagiography, eds. M. Fassler and R. Baltzer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 344–71.40 Fassler, 'Adventus at Chartres', 32. The liturgical arrangement and the antiphonal singing vary and require further inquiry: for example, Terce in Chartres was sung at St Cheron, while in Jerusalem it was sung in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.41 It may be worthwhile to note here that a cemetery is reported to have existed outside the Golden Gate, where the crusaders who died in the siege of Jerusalem in 1099 were buried; see John of Würzburg, in Peregrinationes tres: Saewulf, John of Würzburg, Theodericus, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 139 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1994), 124. It is possible, though it cannot be proved, that the cemetery is the 'elevated spot' from where the sermon was delivered.42 Dondi, Liturgy of the Canons Regular, 47. See also Dondi's discussion, 73–5, of the Holy Sepulchre Ordinal, Lucca, Biblioteca Arcivescovile, MS 5 (c.1200), which is also closely related to the liturgical use of Chartres in the twelfth century.43 Matt. 21:1–12; Mark 11:1–11; Luke 19:28–45; John 12:12–18; 1 Thess. 4:16–17.44 These notes follow the discussion of Sabine MacCormack, 'Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity: the Ceremony of Adventus', Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 21 (1972): 721–52, especially 723–25. The adventus of Jesus into Jerusalem was a familiar depiction in Christian art: Kenneth G. Holum and Gary Vikan, 'The Trier Ivory, "Adventus" Ceremonial, and the Relics of St Stephen', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 33 (1979): 113–33.45 'Deus cuius filius pro salute generis humani de celo descendit ad terras et, appropinquante hora passionis sue, Ierosolimam in asino venire et a turbis rex appellari et laudari voluit': MS Barletta, f. 12v. This blessing also appears in a sacramentary of Jerusalem, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 12056, f. 96r. On this manuscript, see Dondi, Liturgy of the Canons Regular, 62–3. The blessing does not appear, it seems, in the other Jerusalem Ordinal, BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659.46 Fassler, 'Adventus at Chartres', 20.47 David A. Warner, 'Ritual and Memory in the Ottonian Recht: the Ceremony of Adventus', Speculum 76 (2001): 255–83 (264).48 'Ipsa sancta et celebri die palmarum per portam que respicit ad montem olivarum, per quam Dominus Iesus asello sedens intravit, ipse cum suis, et una cum quibusdam magnificis legatis regis Grecorum': Albert of Aachen, Historia Ierosolimitana, ed. Susan B. Edgington (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 2007), 834–5 (Book 12: 7). Cf. the dramatic adventus of Abbot Richard of Saint-Vannes into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday 1026: Richard A. Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989–1034 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1995), 158.49 'Eadem denique die a monte olivarum domnus patriarcha Arnolfus cum clero suo post palmarum consecrationem descenderat, cui in templo Domini et de universis ecclesiis fratres occurentes ad diem festum convenerunt, in ymnis et laudibus in celebratione diei sancte qua et dominus Iesus, in asello residens civitatem sanctam Ierusalem ingredi dignatus est. Sic vero omnibus Christianorum conventiculis ad id sollompne in laude Dei congregatis, ecce rex defunctus in medium psallentium allatus est. In cuius visione voces suppresse et laudes humilitate sunt, fletus tam cleri quam populi plurimus auditus est. Verumtamen palmarum expleto officio, et omnibus per portam que dicitur Aurea, per quam Dominus Iesus ad Passionem veniens inmissus est, cum rege defuncto intromissis, decretum est communi consilio ut statim corpus exanime sepulture traderetur': Albert of Aachen, Historia Ierosolimitana, ed. Edgington, 870–1 (Book 12: 29). On the connection between the adventus and funeral processions, see Timothy Reuter, 'A Europe of Bishops: the Age of Wulfstan of York and Burchard of Worms', in Patterns of Episcopal Power: Bishops in Tenth and Eleventh Century Western Europe, eds. L. Körntgen and D. Waßenhoven (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), 17–38 (20–1). The pilgrim Theoderic, who visited Jerusalem in 1172, also mentions a burial procession on Palm Sunday of his fellow pilgrim, Adolf of Cologne, in the pilgrim cemetery of Aceldama: Peregrinationes tres, ed. Huygens, 147.50 Matt. 21:5; Zech. 9:9.51 James Howard-Johnston, 'Heraclius' Persian Campaigns and the Revival of the East Roman Empire', War in History 6 (1999): 1–44. On the significance of Emperor Heraclius for the crusaders, see Christopher Tyerman, God's War: a New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2006), 379. The description