Portal de Periódicos da CAPES

Performing Politics: The 2007 Parliamentary Elections in Timor Leste

2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 9; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/14442210701656029

1740-9314

Andrew McWilliam, Angie Bexley,

International Development and Aid

Abstract The 2007 national parliamentary elections in East Timor attracted high voter participation and was widely and favourably reported, but when the successful poll flared into violent post-election conflict, the possibility of realising political stability and national unity is again called into question. Despite the emergence of new political parties and a growing population of young aspirational Timorese voters who are shifting the grounds of political representation and rhetoric, the nation remains mired in unresolved enmities and leadership failings. This paper reflects on the political campaign and election results in Timor Leste's stumbling progress towards a stable democratic future. Keywords: ElectionsPoliticsEast TimorNationResistanceYouthBelonging Notes 1. Voter turnout in 1999 was 98 per cent and in 2001, 91 per cent (King 2003 King, D. 2003. 'East Timor's founding elections and emerging party system'. Asian Survey, 43(5): 745–757. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). 2. The Independent Special Commission of Inquiry (2006) noted that the dismissal of 594 soldiers was not legally enacted. The Commission also noted that approximately 200 of the personnel dismissed were not petitioners but officers and other ranks who had been chronically absent without leave in the months and years prior to March 2006. 3. Many of these weapons remain at large and pose a serious challenge to peace in Timor Leste, a factor highlighted in the UN Independent Special Commission of Inquiry into Timor Leste (2006). 4. Originally named the National Congress for Timorese Reconciliation, CNRT was formed in 1998 to succeed the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) that was established in 1987 by Xanana Gusmão as part of the re-structuring of resistance along inclusive, non-partisan lines (Ryan 2007 Ryan , G. ( 2007 ) Political Parties and Groupings of Timor Leste . An Initiative of Australian Labor's International Projects Unit under the auspices of the Australian Political Parties for Democracy Program. Available at: www.ip.alp.org.au, accessed 15 June 2007 . [Google Scholar], p. 15). The new CNRT was only formed in March 2007 and was able to draw on these former associations of resistance and unity to appeal to voters. 5. It is reported that one of the CNRT campaign advisors had former experience working on political campaigns for the Indonesian Golkar Party. 6. Although he did appear on some posters with former guerrilla commander, Konis Santana and Lu Olo. 7. Examples include the PNT (Partido Nacionalista Timorense) whose President, Arbilio Araujo is a prominent Marxist and former Minster for Economic and Social Affairs in the 1975 Democratic Republic of East Timor; later expelled from the Fretilin Party over his dealings with Indonesia (Ryan 2007 Ryan , G. ( 2007 ) Political Parties and Groupings of Timor Leste . An Initiative of Australian Labor's International Projects Unit under the auspices of the Australian Political Parties for Democracy Program. Available at: www.ip.alp.org.au, accessed 15 June 2007 . [Google Scholar], p. 29). But many other parties have representatives with former Fretilin connections. 8. De Araujo was commenting on the design of the earlier CNRT flag in 1999 but the comment remains instructive. 9. Since Independence many community groups in Australia have established partner or 'friendship' relationships with a range of village communities in Timor Leste, providing advice and development assistance. 10. Originally from the Mambai language, the feminine equivalent is Buibere. 11. This weapon, as the name suggests, derived from its use in the inter-communal violence that erupted on the island of Ambon in the Indonesian province of Maluku during 1999–2000. 12. Despite this strong identification with youth groups, the political elites have shown considerable reluctance to accommodate youth leaders and younger aspirants to positions of power. The role of youth is memorialised but often marginalised in political decision-making (see Babo Soares 2003 Babo Soares , D. 2003 Branching from the Trunk , Ph.D. thesis, Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University . [Google Scholar]; Bexley 2007 Bexley , A. 2007 'The Geracão Foun, Talitakum and Indonesia: media memory politics in Timor Leste' , Review of Malaysian and Indonesian Affairs (RIMA) , vol. 41 , forthcoming . [Google Scholar]). For more on youth and belonging, see Bexley this volume. Post election, Fretilin has recognised the contribution of its younger members. Arsenio Bano has been appointed as Deputy and Aniceto Guterres has been appointed as Leader of the Fretilin Bench in Parliament. 