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Spying and Speculating: Francesco Salviati's Painting of King David and Bathsheba in the Palazzo Ricci-Sacchetti in Rome

2010; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 79; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00233601003717257

ISSN

1651-2294

Autores

Jan de Jong,

Tópico(s)

Renaissance Literature and Culture

Resumo

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements I am very grateful to the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study (NIAS) for providing me with the opportunity, as a fellow-in-residence, to complete this paper. For their useful help and comments, I wish to express my thanks to Prof.dr. Paul Smith (Leiden University), and my colleagues in the Art History Department of the University of Groningen, Dr Victor Schmidt, Dr Bernhard Ridderbos and Prof.dr. Henk van Veen. For their help to dotain the illustrtions, I am very grateful to Anneke Vrins (NIAS), and Dr. Bert Treffers and Janet Mente (Royal Netherlands Institute in Rome). Unless otherwise indicated, translations are mine. Notes 1. II Samuel, 11–12. 2. Psalm 51: 1: »To the choirmaster. A Psalm of David, when Nathan the prophet went to him, after he had gone in to Bathsheba.« 3. Erasmus, Institutio Matrimonii Christiani, quoted after the translation by Michael J. Heath, in Collected Works of Erasmus. Spiritualia and Pastoralia, eds J.W. O'Malley and L.A. Perraud, Toronto/Buffalo/London, 1999, p. 430. For Molanus' quotation of Erasmus, see D. Freedberg, »Johannes Molanus on Provocative Paintings. De historia sanctarum imaginum et picturarum, book II, chapter 42«, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 34, 1971, pp. 240–241, esp. p. 240 n. 11. Similar words of disapproval were again uttered in 1591 by Gregorio Comanini in his treatise called Il Figino overo del fine della Pittura, Mantua, 1591, in Trattati d'arte del Cinquecento, ed. P. Barocchi, Bari, 1960–1962, III, pp. 327–328. 4. See the still very useful overview in Anthony Blunt's often reprinted Artistic Theory in Italy 1450–1600, 1st ed., London 1940, chapter VIII: »The Council of Trent and Religious Art«. 5. L. Murray, Michelangelo. His Life, Work and Times, London, 1984, pp. 153–200; R. de Maio, Michelangelo e la Controriforma, Bari/Rome, 1978, pp. 17–63. 6. B. Talvacchia: Taking Positions. On the Erotic in Renaissance Culture, Princeton, 1999; P. Findlen, »Humanism, Politics and Pornography in Renaissance Italy«, in The Invention of Pornography. Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500–1800, ed. L. Hunt, New York, 1993, pp. 49–108. 7. On the building history of the palace, see most recently: C.L. Frommel, »L'architettura«, in Palazzo Sacchetti, ed. S. Schütze, Rome, 2003, pp. 45–75, which is basically an updated version of the chapter on the palace by the same author in his Der römische Palastbau der Hochrenaissance, Tübingen, 1973, II, pp. 292–304. On Cardinal Ricci, see H. Jedin, »Kardinal Giovanni Ricci, c. 1497–1574)«, Lateranum, Miscellanea Pio Paschini, n.s. xv, 1949, pp. 269–385; G.M. Andres, »Cardinal Ricci: the Builder from Montepulciano«, in Il pensiero italiano del Rinascimento e il tempo nostro. Atti del quinto convegno internazionale del centro di stui umanistici. Montepulciano 1968, Florence, 1970, pp. 283–310; J. Martin, »Un grand bâtisseur de la Renaissance: Le cardinal Giovanni Ricci de Montepulciano (?1497–1574) «, Mélanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome. Moyen Age–Temps modernes, Vol. 86, No. 1, 1974, pp. 251–275; S. Deswarte Rosa, »Le cardinal Giovanni Ricci de Montepulciano«, in La Villa Médicis, ed. A. Chastel, vol. 2: Etudes, ed. Glenn M. Andres, Rome, 1991, pp. 110–169. 8. J.L. de Jong, »An Important Patron and an Unknown Artist: Giovanni Ricci, Ponsio Jacquio and the Decoration of Palazzo Ricci-Sacchetti in Rome«, Art Bulletin, Vol. 74, No.1, 1992, pp. 135–156. 9. J.L. de Jong, »An Important Patron and an Unknown Artist: Giovanni Ricci, Ponsio Jacquio and the Decoration of Palazzo Ricci-Sacchetti in Rome«, Art Bulletin, Vol. 74, No.1, 1992, p. 137. 10. The most recent summary of the project of decorating the palace, including the sala grande, is given by C. Strinati, »Gli affreschi«, in Schütze, 2003, pp. 77–131. See also: E. Hewett, »Deux artistes français du XVIe siècle à Rome. La décoration du Palais Sacchetti par Maître Ponce et Marc le Français«, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Vol. 17, 1928, pp. 213–227; C. Dumont, Francesco Salviati au Palais Sacchetti de Rome et la décoration murale italienne, 1520–1560, Rome, 1973: Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana, xii; De Jong, 1992; M.B. Hall, After Raphael. Painting in Central Italy in the Sixteenth Century, Cambridge/New York, 1999, pp. 162–164; J. Kliemann, »Palazzo Ricci-Sacchetti: Sala dell'udienza invernale. Fifteen scenes from the story of David«, in Italian Frescoes: High Renaissance and Mannerism 1510–1600, eds J. Kliemann and M. Rohlmann, New York/London, 2004, pp. 386–399. 