of Charlemagne's imaginary entry into Jerusalem on his alleged crusade reads 'letus et supplex advenit ac patriarche totique christicole plebi cuncta prospera deo opitulante solidavit', in the late eleventh- or early twelfth-century Descriptio qualiter Karolus Magnus: see Matthew Gabriele, 'The Provenance of the Descriptio Qualiter Karolus Magnus: Remembering the Carolingians in the Entourage of King Philip I (1060–1108) Before the First Crusade', Viator 39 (2008): 93–118, quote in n. 20. See also Ernst H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae: a Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Worship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946), 72–5; Susan Twyman, Papal Ceremonial at Rome in the Twelfth Century (London: Boydell Press, 2002), 12–21; Matthew Gabriele, An Empire of Memory: the Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 45.52 Kaspar Elm, 'Kanoniker und Ritter vom Heiligen Grab: ein Beitrag zur Entstehung und Frühgeschichte der palästinensischen Ritterorden', in Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, eds. Josef Fleckenstein and Manfred Hellmann (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1980), 141–69 (148).53 Daibert was consecrated as patriarch of Jerusalem in 1099, suspended in 1101, reinstated, and finally deposed in 1102. On Daibert, see Patricia Skinner, 'From Pisa to the Patriarchate: Chapters in the Life of (Arch)bishop Daibert', in Challenging the Boundaries of Medieval History: the Legacy of Timothy Reuter, ed. Patricia Skinner (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 155–72; Michael Matzke, Daibert von Pisa: Zwischen Pisa, Papst und erstem Kreuzzug (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1998).54 According to Matzke, Daibert von Pisa, 65, Daibert had close relations with Ivo of Chartres and with Pope Urban II.55 See H.E.J. Cowdrey, 'The Reform Papacy and the Origin of the Crusades', in Le concile de Clermont de 1095 et l'appel à la croisade: actes du Colloque universitaire international de Clermont-Ferrand, 23–25 juin 1995. Collection de l'École française de Rome 236 (Rome: École française de Rome, 1997), 65–83.56 Stephen of Blois was the original overlord of Fulcher of Chartres. Stephen returned to Europe in 1098 during the First Crusade, but later set out again for the East. He arrived in Jerusalem on Palm Sunday (30 March) of 1102, and died in May 1102 in the battle of Ramlah. Ivo's letters could thus have been delivered to Daibert between March and May 1102.57 Verena Epp, Fulcher von Chartres: Studien zur Geschichtsschreibung des ersten Kreuzzuges (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1990), 32–5. Fulcher's familiarity with the Decretals of Pseudo-Isidore, the tenth-century false Decretals used to support the arguments of the eleventh-century reformers, was noted by Hagenmeyer, in the context of the ecclesiastical status of Tyre after its conquest by the Franks in 1124. See Hagenmeyer, ed., Fulcherius Carnotensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, 737–9 (Book 3: 34, 8–11).58 Fulcher of Chartres produced two versions of his Historia Hierosolymitana, the first concluding in 1124 and the second, with substantial revision, in 1127. See Verena Epp, 'Die Entstehung eines "Nationalbewusstseins" in den Kreuzfahrerstaaten', Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittlelalters 45 (1989): 596–604, especially 597–601.59 See also the discussion of Fulcher in Fassler, Virgin of Chartres, 150–1. It may also be noted that parts of Fulcher's Historia were incorporated as lectiones de historia in the Matins liturgy of the Liberation of Jerusalem; see Amnon Linder, 'The Liturgy of the Liberation of Jerusalem', Mediaeval Studies 52 (1990): 110–31, especially 115. One may query the idea that the liturgy may have incorporated parts of a chronicle, being a non-sacred text, but in the case of the Liberation Feast this may not be unthinkable since it was a new celebration commemorating a recent historical event, and the celebrants might have sought a 'ready-made' eyewitness description of the victory for the purpose. It is worth mentioning in this context that the sermon attributed to Fulcher of Chartres for the 15 July commemoration feast, and preserved in a twelfth-century manuscript, shares sentences, historical data and distinctive expressions with Fulcher's Historia. While the chronological relationship between the sermon and the Historia is unclear, the sermon had a liturgical function and seems to have been anchored early on in the religious ceremony; it contains also (non-verbatim) liturgical strings such as 'per vicos Ierusalem in jubilo alleluia cantatur'. If it was Fulcher who composed this sermon, it may serve as further evidence for his liturgical activity. See Charles Kohler, 'Un sermon commemorative