Louis IX, crusade and the promise of Joshua in the Holy Land
2008; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 34; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1016/j.jmedhist.2007.10.007
ISSN1873-1279
Autores Tópico(s)Historical Studies and Socio-cultural Analysis
ResumoAbstract Joshua, the Old Testament patriarch who led the Israelite army into the Holy Land, was seen as a type for the crusader in ways that informed Louis IX's crusading ideology and his kingship. The parallel between Joshua's divinely sanctioned wars and Louis' own crusading ambitions structured a teleology that incorporated Louis into salvation history. The story of Joshua lent Louis exalted expectations for his first crusade. After the failure of Louis' first crusade, the story of Joshua provided a scriptural lens through which Louis could interpret those events and moulded his reaction as king and military leader. An episode from Josh. 7 — the sins of Achan — spoke to Louis' concern with personal sin and the purity of the political community, gave Louis a way to understand the failure, and suggested guidance for how, as king, Louis could redress himself before God in preparation for his crusade of 1270. Keywords: Louis IXSaint LouisCrusadesJoshuaTypologySte-Chapelle Notes 1 In citations, the abbreviation RHF stands in for Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. Martin Bouquet, 24 vols. (Paris, 1738; repr. Farnborough,1967). I thank Meredith Cohen, Sean Field, Gerald Guest, Laura Hollengreen, Alyce Jordan, William Jordan, Geoffrey Koziol, Richard Leson, and John Zaleski for reading early drafts of this paper. All errors are my own. 2 Paul Alphandéry, ‘Les citations bibliques chez les historiens de la première croisade’, Revue de l'histoire des religions, 99 (1929) 139–57. Paul Rousset, ‘L'idée de croisade chez les chroniqueurs d'Occident’, in: Storia del medioevo, Relazioni del X congresso internazionale di scienze storiche iii (Florence, 1955), 556–9. Dennis Howard Green, The Millstätter Exodus: a crusading epic (Cambridge, 1966), Paul Rousset, Les origines et les caractères de la première croisade (Neuchâtel, 1945), 89–109. Y. Katzir, ‘The conquest of Jerusalem, 1099 and 1187: historical memory and religious typology’, in: The meeting of two worlds: cultural exchange between east and west during the period of the crusades, ed. V.P. Goss and C.V. Bornstein (Kalamazoo, 1986), 103–113. Rachel Dressler, ‘Deus hoc vult: ideology, identity and sculptural rhetoric at the time of the crusades’, Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 1 (1995), 188–218. For specific examples of this model in instances associated with the court of Louis IX, see especially Penny Cole, David L. d'Avray, and Jonathan Riley-Smith, ‘Application of theology to current affairs: memorial sermons on the dead of Mansurah and on Innocent IV’, Historical Research, 63, (1990), 227–47. Christoph T. Maier, ‘The Bible moralisée and the crusades’, in: The experience of crusading, 1. The western approaches, ed. M. Bull and N. Housley (Cambridge, 2003), 218–19 (treating Vienna ÖNB 2554). at n. 50. 3 On the shift in the interpretation of the Old Testament in history, see Beryl Smalley, The study of the Bible in the middle ages (Oxford, 1941; repr. Notre Dame, 1978). On how Old Testament typology became increasingly current in discussions of contemporary political life, see Gabrielle Spiegel, ‘Political utility in medieval historiography: a sketch’, History and Theory 14 (1975), 314–25. On the changing function of Old Testament imagery around 1200, see Laura Hollengreen, ‘The politics and poetics of possession: Saint Louis, the Jews, and Old Testament violence’, in: Between the picture and the word, ed. Colum Hourihane (Princeton, 2005), 51–71. This is also treated in Harvey Stahl, ‘Old Testament illustration during the reign of St. Louis: the Morgan Picture Book and the new biblical cycles’, in: Il Medio Oriente e l'Occidente nell'arte del XIII secolo (Bologna, 1982), 87–89. 4 Stahl, ‘Old Testament illustration during the reign of St. Louis’, 88. 5 Daniel Weiss, Art and crusade in the age of Saint Louis (Cambridge and New York, 1998). Alyce Jordan, Visualizing kingship in the windows of the Sainte-Chapelle (International Center of Medieval Art Monograph Series, Turnhout, 2002). 6 William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the challenge of the crusade: a study in rulership (Princeton, 1979), 65–104. 