11. For the illusionistic dimension of the paintings, see Dumont, 1973, and W. Fastenrath, »Finto e favoloso«. Dekorationssysteme des 16. Jahrhunderts in Florenz und Rom, Hildesheim, 1995, pp. 132–136. 12. For a listing of all the subjects and a useful diagram, see Kliemann, 2004, p. 390, followed by good color illustrations on pp. 391–399. 13. The relevant chapter has been published by K. Weil-Garris and J. d'Amico, »The Renaissance Cardinal's Ideal Palace: a Chapter from Cortesi's De Cardinalatu«, in Studies in Italian Art and Architecture 15th through 18h Centuries, ed. H.A. Millon, Rome, 1980: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome xxxv, pp. 45–123. In his 1564 Dialogo nel quale si ragiona degli errori e degli abusi de' pittori circa l'istorie, Camerino, Giovanni Andrea Gilio da Fabriano mentioned similar topics for reception rooms, published by P. Barocchi, 1960–1962, II, p. 114. 14. In other passages of the Institutio Christiani Matrimonii Erasmus repeats his warning against indecent pictures in one's own house: »Just as dirty talk has no place in the family circle, neither have licentious pictures … . It seems that there is no limit to the filth that modern painters and sculptors will depict, and yet some people decorate their living-rooms with this charming stuff, as if young people were not already exposed to enough evil influences. If modesty requires that we conceal our own bodies, why are they stripped bare in pictures? If there are actual sights that you think will endanger the morals of your sons and daughters, why allow them constantly to be placed before their eyes?« Quoted after the translation of Michael J. Heath, 1999, p. 384. Along the same lines, and referring to Erasmus, Gregorio Comanini, in Il Figino overo del fine della Pittura, Mantua, 1591, disapprovingly wrote about »some individuals, who have the most secret parts of their houses decorated with the delights of indecency, as if young people would miss stimuli and incentives to dissoluteness«, Italian text in Barocchi, 1960–1962, III, pp. 326–327. 15. P. Barocchi, »Un ‘Discorso sopra l'onestà delle imagini’ di Rinaldo Corsi«, in Scritti di Storia dell'arte in onore di Mario Salmi III, Rome, 1963, p. 179. 16. Trattato dell'arte della pittura scultura ed architettura, VI, 35, Milan, 1585, pp. 364–365. 17. D. Freedberg, The Power of Images. Studies in the History and Theory of Response, Chicago/London, 1989, pp. 1 ff. and pp. 317 ff. 18. Lines 180–181. Cfr. Aristotle, Politica 7.17.9–10: »And since we do not allow improper language, clearly we should also banish pictures or speeches from the stage which are indecent. Let the rulers take care that there be no image or picture representing unseemly actions … .« Quoted after the translation by Benjamin Jowett, http://classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/politics.7.seven.html. See Freedberg, 1989, pp. 50 ff. and passim. 19. Sermones quadragesimales fratris Michaelis de Mediolano de decem praeceptis, Venice, 1492 (Sermo XX, De adoratione Christi, virginis et sanctorum ac eorum reliquiarum …). Translation after M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy. A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style, Oxford, 1972, p. 41. 20. Institutio Christiani Matrimonii. Translation after Heath, 1999, p. 429. Cf. Erasmus's words elswhere in the Institutio: »A silent painting can be very eloquent and works its way stealthily into people's consciousness«, Heath, p. 384. 21. Terence, Eunuch III, 5; St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei II, 7 and 13, and Confessiones I, 16. 22. Naturalis historia XXXVI, 21. 23. I have used the German translation by Margarete Beutler, quoted in full in Eduard Fuchs, Illustrierte Sittengeschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart, Vol. I: Renaissance. Ergänzungsband, Munich, 1909, pp. 144–149. I have not been able to trace the original French version. According to Fuchs, the story is told in the introduction to Marot's Epigrammes, but I have not succeeded in either finding a French edition containing this story, or tracing an edition of Beutler's translation to check her references; Friedrich Freksa, ed., Epigramme des Clement Marot, trans. Margarete Beutler, Munich, 1908: 350 numbered copies, published by Georg Müller. It should be added that there exists an enormous number of stories, or rather anecdotes, ascribed to Clément Marot, but not actually by him. This makes the quest for the »original« story quite complicated. On the many anecdotes ascribed to Marot, see J. Koopmans and P. Verhuyck, Een kijk op anekdotencollecties in de zeventiende eeuw: Jan Zoet, Het leven en bedrijf van Clément Marot, Amsterdam, 1991. 