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Nicolas Sarkozy as Political Strategist: Rupture Tranquille or Policy Continuity?

2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 17; Issue: 4 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/09639480903251621

1469-9869

Joseph Szarka,

Historical Studies and Socio-cultural Analysis

Abstract The core issue addressed by this article is the coherence of Nicolas Sarkozy as a political strategist. It investigates his strategy of ‘rupture’ but finds that his political and policy choices have displayed considerable continuity with those of the previous administration. To support this interpretation, the article considers Sarkozy's strategies at three levels—(1) the extension of the political space of the mainstream right, particularly in the 2007 presidential election; (2) the tension between Sarkozy's penchant for presidentialism and government ‘ouverture’, and (3) key public policy initiatives taken over 2007–2008. The conclusion proposes that, as of 2009, the major task for the Sarkozy presidency was to revisit failing policy choices in the context of a global economic crisis. Cet article examine dans quelle mesure Nicolas Sarkozy est un stratège politique cohérent. Il se penche sur sa stratégie de ‘rupture’ et montre que les choix politiques retenus s'inscrivent largement dans la continuité de la précédente présidence de droite. A l'appui d'une telle interprétation, l'article étudie les stratégies sarkozystes à trois niveaux différents – (1) le développement de l'espace politique à droite, en particulier pendant l'élection présidentielle de 2007; (2) la tension entre l'attrait sarkozyste pour le présidentialisme et la pratique du gouvernement d'‘ouverture’; (3) des initiatives politiques-clés en 2007–8. Depuis 2009, avec la crise économique internationale, la présidence Sarkozy a dû revoir les choix politiques qui ont échoué. Notes [1] See Gambotti (Citation2007, p. 57), Brézet (Citation2008, p. 73) and Colombani (Citation2008, p. 118). The Socialist Moscovici (2008, p. 145) claimed that Sarkozy ‘veut éradiquer le chiraquisme, n'en rien laisser. Il veut faire oublier son prédécesseur, montrer qu'il sait, lui, contrairement à celui-ci, agir, décider, réformer, avec brutalité s'il le faut, appliquer ses idées sans passer par des compromis boiteux’. [2] The UMP was formed over 2001–2002 to provide a parliamentary majority for Chirac, through amalgamation of the RPR and most of the UDF. [3] Reflecting on the electoral outcomes of the 1990s, Sarkozy (Citation2001, p. 40) commented that: ‘Je ne crois pas qu'il existe une place suffisamment large pour une formation qui se réclamerait uniquement du libéralisme’. Henri Guaino is reported as observing that ‘un candidat atlantiste, communautariste, libéral, ne sera pas élu. La France, ce n'est pas ça’ (Gambotti Citation2007, p. 68). [4] For discussion of Sarkozy's ideological evolution, see the article by Marlière in this special edition. [5] Sarkozy (Citation2006, p. 63) declared himself in favour of ‘positive discrimination’, the very opposite of the préférence nationale of the far right. [6] For further analysis of the presidential campaign and outcomes, see Perrineau (Citation2007), Sauger (Citation2007) and Strudel (Citation2007). [7] These outcomes confirmed the thesis of Grunberg and Haegel (Citation2007, p. 8) that the domination of the UMP and the Parti Socialiste had produced a ‘bipartisme imparfait’ with the French party system. [8] For further details on the Fillon government, see Dolez (Citation2007). [9] In 1988, the Rocard government tried out a more limited form of ouverture recruiting several UDF politicians as well as the political ecologist, Brice Lalonde. [10] Sarkozy's appeal to mainstream Socialists left wounds in the Parti Socialiste. Jouyet and, to a lesser extent, Kouchner were close friends and allies of François Hollande. Besson worked on economic policy for the PS manifesto, whilst Hirsh was part of Ségolène Royal's campaign team. [11] When still a Socialist, Besson (Citation2007, p. 7) lampooned Sarkozy as ‘une sorte de filiale française de la Bush Cie, un néoconservateur américain à passeport français’. [12] For discussion see Hayward (Citation1993), Wahl and Quermonne (Citation1995), Keeler and Schain (Citation1996), Raymond (Citation2000), and Bell and Criddle (Citation2002). On Sarkozy's own brand of presidentialism, see Lecaussin (Citation2008) and Maigret (Citation2008). [13] The right was first exercised on 22 June 2009. [14] It is government which is accountable before Parliament (art. 20). [15] Chirac already had seven years behind him when re-elected in 2002. [16] For discussion of French environmental policy, see Szarka (Citation2002). [17] On the question of ‘positive discrimination’, see the article by Simon in this special issue. [18] For further discussion of Sarkozy's economic policies, see the article by Hoang-Ngoc in this special issue. [19] The major ministerial reshuffle of 24 June 2009 addressed this issue and perhaps opened a new chapter of the presidency.