7 The traditional starting date for the chapel is 1239, well before Louis' vow to take up the cross. There are only a few firm dates by which to chart the progression of the chapel's building, and the principal spatial and iconographical scheme must have been planned well in advance of Louis, 1244 vow. For summary of documents pertaining to the question see Louis Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle, 2nd edn (Paris, 1975), 14. Grodecki estimated the chapel was built between 1243 and 1248. The glazing programme, however, would have been one of the last elements installed before the dedication. Jeanette Dyer-Spencer, ‘Les vitraux de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris’, Bulletin Monumental, 91 (1932), 337, claims the glass was installed in 1246 and 1247. Meredith Cohen's forthcoming article on the architecture and usages of the Ste-Chapelle will force a re-evaluation of the building and its ideological meaning: Meredith Cohen, ‘An indulgence for the visitor: the public at the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris’, Speculum, 83 (2008). My thanks to her for sharing this with me prior to its publication. 8 Beat Brenk, ‘The Ste-Chapelle as a Capetian political program’, in: Artistic integration in Gothic buildings, ed. Virginia Raguin, Kathryn Brush and Peter Draper (Toronto, 1996), 195–213; Weiss, Art and crusade, 11–77. For a different perspective, see Christopher O. Blum, ‘Art and politics in the Sainte-Chapelle of Paris’, Logos, 4 (2001), 13–31. 9 Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 58–69. Previously, the window A (traditionally called the ‘relics window’) had been interpreted as a history of the relics of the passion; for this view, see for example Marcel Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris (Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi 1, Paris, 1959), 294–309. Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle, 92, 115. Jean-Michel Leniaud and Françoise Perrot, La Sainte Chapelle (Paris, 1991), 181. Brenk, ‘The Ste-Chapelle as a Capetian political programme’, 206–7. Some still adhere to this view: Gustav Kühnel, ‘Heracles and the crusaders: tracing the path of a royal motif’, in: France and the Holy Land: Frankish culture at the end of the crusades, ed. Daniel Weiss and Lisa Mahoney (Baltimore, 2004), 63–76. 10 The thirteenth-century glass is no longer extant, though its original theme is certain. 11 This entire paragraph, and indeed, much of the argument for this section, is taken from Jordan, Visualizing kingship. 12 Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 24–6. 13 Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris, 179 (J108). Yves Christe, ‘The “Bible of Saint Louis” and the stained-glass windows in the Sainte-Chapelle, Paris’, in: The Bible of Saint Louis: commentary volume (Barcelona, 2004), 454, identifies the man worshipping as Mohammed. The panel is reproduced in Leniaud and Perrot, La Sainte Chapelle, 148. 14 John Victor Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the medieval European imagination (New York, 2002), 105–34, a chapter entitled ‘Saracens as Pagans’. 15 Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle, 20–1. Grodecki believed the division to have existed from the outset. Weiss has shown that the tribune was intended as a reference to the Throne of Solomon; Weiss, Art and crusade, 53–74. Daniel Weiss, ‘Architectural symbolism and the decoration of the Ste-Chapelle’, Art Bulletin, 77 (1995), 308–20. 16 Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle, 20. 17 Two niches below the Numbers window (on the north) and the Esther window (on the south) have generally been understood as the ‘king's’ niche and the ‘queen's’ niche respectively. Robert Branner, ‘The painted medallions in the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series 58:2 (1968), 14. During prayer or ecclesiastical services, the king and queen (or queens) may not have sat in these niches, which, in fact, were some distance from the altar and relics. See the miniature from the Benedictional of the Duke of Bedford (the regent during the English occupation of Paris after 1422), lost but for a nineteenth-century reproduction, which suggests that the king may have kneeled in prayer squarely before the Joshua window. The copy of the miniature is reproduced in Musée du Louvre, Le trésor de la Sainte-Chapelle (Paris, 2001), 127. 