13. Data on the voting patterns of the election are drawn from published results of the Comissão Nacional de Eleições, 2007. 14. While reflecting a somewhat different combination of political alliances such as the role of the UNDERTIM party formed recently by charismatic ex-guerrilla L7 (Cornélio Gama), who mobilised a sweeping eastern network to back his childhood friend, Ramos Horta against Fretilin (Jolliffe 2007 Jolliffe , J. 2007 'East Timor's imperfect election' , Far Eastern Economic Review , May 2007. Available at : www.etan.org/et2007/may/19/17etimpe.htm , accessed 13 August 2007 . [Google Scholar]). Subsequently UNDERTIM joined Fretilin in the post election coalition against the Alliance of Parliamentary Majority. 15. Opposition parties capitalised on Fretilin's alleged involvement in the crisis. This was evident in campaign speeches in a number of districts. 16. The 2007 election saw an increase in voters by 17.2 per cent over 2001, reflecting the coming of age of younger Timorese and the return of refugees from West Timorese camps over the period. However, the proportional distribution of voters remained similar with only marginal increases in Dili, and a marginal decrease in Manatuto. (Analysis of results, Comissão Nacional de Eleições 2007) 17. Manatuto, which is located to the east of Dili represents a transitional zone in this geographical divide (see McWilliam 2006 McWilliam , A. 2006 'East and West in Timor Leste: is there an ethnic divide?' Unpublished paper from a workshop 'Crisis in Timor Leste: Understanding the Past, Imagining the Future', Charles Darwin University, November . [Google Scholar], p. 2). 18. Significant numbers of ex-combatants in the resistance (the veterans) are disillusioned with Xanana Gusmão, and their extensive support networks in the east contributed to Fretilin's strong polling. 19. For others, the retention and use of the name (Fretilin) by one political party remains a source of resentment. 20. The third main voting block went to the Democratic Party where candidates achieved 34 village headships (7.7 per cent) with a smattering of minor parties represented across the country. 21. Mario Carrasçalão left the Alliance after it emerged he was not offered a post. PD Secretary General Mariano Sabino also withdrew from the offer of Minister for Agriculture revealing deeper challenges for the new cabinet consisting of predominately former pro-autonomy supporters. 22. See Fretilin Press Statement 6 August, 2007. A later, revised Press Statement (14 August 2007) urged a peaceful protest against the 'unconstitutional' government and condemned the violence. Aniceto Guterres, a Fretilin frontbencher in the new parliament, protested against a 'war of defamation' being waged against Fretilin by the opposition and Australian media sources accusing Party supporters of involvement in the violence. 23. Thirty-four arrests were made in Baucau on 12 August 2007. See 'UN Police arrest 34 over East Timor violence', ABC News [online], 12 August 2007. Available at: http://abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/08/ 12/2002820.htm? section = justin; and 'Rapes reported at East Timor convent', The Guardian Unlimited [online], 11 August 2007. Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,,-6843869,00.html 24. Cycles of violence and conflict in East Timor, the contested lines of difference, are not generally founded in ethnic or religious differences, as they often express themselves in neighbouring Indonesia (Robinson 2002 Robinson , K. 2002 'Inter-ethnic violence: the Bugis and the problem of explanation' , in Beyond Jakarta: Regional Autonomy and Local Society in Indonesia M. Sakai Crawford House , Belair, , South Australia , pp. 145 – 172 . [Google Scholar], p. 166). Commentators such as James Dunn and others suggested that the post-election violence was unfortunately to be expected and that, perhaps the violence could have been averted if Fretilin had been given the first opportunity to form a government. Posted on east-timor@lists.riseup.net [accessed 11 August, 2007]. Additional informationNotes on contributorsAndrew McWilliamAndrew McWilliam is a Fellow in the Department of Anthropology at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National UniversityAngie BexleyAngie Bexley is a Research Scholar in the Department of Anthropology at the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University