Foes or Allies? Portuguese Colonial Policies towards Islam in Mozambique and Guinea
2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 41; Issue: 5 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/03086534.2013.835983
ISSN1743-9329
AutoresMário Artur Borda dos Santos Machaqueiro,
Tópico(s)Colonialism, slavery, and trade
ResumoAbstractDrawing its information from documents in Portuguese, French and British archives, this article examines the evolution of Portuguese colonial policies regarding Islam in Guinea and Mozambique. Such policies swayed between an image of the Muslim as foe and a more conciliatory picture, in which Muslims could be presented as potential allies of Portuguese power in the war against nationalist movements. Although the first image prevailed until the end of 1950s and the second one emerged in the mid-1960s as part of the last stage in the colonial wars, ambivalence was their common trait. That ambivalence did not hinder the development of a whole new strategy to address the Muslim communities, based on the 'psychological' and 'sociological' techniques of counter-insurgency war. The article analyses the transition from governing methods based on the control and repression of colonised Muslims to strategies aimed at co-opting them, sketching a comparison between the results achieved in Guinea and Mozambique. Notes1 See Macagno, 'Árabo-Muçulmanos', 54–57; Silva, 'O Sentido dos Árabes'.2 Moreira, 'Desorientalização, Mestiçagem e Autoctonia', 59–61.3 This strategic shift has already been analysed in several studies, almost exclusively focused on Mozambique: Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?'; Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 183–211; Cahen, 'L'État Nouveau', 571–78, 581–83; Machaqueiro, 'Ambivalent Islam' and 'The Islamic Policy'; Monteiro, O Islão, o Poder e a Guerra; Vakil, Monteiro and Machaqueiro, Moçambique. AbdoolKarim Vakil has provided a larger canvas, relating the colonial 'Islamic' policies to a long history of Islam's inscription in Portuguese society: Vakil, 'Questões inacabadas', and 'Pensar o Islão'.4 Machaqueiro, 'Relações Sinuosas'; Santiago, Diplomacia Peninsular, 222–37.5 Macagno, 'Árabo-Muçulmanos', 54–57.6 Pélissier, História da Guiné, vol. 1, 25, vol. 2, 202.7 See Coutinho, Memórias, 30; Portugal em África 11, no. 130 (Oct. 1904), 589–90; Portugal em África 12, no. 133 (Jan. 1905), 16–17.8 Bonate, 'The Ascendance of Angoche', 117–20, 138–39, and 'Traditions and Transitions', 76–77; Newitt, 'Angoche, the Slave Trade and the Portuguese', and Portugal in Africa, 62–64; Pélissier, História de Moçambique, vol. 1.9 Ferris, '"The Internationalism of Islam"', 69–72; Robinson, 'The British Empire', 405–06; Slight, 'British Perceptions and Responses'; Thomas, Empires of Intelligence, 73–88, 91–105.10 Burke, 'Pan-Islam and Moroccan Resistance'; Keddie, 'Pan-Islam as Proto-Nationalism'.11 'O Perigo do Islão em África'.12 Abegunrin, 'The Arabs and the Southern African Problem', 98.13 See Abadi, 'Constraints and Adjustments', 92; Machaqueiro, 'Relações Sinuosas', 17–18.14 See Arquivo Histórico-Diplomático of Lisbon (hereafter AHD), telegram no. 30, Legation of Portugal in Cairo, 11 March 1957; Machaqueiro, 'Relações Sinuosas', 19.15 Arquivo Histórico-Militar (hereafter AHM), 39/11/590/328, 1958–59, Information no. 131/57 by Arnaldo Schulz, Lieutenant Colonel of the General Staff of Guinea, 9 June 1957, 2. The reference to Muslim 'clergy' was a common mistake in documents produced by Portuguese members of the administrative and military apparatus.16 AHM, 39/3/566/47, Memo no. 46, secret, signed by General J. Beleza Ferraz, Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces, 24 Oct. 1958.17 AHM, FO/032/1/398/4, Secret Report, Process no. 034, issued in 1961 by the Army's General Staff.18 The National Archives, Kew (hereafter TNA), FO 371/147251, Dispatch no. 29 by John Hugh Adam Watson, British Consul General at Dakar, 31 May 1960.19 TNA, FO 371/108662, Dispatch no. 35 by Bryce J. M. Nairn, Consul General at Lourenço Marques, 30 July 1954. The following quotations were taken from this document.20 On the ambivalent way the Hindustani nationals settled in Mozambique were dealt with during the 'Goa crisis' and the distinction made between them and the