18 This according to two recent reconstructions. Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 100–3, Gabriella Lini, ‘La Bible du roi: le Deutéronome et Josué dans les Bibles moralisées et les vitraux de la Sainte-Chapelle’, Cahiers de Civilisation médiévale, 46 (2003), 23–51. 19 I am using Jordan's window-identifications, in which she revises Grodecki's. Lini uses Grodecki's original identifications. The reader can be referred to Jordan's Appendix 4 (100–3), and her hypothetical reconstructions of the windows which are included as large format fold-outs in her book. Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 100–3, Lini, ‘La Bible du roi’. For the close relationship between the iconography of the glazing and the tradition of the Bibles Moralisées, see Christe, ‘The “Bible of Saint Louis” and the Stained-Glass Windows’. Christe argues that the Joshua window is particularly indebeted iconographically to the moralised Bibles. 20 Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 100–3. For further discussions of the Joshua window, see Dyer-Spencer, ‘Les vitraux’, 370–2. Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris, 142–59, Leniaud and Perrot, La Sainte Chapelle, 140. Lini, ‘La Bible du roi’. 21 Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 100–3, Lini, ‘La Bible du roi’. 22 Gabrielle Lini's reconstruction, based on a comparison with the cycles of the moralised Bibles, is also front-loaded to the early books of the Joshua narrative, though she restores two panels that she argues represent single episodes from Josh. 18 (the Ark of Shiloh) and Josh. 24 (the death of Joshua). Note that neither of these panels have a direct equivalent in the Bibles Moraliseés, the comparison with which is the premise of Lini's reconstruction methodology. Jordan (at 102) argues that these panels represented respectively Josh. 8:33 (the Israelites before the Ark) and Josh. 8:34–5 (Joshua repeats the law of Moses to the Israelites). Lini argues that Joshua is depicted as a devout and priestly ‘warrior king’ (roi guerrier, 51) and emphasises sacerdotal aspects of Joshua's identity as a model for Louis. Lini, ‘La Bible du roi’, 48–9. 23 Christe, ‘The “Bible of Saint Louis” and the stained-glass windows’, 454, 458–60. 24 Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 101. A96, which shows friars carrying the relics from Villeneuve-de-l'Archeveque to Paris, may then have been intended to echo the priestly element bearing the Ark. The only other known panel in the cycle to include a bier carried on poles in procession is found in the Infancy Window (also partly dedicated to John the Evangelist) in the eastern hemicycle (window I). Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la Sainte-Chapelle de Paris, 188–9, I63, reproduced on plate 48. For a colour reproduction, see Leniaud and Perrot, La Sainte Chapelle, 155. The panel's meaning is unclear. Leniaud and Perrot suggested it represents two youths bearing their belongings after their conversion by Saint John. 25 L70 (CV L40). Lini, ‘La Bible du roi’, 48, and Grodecki, Sainte-Chapelle, 154, both identify this as representing Josh. 18:1. Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 102, identifies this panel as referring to Josh. 8:33. Other iconographic parallels exist between the windows L (Joshua) and A (Louis). Drawing on literary theory contemporary with the building of the chapel, A. Jordan has argued for the intentionality of repeated imagery as being critical to the meaning of the programme. See Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 10–14. Compare, in Jordan's reconstruction, panels A156 and L96 (both showing a weeping figure outside a walled city), L113 and A40 (rows of soldiers within a quatrefoil frame); L40 and A152 (a battle charge), A171 and L142 (both depict some form of idolatry; the role of this image within the Capetian window is unclear; Jordan has suggested that it may refer to a crusading-related conflict; (Jordan, Visualizing kingship, 122.)); L56 and A115 (crowned figure talking with an advisor). L96, A42, A47 and A126 all depict soldiers doing battle outside of city walls. A124, A73, and L96 stress images of cities and city walls. 26 The passion relics and the Ste-Chapelle were understood as the replacement Ark of the Covenant. Brenk, ‘The Ste.