de la prise de Jérusalem par les croisés attributé à Foucher de Chartres', Revue de l'Orient Latin 8 (1900–1): 158–64 (quote at 161). Furthermore, evidence of the use of narrative sources for liturgical purposes is provided from the analysis of an account of the capture of Jerusalem, written probably in the first half of the twelfth century and used as part of the liturgy of the Feast of the Liberation of Jerusalem. See John France, 'An Unknown Account of the Capture of Jerusalem', English Historical Review 87 (1972): 771–83.60 The manuscript reads: 'Domnus patriarcha cum thesauro ecclesie sancti sepulcri lignum vivifice crucis secum deferente'. All previous scholars thought it to be a scribal error and that it should be corrected to 'cum thesaurario', perhaps because the treasure itself, 'lignum vivifice cruces', is mentioned separately. See Kohler, 'Un rituel et un bréviare du Saint-Sépulchre de Jérusalem', Revue de l'Orient Latin 8 (1900–1), 412; Schönfelder, Die Prozessionen der Lateiner, 585; Hagenmeyer, Fulcherius Carnotensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, 613. Reading thesauro as the ablative form of thesaurus would weaken the argument for the dominant role of the treasurer in the procession.61 Taft, 'Historicism Revisited', 47.62 However the route interestingly does not include Bethphage, mentioned in Matt. 21:1, Mark 11:1, and Luke 19:29. It seems that a chapel was built in Bethphage only later in the twelfth century. In 1002 the pilgrim Saewulf indicated that the place was deserted, but John of Wurzburg and Theoderic (c.1170) mention a chapel there; a (restored) twelfth-century fresco of Jesus' entry to Jerusalem can be seen in the church today. See Peregrinationes tres, ed. Huygens, 72, 113, 167.63 Shagrir, 'Visitatio Sepulchri', 74.64 Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 46.65 Missing text completed from the Jerusalem ordinal, BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659: 'Psalmi vicesimi primi': Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 576.66 Missing text is completed from the Jerusalem ordinal, BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659: 'Cum appropinquasset Resp. In die qua invocavi Vers. In die tribulationis Resp. Fratres mei elongaverunt Vers. Amici mei Resp. Adtende domine Vers. Homo pacis Resp. Conclusit vias Vers. Factus sum Resp. Salvum me fac Vers. Intende Resp. Noli esse mihi Vers. Confundantur omnes Resp. Ingrediente domino Vers. Cum audisset Resp. Dominus mecum est Vers. Et vim faciebant Resp. Circumdederunt me Vers. Quoniam tribulatio'; Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 576.67 Missing text is completed from the Jerusalem ordinal, BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659: 'Resp. Circumdederunt'; Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 576.68 Missing text is completed from the Jerusalem ordinal, BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659: 'Tunc pueri processerunt ei obviam cum floribus, palmarum et olivarum ramis, ad cuius processionis memoriam et imitationem nos processionem nostram ita facimus'; Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 576.69 The Barletta manuscript here is unfortunately covered with a dark stain. A few words are vaguely legible, and this allows one to determine with high degree of certainty that the text is the same as BAV, MS Barb. Lat. 659. The missing lines are: 'diachonos et subdiachonos parati accepta benedictione. Ascendunt in alto ubi ab onminbus possint videri. Post eos, ascendunt patriarcha, et rex, et persone. Finitis autem, cantor solus incipit Ant. Occurrunt turbe Qua finita: Legitur evangelium Cum appropinquaret, et postea patriarcha facit sermonem ad populum. Deinde recedunt et vadunt usque ad por-': Salvadó, 'Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite', 577.Additional informationFundingThis research was supported by the Israel Science Foundation, grants 277/09 and 663/14.Iris Shagrir is Senior Lecturer of History at the Open University of Israel. She is the author of Naming Patterns in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford: Unit for Prosopographical Research, Linacre College, 2003); In Laudem Hierosolymitani: Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar, edited with Ronnie Ellenblum and Jonathan Riley-Smith (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007); editor with Yitzhak Hen of Ut loca videant et contingant: Studies in Pilgrimage and Sacred Space [in Hebrew] (Raanana: Open University of Israel, 2011, and author of The Crusades: History and Historiography [in Hebrew] (Raanana: Open University of Israel, 2014). She is currently working on the liturgy of Latin Jerusalem and on the urban development of Jerusalem in the twelfth century.
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