Pakistani, see Bastos, 'Ambivalence and Phantasm', 87–89. See also Khouri and Leite, 'Les Indiens dans la presse coloniale', 41–42.21 TNA, FO 371/108662, Dispatch no. 37 by Bryce J. M. Nairn, 12 Aug. 1954.22 Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (hereafter ANTT), Serviços de Centralização e Coordenação de Informações de Moçambique (hereafter SCCIM) no. 413, Information no. 24/67, 17 Nov. 1967, 91–103. According to Morier-Genoud, by the end of the war in 1974 the number of 'Asian' Muslims in Mozambique should be close to 20,000. Morier-Genoud, 'L'islam au Mozambique', 125.23 On the debate about the best strategy to isolate 'African Islam' from the 'Asian' one in colonial Mozambique, see Machaqueiro, 'The Islamic Policy', 1104–07. On the dominant perceptions of Indians in Mozambique and the corresponding policies towards them, see Bastos, 'Ambivalence and Phantasm'; Khouri and Leite, 'Les Indiens dans la presse coloniale'.24 Bastos [Trovão], 'Ambivalence and Phantasm'.25 See, for example, the telegram that Gulamhussen R. Bangy, president of the Ismaili community in Niassa, sent to Salazar in April 1954, applauding his position against Nehru's claims over Portuguese possessions in India (Diário de Notícias, 2 April 1954). See also the public statement of the Ismaili community in Lourenço Marques, delivered in Jan. 1974, disapproving of a declaration by Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, who had questioned, as United Nations high commissioner for refugees, 'the integrity of the Portuguese nation', i.e. the persistence of its colonial rule. AHD, Direcção-Geral dos Negócios Políticos, Repartição da África, Ásia e Oceânia, Proc. 945, Cota AB 1322 PAA, letter of the Portuguese Consul General in Salisbury to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, 22 Jan. 1974, with a clipping of Salisbury newspaper The Rhodesia Herald, 19 Jan. 1974.26 See, for instance, ANTT, SCCIM no. 408, 47, project of telegram from the SCCIM, 26 Oct. 1964; ANTT, SCCIM no. 408, 442–44, Information from the District Cabinet of the SCCIM in Porto Amélia, 10 Nov. 1964, with a dispatch from the Governor of the District of Cabo Delgado, 11 Nov. 1964. FRELIMO is the acronym for Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Mozambique Liberation Front).27 Mualimo is a Mozambican term built on the Swahili word mwalimu, which comes from the Arabic mu'allim, meaning 'teacher'—within the Islamic culture, a teacher of the Qur'an. Shehe, also a common word among Mozambican Muslims, designates an Islamic dignitary, respected for his knowledge of Islam, on whom the leadership of an Islamic brotherhood can be bestowed. Shuyukh is the plural of the Arabic word shaykh, which refers to an Islamic religious leader, particularly the spiritual master of a Sufi brotherhood (tariqa). In November 1969, the PIDE was renamed Direcção Geral de Segurança (DGS) (Bureau of Security). On the PIDE's repressive methods in the Portuguese colonies, see Mateus, A PIDE/DGS, 103–22. On the repression of Muslim chiefs in northern Mozambique during the early years of the colonial war, see Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 230–31.28 ANTT, SCCIM no. 410, 382, PIDE, R.I. no. 425/66-GAB, 30 July 1966, in Boletim de Difusão de Informações, SCCIM, 521/66, 17 Aug. 1966.29 TNA, FO 371/161628, Dispatch by Francis Harold Crowther, addressed to Archibald Ross, British Ambassador in Lisbon, 19 April 1962.30 See Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?', 175; Cahen, 'L'État Nouveau', 573; Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 229–30.31 Bonate 'Traditions and Transitions', 228–29.32 Martin, 'Muslim Politics and Resistance'.33 Dias, Guerreiro and Dias, Missão de Estudos das Minorias Étnicas, 3–7.34 TNA, FO 371/147257, Dispatch no. 12 by D. F. Burden, Consul General in Lourenço Marques, sent to the Embassy in Lisbon, 2 April 1960.35 Felgas, 'Moçambique e a Evolução Política', 602–03.36 See, for instance, ANTT, SCCIM no. 408, 36, Report of the Police for Public Security of the Province of Mozambique, 25 Nov. 1964.37 Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 236. Though not an SCCIM official, José Gomes de Melo Branquinho submitted to that intelligence branch his overarching works about the Mozambican ethnic groups