-Chapelle as a Capetian political program’, 203, 208. Weiss, Art and crusade, 73. Weiss has suggested that the glazed image of Louis carrying the Crown of Thorns in procession was modelled on the biblical description in Exod. 25:13–14 of the Ark in procession. This has iconographic support in an image from the Psalter of Saint Louis in which the Ark is shown as a Capetian crown. The idea was also articulated by an anonymous chronicler of the 1240s, who, describing Louis' reception of the Crown of Thorns to Paris, drew on the language of 2 Sam. 6:12's description of David bringing the Ark into Jerusalem. The chronicler wrote: Adest inter eos et noster David rex Ludovicus, non precioso et eminente equo subvectus, non phaleris adornatus, sed pedes incedens et discalciatis pedibus, quasi archam Domini in civitatem suam Parisiensem cum gaudio mox ducturus. The anonymous chronicle was published by E. Miller, ‘Review of Exuviae Sacrae Constantinopolitanae’, Journal des Savants, (1878), 296–97, Natalis de Wailly, ‘Récit du treizième siècle sur les translations faites en 1239 et en 1241 des saintes reliques de la passion’, Bibliotheque de l'École des Chartes, 39 (1878), 409–10. For references to Paris and the altera Iherusalem, see Miller, Review of Exuviae Sacrae, 301, or Wailly, Récit 115. On other articulations of this theme, see Matthias Müller, ‘Paris, das neue Jerusalem? Die Ste-Chapelle als Imitation der Golgatha-Kapellen’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 59:3 (1996), 325–36. 27 Chiara Mercuri, ‘Stat inter spinas lilium: le lys de France et la couronne d'épines’, Moyen Age, 110 (2004), 502–03. 28 Carl Erdmann, The origin of the idea of crusade (Princeton, 1977), 273. See also above, n. 2. 29 Rousset, Les origines et les caractères, 96. Rousset quotes from the Life of Geoffrey of Chalard (Vita B. Gaufridi). Religiosis praecipimus auctoritate apostolica ut ipsi fiant duces exercitus, Moysen et Josue imitantes qui populum Israël per multa discrimina fidelissime regebant. 30 Dux validus patriae, consimilis Iosue. Katzir, ‘The conquest of Jerusalem’, 107. 31 On this typology, see Jonathan Riley-Smith, The first crusade and the idea of crusading (Philadelphia, 1986), 135–52. 32 Guibert of Nogent, The deeds of God through the Franks: a translation of Guibert de Nogent's Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Robert Levine (Woodbridge, 1997), 129, and also 107 for the evocation of Joshua, David and Samuel as “authentic histories of the holy Fathers about the war waged under God's direction”. 33 Edward Peters, Christian society and the crusades, 1198–1229; sources in translation, including The capture of Damietta by Oliver of Paderborn (Philadelphia, 1971), 100. 34 RHF vol. 19, 640: Quique, uno Moyse orante pro populo, Amalechitas convertit in fugam, et solem Josue precibus stare fecit; qui denique suos ad se de quacumque tribulatione clamantes se auditurum ineffabili pietate promittit, devote pulsatus tot fidelium suorum clamoribus, nequaquam sustinebit suae viscera pietatis, sed propter semetipsum inclinabit ad preces servorum suorum propitius aures suas, et effundet iram suam in gentes quae non noverunt eum, et in regna quae non invocant nomen ejus. Ad laudem et gloriam suam confringet cornua peccatorum. 35 RHF vol. 19, 691: Quare, sicut alter Josue, populum Domini corrobora et conforta, sustinens et sustinere docens difficilia quaeque animis indefessis, ut opus Dei, quod laudabiliter incoepisti, ipso auctore, valeas feliciter consummare. On remarkable examples for a later period, see Norman Housley, Religious warfare in Europe, 1400–1536 (Oxford, 2002), 96–7, 112, 117, 203. 36 Peter the Venerable, The letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1967), vol. 1, 327–8. Quis enim uel ultimus Christiano nomine insignitus, ad tantam tamque stupendam exercitus domini Sabbaoth commotionem non moueatur? Quis ad iuuandam pro modulo suo totis animi conatibus, caelestem expeditionem non accingatur? Renouantur iam nostro tempore antiqua saecula, et in diebus nouae gratiae, uetusti populi miracula reparantur. Processit de Aegypto Moyses, regesque Amorreorum cum subiectis populis deleuit. Successit ei Iosue, regesque Chananaeorum cum infinitis gentibus dei iussu prostrauit, terramque illam extinctis impiis, illi tunc dei populo sorte diuisit. Egrediens ab ultimis occiduae plagae finibus, immo ab ipso solis occasu, rex Christianus, orienti minatur, et nefandam Arabum uel Persarum gentem, sanctam terram rursum sibi subiugare conantem, cruce Christi armatus aggreditur. 37 Christoph T. Maier, ‘Crisis, liturgy and the crusade in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 48 (1997), 641–50. 38 Christoph T. Maier, Crusade propaganda and ideology: model sermons for the preaching of the cross (Cambridge and New York, 2000), 242–7. On Bertrand, see Patrick Nold, ‘Bertrand de la Tour OMin.: life and works’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 94 (2001), 275–323. Patrick Nold, Pope John XXII and his Franciscan cardinal: Bertrand de la Tour and the apostolic poverty controversy (Oxford and New York, 2003). 39 Guillaume of Saint-Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. H. François Delaborde (Collection de textes pour servir à l'étude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire 27, Paris, 1899), 22. 40 Note Joinville's description of their relationship. John of Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, trans. René Hague from the text edited by Natalis de Wailly (New York, 1955), 180. 41 Maier, ‘Crisis, liturgy and the crusade’, 640–1. 42 Cole, d'Avray, and Riley-Smith, ‘Application’. Penny Cole, The preaching of the crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, MA, 1991). The sermon is transcribed at 235–43, and is discussed at 179–82. 43 Cole, d'Avray, and Riley-Smith, ‘Application’, 233–4. 44 Christoph T. Maier, ‘Crusade and rhetoric against the Muslim colony of Lucera: Eudes of Châteauroux's Sermones de Rebellione Sarracenorum Lucherie in Apulia’, Journal of Medieval History, 21 (1995), 379. The sermon was probably written between Feb 1268 and Aug 1269. 45 Layettes du Trésor des chartes, 5 vols. (Paris, 1863–1909), vol. 2, 416. no. 2835. 21 October 1239. Sicut tribus Juda inter ceteros filios patriarche ad specialis benedictionis dona suscipitur, sic regnum Francie pre ceteris terrarum populis a Domino prerogativa honoris et gratie insignitur. Nam velud prefata tribus, regni prefigurativa predicti, undique fugabat hostium cuneos, terrebat et conterebat undique ac suis subjugabat pedibus per circuitum inimicos, non aliter idem regnum, pro exaltatione catholice fidei, dominica prelia dimicans, et in orientis et occidentis partibus pro defensione ecclesiastice libertatis Ecclesie hostes expugnans, sub vexillo clare memorie predecessorum tuorum, quandoque Terram sanctam superna dispositione de manibus paganorum eripuit, quandoque Constantinopolitanum imperium ad obedientiam ecclesie Romane reducens, dictorum predecessorum studio Ecclesiam ipsam a multis periculis liberavit, pravitatem hereticam, que in partibus Albigensibus fere fidem extirpaverat Xpistianam, totis viribus expugnare non destitit, donec, ea quasi penitus confutata, fidem ipsam ad pristini status solium revocavit. Sicut prefata tribus velud relique numquam a cultu Dominico declinasse legitur, sed ydolatras et ceteros infideles multis expugnasse preliis perhibetur, sic et in eodem regno, quod a devotione Dei et Ecclesie nullo casu avelli potuit, numquam libertas ecclesiastica periit, nullo umquam tempore vigorem proprium Xpistiana fides ammisit. This passage follows immediately upon Gregory IX's greeting. I extend my thanks to Elizabeth A.R. Brown for her help with translating this passage. 46 Ordines Coronationis Franciae: texts and ordines for the coronation of Frankish and French kings and queens in the middle ages, ed. Richard A. Jackson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1995–2000), Ordo of 1200 (XIX), vol. 1: 258–9; Ordo of 1250 (XXI), vol. 2, 356. rex regum et dominus dominorum, qui Abraham fidelem famulum tuum de hostibus triumphare fecisti, Moysi et Iosue populo tuo prelatis multiplicem victoriam tribuisti… and; Moysi mansuetudine fretus, Iosue fortitudine munitus. 47 Guibert elsewhere called on the story of Joshua before the walls of Jericho as an appropriate penitential model, and he quoted from the book of Joshua in crusading sermons. Elizabeth Siberry, Criticism of crusading: 1095–1274 (Oxford and New York, 1985), 95. She cites Josh. 6:20; Guibert of Tournai, Collectio, 40. For Guibert's use of Joshua in crusading sermons, see Maier, Crusade propaganda, 189. 48 Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 80. 49 Penny Cole, ‘Humbert of Romans and the crusade’, in: The experience of crusading. Vol 1: Western Approaches. ed. Bull and Housley, 161. The reference to Jericho appears in only some recensions of the tract. 