based on the extensive field-work he conducted. In what concerns the Islamic populations, his most significant study is the following report: Relatório da Prospecção ao Distrito de Moçambique (Um Estudo das Estruturas das Hierarquias Tradicionais e Religiosas, e da Situação Político-Social), SCCIM, Nampula, 22 April 1969. An exemplar can be found in the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique (Secção Especial no. 20, Cota SE, 2 III). On Branquinho's work, see Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?', 174–77; Vakil, Monteiro and Machaqueiro, Moçambique, 190.38 Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde).39 AHM, FO/007/B/26 cx. 334, 2, Defesa Civil no Ultramar, 1960–66, 2–3, Information no. 17/GU, Proc. 2.104. 7.3-2.104.7.5/64, issued by José Manuel de Bettencourt Rodrigues, lieutenant colonel of the General Staff of Guinea, 9 March 1964. The quotations were taken from this document.40 For the first category of authors who related the policies of European administration to the promotion of Islam, see Froelich, Les Musulmans, 84–86; Gonçalves, O Mundo Árabo-Islâmico, 113–14; for recent studies, see Stewart, 'Colonial Justice', 55–56.41 See Cruz, 'Alguns aspectos da subversão'; Vieira, 'Contribuição dos Muçulmanos'.42 See, for instance, AHM, 2-4-283-4, Supintrep no. 10, 'Populações da Guiné' (Populations of Guinea), 1971, 17–18.43 In a speech given on 18 Feb. 1965, the Portuguese dictator, Oliveira Salazar, coined the famous expression 'proudly alone' to emphasise the idea that Portugal was determined, if necessary, to fight its colonial war against the opinion of the whole international community. Recent researches have shown how mystifying this declaration was. In fact, the Portuguese state did everything it could to explore the financial and military help that major actors in that community were willing to concede. For an overview of Portuguese foreign policy throughout Salazar and Caetano's dictatorship and changes in international support, see Martins, 'A Política Externa do Estado Novo'; Oliveira, 'Uma mão cheia de nada?'; Pinto, O Fim do Império Português; Telo, 'As guerras de África'.44 On the assistance that France gave to the Portuguese colonial policy, particularly during the colonial war's period, see Marcos, 'Portugal e a França na Década de 1960', and Salazar e de Gaulle. German aid has been dealt with by Fonseca, A Força das Armas. The positions taken by the United States towards Portugal, especially during Kennedy's and Nixon's administrations, were analysed by Antunes, Kennedy e Salazar and Nixon e Caetano; Minter, Portuguese Africa; Rodrigues, Salazar-Kennedy; Schneidmann, American Foreign Policy. On the tortuous relationship between Britain and Portugal concerning the latter's presence in Africa, see Oliveira, Os Despojos da Aliança; Stone, 'Britain and Portuguese Africa'.45 In the 1970s, an arrangement between Portugal, Rhodesia and South Africa gave birth to a joint operation known by the code name 'Alcora', whose purpose was to fight African nationalist movements in territories under control of white minorities by using all sorts of means, including chemical and biological weapons. See Afonso and Mateus, Alcora; Barroso, Salazar, Caetano e o 'Reduto Branco', 243–49.46 For the troublesome relations of the Portuguese state with the United Nations, see Beller, 'The Portuguese Territories Issue'; Silva, 'O Litígio entre Portugal e a ONU'.47 This propaganda was perfectly illustrated in the arguments used by João Pereira Bastos, head of the diplomatic mission of Portugal in Cairo from 1969 to 1972, in his meeting with Abdel Menem El Nagar, Director General of Political Affairs in the UAR's Foreign Ministry: AHD, Aerogramas recebidos/Embaixada de Portugal no Cairo, 1969, aerogram no. A-70, sent by the Embassy of Portugal in Cairo to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 16 Oct. 1969.48 See Silva, Invenção e Construção, 43–46.49 On the Pidjiguiti strike, see Afonso and Gomes, Os Anos da Guerra Colonial, 16–18; Gjerstad and Sarazzin, Sowing the First Harvest, 35–38.50 See Vakil, 'Questões inacabadas', 279–81.51 See, for instance, the speech of the Governor of Guinea, General Arnaldo Schulz, delivered on 22 April 1966, during the inauguration of the Mosque of Bissau. Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa 21, no. 83 (1966): 379–80.52 For this kind of discourses, see the speech of the Muslim Fulbe chief Alfa Umaru, given in the main square of Bissau during a demonstration of support for the Portuguese colonial policy in Aug. 1963. Boletim Geral do Ultramar 39, nos. 458–60 (1963): 112.53 See the speech of the Mandingo religious chief Serifo Suleiman Aidara, born and resident in Gambia, broadcast on local Guinean radio in May 1961, exhorting the Fulbes and the Mandingos to be loyal and thankful to the Portuguese governor, Peixoto Correia. Boletim Geral do Ultramar 37, nos 432–33 (1961): esp. 197–98. See also the telegram sent to the Governor by the Cherno of the Priame mosque in which he informed that the Muslim population of Catió had met in the mosque to pray 'for the permanence of the territory under the Portuguese flag'. Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa 16, no. 64 (1961): 812.54 Boletim Geral do Ultramar 37, nos. 432–33 (1961): 196–98.55 Speech of Alfa Umaru Só, also given on the occasion of the inauguration of the Mosque of Bissau. Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa 21, no. 83 (1966): 378.56 Spínola, Linha de Acção, 307. For illustrations of this view in different periods, see Brito, 'Notas sobre a vida religiosa dos fulas e mandingas', 149; Coutinho, Memórias, 67. For its presence in official documents, see ANTT, SCCIM no. 105, 200, Supintrep no. 23, 1968.57 Spínola, Linha de Acção, 306.58 See the reading of Spínola's interview in Vakil, 'Questões inacabadas', 287.59 Spínola, Linha de Acção, 311.60 PSYOPS is an acronym for psychological operations, a segment of psychological warfare as defined in the doctrine of 'counter-insurgency'. On Spínola's plan, its expectations and achievements but also the frustrations it gave rise to, see Dhada, 'The Liberation War', 585; Rodrigues, Spínola, 117–35.61 For the financial aid given by the Portuguese authorities, especially the armed forces, to construct or rehabilitate mosques in Guinea, see AHM, 2/4/221/1, 1, Intelligence Report (Intrep) Jan. to Dec. 1971.62 TNA, FCO 65/1236, 'Visit to Portuguese Guinea 20–27 Aug. 1972'.63 See AHM, 2/4/283/5, Supintrep no. 11, 'Religiões da Guiné' (Religions of Guinea), April 1972, 105. This study asserted that eight Muslims travelled to Mecca in 1959, one in 1960 and 1961, 16 in 1962, nine in 1963 and 1965, 13 in 1964, 18 in 1967, 24 in 1968, 31 in 1969, 30 in 1970, 38 in 1971 and 32 in 1972.64 For the political use of missions of pilgrims from French colonies in North and West Africa, see Harrison, France and Islam, 122–23.65 AHM, 2/4/241/4, 52, Annual Report of the 1971 Command, issued by the General Spínola, Commander-in-Chief, 15 March 1972.66 AHM, 2/4/243/5, 4, Trimestral Report of the Armed Forces Command in Guinea, issued by General Spínola, 17 May 1972.67 See Vakil, 'Questões inacabadas', 283.68 These two monuments of Lisbon are closely linked to the imagination of Portugal's past 'greatness' as they were erected in the sixteenth century to celebrate the 'Discoveries' undertaking that brought up the Portuguese imperial expansion through the overseas exploration, mapping and control of major strategic sites in the coasts of Africa, Asia and Brazil. It is significant that Suleiman Valy Mamede, the first president of the most important Muslim association in Portugal's metropolis, the Islamic Community of Lisbon, suggested the area of Belém as a possible location for Lisbon's mosque to be built. See Machaqueiro, 'Portuguese Colonialism', 218.69 See Vakil, 'Questões inacabadas', 282–83.70 AHM, FP/44/1/844/4, Annual Report on psychological action, Bissau, 31 Dec. 1965.71 I am deeply grateful to Alexandre Buisel for having allowed me to use this picture from his private collection.72 An estimate based on the 1960 census. Morier-Genoud, 'L'islam au Mozambique', 125.73 ANTT, SCCIM no. 413, 82–83, Information no. 2479 signed by José Catalão, 7 Feb. 1968.74 See Amiji, 'La Religion dans les relations afro-arabes', 124; Harrison, France and Islam; Robinson, 'The British Empire'; Robinson and Triaud, Le Temps des marabouts; Triaud, 'Politiques musulmanes de la France'.75 Monteiro's life and the role he performed in the colonial administration, especially in what concerns the Islamic policies implemented in the final stage of Portuguese colonialism, were the subject of an interview he gave. See Vakil, Monteiro and Machaqueiro, Moçambique.76 Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 235–36.77 On these conflicts, see Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 93–99, 102–05; Macagno, Outros Muçulmanos, 168–75. On the way the Portuguese authorities, in 1964, stimulated the dispute around the succession of the leadership of the Qadiriyya Sadat in order to take advantage of Muslims' divisions, see Macagno, Outros Muçulmanos, 172, 178.78 I am grateful to Sandra Araújo for having stressed this point in one of our fruitful conversations.79 See Vakil, Monteiro and Machaqueiro, Moçambique, 92–96.80 On Amaro Monteiro's plan to attract the Muslim leadership of Mozambique, see Monteiro, 'Moçambique 1964–1974', 84–89, and O Islão, o Poder e a Guerra; Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?', 173, 177, 179; Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 196–202; Cahen, 'L'État Nouveau', 575–77; Machaqueiro, 'Ambivalent Islam', 52–55, and 'The Islamic Policy', 1105–15; Vakil, 'Pensar o Islão', 28–30.81 This project was devised in the following documents, all written by Amaro Monteiro: ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 445, 'Relatório de serviço no estrangeiro' (Report on services performed abroad), 26 July 1968; ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 332–34, Information no. 28/968, 28 Dec. 1968; ANTT, SCCIM no. 420, 16–23, Information no. 19/70, 31 July 1970; ANTT, SCCIM no. 420, 96–100, Appendix to Information no. 22/70, 26 Sept. 1970; ANTT, SCCIM no. 413, 118–24, Information no. 11/971, 29 May 1971. For a detailed analysis of the purposes of the Ijma or 'Council of Notables', see Machaqueiro, 'The Islamic Policy', 1108–09.82 As far as I know, the first time Monteiro proposed this plan was in his above mentioned 'Relatório de serviço no estrangeiro'.83 See ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 165, F. A. Monteiro, 'Relatório de serviço nos distritos do Niassa, Moçambique, Zambézia, Tete, Manica e Sofala, de 1Jul a 2Ago69', 9 Aug. 1969.84 See, for instance, ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 441, F. A. Monteiro, 'Relatório de serviço no estrangeiro'.85 The bulk of the enquiry, with all the answers gathered, can be consulted in ANTT, SCCIM nos 409, 411 and 415–18.86 Here again I am indebted to Sandra Araújo for having drawn my attention to the similarities between the 1966 survey and the questionnaire no. 6/20, designated as 'Study of the situation', whose results can be seen in ANTT, SCCIM nos. 3–22. For a general outline of this survey, see ANTT, SCCIM no. 2, 'Questionário Estudo da Situação—Expediente Geral', from 6 May 1964 to 27 June 1966.87 See Nogueira, Carta Fraterna.88 For the reports Amaro Monteiro wrote after his field-work expeditions, see ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 153–66, 318–22, 363–71.89 See ANTT, SCCIM no. 412, 154, 'Relatório de serviço nos distritos do Niassa'.90 Interview with Mohamad Amadá, a witness of the historical events of the mid-1960s in northern Mozambique, 5 May 2010.91 For a pioneering analysis of this ceremony, see Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?', 180–81.92 AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Information no. 77/72 signed by F. A. Monteiro, 27 July 1972.93 On the cleavage in Mozambique between the northern Sufi orders and the southern Wahhabis, and the strategies the authorities applied to manage this conflict, see Monteiro, 'Sobre a actuação da corrente "Wahhabita"', and 'Moçambique, a década de 1970', as well as Alpers, 'Islam in the Service of Colonialism?', 181–82; Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 177–80; Morier-Genoud, 'L'islam au Mozambique', 131–32. See also the following document produced in 1972 by a working group on Islamic subjects presided over by Amaro Monteiro. ANTT, PIDE-DGS, SC, Proc. 6037 CI (2), file 2, 'Movimento "Wahhabita" ou "Unitários"'.94 After his return from Saudi Arabia in 1964, where he completed a Shari'a course at the Medina University, Abubacar Ismail 'Mangira' clashed directly with the Sufi chiefs of the northern Mozambican brotherhoods, thus