50 There were four moralised Bibles produced for or at the Capetian court between c1215 and c1240, all of which included Joshua cycles, though the complete cycles are not all extant. They are Oxford-Paris-London (f. 93v–104r (the Joshua cycle is found in the Oxford, i.e. Bodley, section; some of the cycle is lost)); the Toledo Bible (f. 80r–84r, about seven folios from the Joshua cycle are lost), Vienna ÖNB 1179 (f. 62r–67v), and Vienna ÖNB 2554 (f. 34r). Facsimiles exist for all but Vienna ÖNB 1179. For the Oxford-Paris-London volume, see A. Laborde et al., La Bible moralisée, conservée à Oxford, Paris et Londres (Paris, 1911), which does not include transcriptions. For the Toledo volume, see Biblia de San Luis, 3 vols. (Barcelona, 2002); Biblia de San Luis: Catedral Primada de Toledo, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 2002), (facsimile in three vols., commentary with transcription in two vols.). For Vienna ÖNB 2554, Gerald Guest, Bible moralisée: Codex Vindobonensis 2554, Vienna, Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, English ed., Manuscripts in miniature 2 (London, 1995), or Reiner Haussherr, Bible moralisée, ed. Reiner Haussherr (Faksimile-Ausgabe im Originalformat des Codex Vindobonensis 2554 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Graz, 1973). On all volumes see John Lowden, The making of the Bibles moralisées (University Park, PA, 2000). My thanks to Gerald Guest for furnishing me with his transcriptions of the text in the Joshua cycles, particularly those of ÖNB 1179 which I would not otherwise have been able to obtain. Discussions of the ideological content of the moralised Bibles include James Michael Heinlen, ‘The ideology of reform in the French moralised Bible’ (unpublished Ph.D., Northwestern University, 1991). Gerald Guest, ‘Queens, kings, and clergy: figures of authority in the 13th-century moralized Bibles’ (unpublished Ph.D., New York University, 1998). Sara Lipton, Images of intolerance: the representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (The S. Mark Taper Foundation imprint in Jewish studies, Berkeley, 1999). The issues of patronage and audience are contested in the scholarship, but most tend to agree that the moralised Bibles were made for members of the court and should be interpreted as existing within a Capetian milieu. In Lowden's opinion (Lowden, Bibles Moralisées), Vienna, ÖNB 2554 was the earliest of the four and was likely made under the aegis of Blanche of Castille, ‘the probable sponsor’, 52. Vienna ÖNB 1179 was probably made for either Philip Augustus or Louis VIII, 93–4; both the Toledo Bible and the Oxford-Paris-London Bible were probably made for Louis IX, perhaps for the occasion of his marriage in 1234, 131–2; Lowden suggests that the Oxford-Paris-London Bible may have been made for Marguerite of Provence. See Lowden for summary of scholarly discussions. 51 For the reference to bonos reges and pravos principes (or pravem principem), see Vienna, ÖNB 1179 f. 64rd and f. 65va, and Oxford Bodley 270b, f. 98rc and 98rd, and see discussion below at notes 77, 79, 81, 83. For episodes in which Joshua's battles are interpreted as battles against Jews, miscreants, and idolaters, see Vienna, ÖNB 2554 34rB-b. 52 Classic treatments of Louis' crusades are: Joseph R. Strayer, ‘The crusades of Louis IX’, in: A history of the crusades: vol. II. The later crusades, 1189–1311, ed. Kenneth M. Setton (Madison, 1969). Jordan, Louis IX. Jean Richard, Saint Louis: crusader king of France, ed. Simon Llyod, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge, 1992). 53 Matthew Paris, Matthew Paris's English history. From the year 1235 to 1273, trans. J. A. Giles, 3 vols. (London, 1852). 54 Jeanette M. A. Beer, ‘The letter of Jean Sarrasin, crusader’, in: Journeys toward God: pilgrimage and crusade, ed. Barbara N. Sargent-Baur (Kalamazoo, 1992), 142–3. The letter is also found in Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 241–6, see 243 for the reference to the True Cross. 55 Paris, Matthew Paris's English history, vol. 3, 412. 56 Beer, ‘The letter of Jean Sarrasin, crusader’, 144, 145. Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 64, and 247 for this sentiment in Louis' own letter. 