challenging the initiatives of officials like Amaro Monteiro who were investing their best efforts on the turuq side. Quickly becoming a reference for the Deobandi and Saudi graduates, 'Mangira' was deemed a menace to the delicate balances the administration was trying to encourage in its relation with the Muslims. On his activities, see Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 177–78, 205–08.95 AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Information no. 77/72, 7. Monteiro included in the embryonic Islamic council another controversial Wahhabi figure, Cassimo Tayob, whom he could not exclude as some of the answers to the 1966 questionnaire, delivered by southern Muslim dignitaries, considered Tayob to be the highest Islamic leader of Mozambique with an influence that stretched from Lourenço Marques to the Beira district. See, for instance, ANTT, SCCIM no. 413, 329, for the answers given by Sayyid Issufo Hussene.96 For a copy of the dignitaries' declaration with all their signatures, see AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178.97 AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Dispatch no. 564/72 of the Provincial Cabinet of Psychological Action, addressed to the Government General of Mozambique and signed by F. A. Monteiro, 18 Aug. 1972.98 See AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Proceedings of the meeting of the Muslim dignitaries, 15 Aug. 1972. See also El-Bokhari, Selecção de Hadiths, 14.99 See Monteiro, 'As comunidades islâmicas de Moçambique', 85; Vakil, Monteiro, and Machaqueiro, Moçambique, 114–15.100 Sayyid Bakr was acknowledged as the chief khalifa of the Qadiriyya Sadat in northern districts such as Mozambique (currently Nampula province), Cabo Delgado and Niassa, in central Mozambique (Beira and Pebane) and even in southern sites such as Inhambane and Lourenço Marques. See Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 106.101 An eloquent sign of Sayyid Bakr's integration in the colonial order is the fact that, before he became leader of the Qadiriyya Sadat, he worked for the secretary of the Mozambique Island Administrative Council in 1958–60 as an interpreter for the political police (PIDE) in Nampula. He left this job only to start a campaign to win the necessary support for the right to succeed his grandfather, the late Mufti Ba Hassan, as head of the tariqa. See ANTT, SCCIM no. 413, 95, Information no. 24/67, 17 Nov. 1967; see also Bonate, 'Traditions and Transitions', 103. For Amaro Monteiro's perspective on the dangers of Muslims' self-esteem promoted by the Portuguese authorities, see Monteiro, O Islão, o Poder e a Guerra, 283–84; Vakil, Monteiro and Machaqueiro, Moçambique, 115. See also Monteiro's Information no. 77/72, 5.102 AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Dispatch no. 564/72, 4.103 Ibid., 3.104 See Monteiro's letter to Governor General Pimentel dos Santos, 19 Sept. 1972, quoted in Monteiro, 'Posfácio', 309–10.105 See AHD, MU/GM/GNP/RNP/0456/07178, Information no. 77/72, 5.106 ANTT, SCCIM no. 144, 4, 7, 'Actividades Religiosas (Miscelânia)'.107 Vakil, Monteiro, and Machaqueiro, Moçambique, 115.108 Ibid., 282–84.109 The identity of this Zanzibar prince was disclosed in a conversation with Amaro Monteiro, to whom I am grateful.110 Although hidden in absolute secrecy, this episode left some documented traces that can be consulted in AHD, Proc. 945, no. 601 PAA, 'Contactos com o ex-sultão Seyyd Yamshild Bin Abdullah por intermédio do seu irmão Seyyd Mohammed Bin Abdullah' (Contacts with the former Sultan Seyyd Yamshild Bin Abdullah by the intermediary of his brother Seyyd Mohammed Bin Abdullah).111 Monteiro, 'As comunidades islâmicas de Moçambique', 81–82.112 See TNA, FO 371/125902, Dispatch no. 15 by Alan Trevor Oldham, and FO 371/147251, Dispatch no. 29 by John Hugh Adam Watson, Consul General at Dakar, 31 May 1960. For a similar view, see also ADC, K-Afrique—Possessions portugaises 1944–52, Rapport Annuel 1951, 31 Jan. 1952, sent with the Dispatch no. 40/PL by R. Bogaers, Consul of France in Lourenço Marques, addressed to the Minister of Foreign Afffairs.113 See Morier-Genoud, 'L'islam au Mozambique', 128–30, 132–35.114 Ibid.115 Baldé, 'A Mesquita Central Nacional'.
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