57 Paris, Matthew Paris's English history, vol. 2, 363. The anecdote is suspect, as it too closely reflects a verifiable episode of Frederick II. Strayer takes the anecdote seriously, but suspects the Egyptians themselves were not very serious about the offer. Strayer, ‘The crusades of Louis IX’, 502. Even Louis himself makes no mention of this when discussing the negotiations, Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 250. However, Joinville relates that such terms were discussed later, after the Battle of Mansurah; p. 99. 58 Strayer, ‘The crusades of Louis IX’, 501. See also Richard, Saint Louis: crusader king of France, 113, who argued that this delay constituted one of the fatal decisions of Louis' campaign. 59 André DuChesne, Historiae Francorum scriptores coaetanei... Quorum plurimi nunc primum ex variis codicibus mss. in lucem prodeunt: alij vero auctiores & emendatiores. Cvm epistolis regvm, reginarvm, pontificvm... et aliis veteribus rerum francicarum monumentis, 5 vols. (Paris, 1636–49), vol. 5, 429. English translations of the text can be found in Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 247–54. In describing how it is that he and his army fell into the hands of the enemy (in manu inimicorum incidimus), Louis uses the well worn phrase: permissione diuina, peccatis nostris exigentibus. DuChesne, Historiae francorum scriptores, vol. 5, 429. On this as a trope, see Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 69–94. 60 Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 187–8. Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 86. 61 Paris, Matthew Paris's English history, vol. 3, 96. For original text, see Matthew Paris Matthæi Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica majora, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols. (Rerum britannicarum medii ævi scriptores; or, Chronicles and memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the middle ages 57 London, 1872), vol. 5, 466. 62 On the resistance to Louis' methods of raising funds, see Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 136–8. 63 Jordan, Louis IX, 82–98. 64 On the household, see Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 66, where he dismisses knights for sexual impropriety in Damietta. Joinville, The Life of St. Louis, 126, where he is angered by Charles of Anjou gaming. On his kingdom, see remainder of paragraph. 65 Jordan, Louis IX, 135–81. 66 Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 79–80, Caroline Smith, Crusading in the age of Joinville (Burlington, 2006), 128–9. 67 This reading is supported by the Glossa Ordinaria, Biblia Latina cum Glossa Ordinaria: facsimile reprint of the Editio Princeps, Adolph Rusch of Strassburg 1480/1481, 4 vols. (Turnhout, 1992), vol. 1, 439–40. 68 On sin as the cause for crusader failures, see Siberry, Criticism of crusading, 69–94. 69 Peter W. Edbury, ‘Looking back on the second crusade: some late twelfth-century English perspectives’, in: The second crusade and the Cistercians, ed. M. Gervers (New York, 1992), 166. 70 Patrologia cursus completus, Series latina, ed. J.P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844–64), vol. 215, 23, and vol. 217, 720. 71 Maier, ‘Crusade and rhetoric, 262–3. 72 Peters, Christian society and the crusades, 95. 73 On dating, Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de Jacques de Vitry, 1160/1170–1240, évêque de Saint-Jean d'Acre, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), 54–5. 74 Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de Jacques de Vitry, 127. Invenimus autem in civitate pauca valde victualia, aurum vero et argentum et pannos sericos cum vestibus preciosis et aliam multam supellectilem reperimus in civitate. Sed quoniam multi fures et latrones et nomine solo peregrini, deo odibiles, domino legato non obedientes, sicut Achor cupiditate excecati, in exercitu nostro supra modum tunc temporis errant, Sarraceni vero maximam partem pecunie partim in terra absconderunt, partim in fluvium proiecerunt, vix ad utilitatem communitatis quadringentorum milium bizantiorum precium colligere et inter nostros dividere potuimus. 75 Jacques de Vitry, Lettres de Jacques de Vitry, 135. Quibus iratus dominus exemplo Achor qui de anathemate Iericho furtive retinuit, ultione manifesta in mari et in terra eos periclitari permisit, quibusdam eorum a Sarracenis captivatis, aliis mari submersis, aliis mutuo a se interfectis; alii autem pecuniam per sacrilegium retentam cum aleis et meretricibus luxuriose vivendo turpiter consumpserunt et ita sordida preda bonos eventus non habuit, sed miseris possessoribus suis vinculo excommunicati
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