24. II Samuel 11: 1. 25. On the decorations of Bibbiena's bathroom, see N.E. Edwards, The Renaissance Stufetta in Rome: The Circle of Raphael and the Recreation of the Antique, PhD, University of Minnesota, 1982, pp. 15–25, 49–51; D. Redig de Campos, »La stufetta del cardinale Bibbiena e il suo restauro«, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, Vol. 20, 1983, pp. 221–240, and H. Malme, »La stufetta del cardinale Bibbiena e l'iconografia dei suoi affreschi principali«, in Quando gli dei si spogliano. Il bagno di Clemente VII a Castel Sant'Angelo e le altre stufette del primo Cinquecento, eds B. Contardi and H. Lilius, exh. cat., Rome, Castel Sant'Angelo, 1984, pp. 34–50. 26. The immediate source for the painting seems to be Fasti IV, 140–143, but comparable stories are told in book I, about Lotis and Priapus, 423–440, and VI, about Vesta and Priapus, 321–344. 27. The Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, ed. D. Ekserdjian, trans. Gaston du C. de Vere, London, 1996, II, pp. 1022–1023. 28. An important literary source for the painting is Claudianus' description of the toilet of Venus, assisted by her servants, in his Epithalamium de nuptiis Honorii Augusti X, 98–117. Cf. Homer, Odyssey VIII, 364–367. 29. On the meanings and connotations of covered, braided and loose hair, see M. Rogers, »The decorum of women's beauty: Trissino, Firenzuola, Luigini and the representation of women in sixteenth-century painting«, Renaissance Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1988, pp. 62–63. 30. Ovid, Metamorphoses III, 155–193. 31. Ch. Marty-Laveaux, Oeuvres poetiques de Remy Belleau, Geneva, 1965, II, pp. 138–151; the lines quoted in translation are on 141–143. 32. For a discussion of some contemporary paintings with biblical themes that could also give rise to sensual feelings, see Jill Burke, »Sex and Spirituality in 1500s Rome: Sebastiano del Piombo's Martyrdom of Saint Agatha«, Art Bulletin, Vol. 88, No. 3, 2006, pp. 482–495, and B. Aikema, »Titian's Mary Magdalen in the Palazzo Pitti: An Ambiguous Painting and its Critics«, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 57, 1994, pp. 48–59. 33. I will not pursue the question of whether covering Bathsheba and her attendants with thin veils and little towels is even more suggestive – and thus will make a deeper impact – than showing them totally nude. 34. F. Haskell and N. Penny, Taste and the Antique. The Lure of Classical Sculpture 1500–1900, New Haven/London, 1981, 184–187. 35. P. Joannides, »Salviati e Michelangelo«, in Francesco Salviati et la Bella Maniera, ed. C. Monbeig Goguel, Milan/Paris 1998: exh. cat. Rome, Villa Medici, and Paris, Louvre, pp. 53–55; H.T. van Veen, »True Universal Art: the Florentine Answer to the Roman Raphaelesque Mode«, in idem, ed., The Translation of Raphael's Roman Style, Louvain/Paris/Dudley, MA, 2007, p. 110. 36. Salviati had used a very similar background as early as in 1538, in his Visitation in the Oratory of S. Giovanni Decollato, Rome. 37. See T. Giuliani, »Francesco Salviati e gli spettacoli di corte«, in Francesco Salviati et la Bella Maniera: actes des colloques de Rome et de Paris, 1998, eds C. Monbeig Goguel, P. Costamagna, M. Hochmann, Rome, 2001, pp. 171–193. See also: C. Gould, »Sebastiano Serlio and Venetian Painting«, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 25, 1962, pp. 56–64. 38. Maarten van Heemskerck's engraving is part of a series illustrating the Ten Commandments and bears the inscription: »Non moechaberis«, referring to the sixth Commandment, against adultery. See I.J. Veldman and G. Luijten, Maarten van Heemskerck, Roosendaal, 1993: The New Hollstein, Dutch & Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, 1450–1700, I, pp. 66–73, no. 70. The painting of Paris Bordone was made for a member of a prominent Milanese family, Carlo da Rho. Interestingly, its pendant was a painting with a theme from classical mythology which also deals with peeking and adultery, Mars and Venus. See G. Canova, Paris Bordon, Venice, 1964, pp. 38–43 and pp. 76–77. 39. V. Ficklin, »Mannerist Staircases: A Twist in the Tale«, Athanor, Vol. 19, 2001, pp. 27–32. 40. Joannides, 1998, p. 55. For a further discussion of Salviati's use of and reference to artistic sources, see Kliemann, 2004, pp. 386–389. Perhaps one should see the episode of David Dancing before the Ark of the Covenant as an attempt to emulate the relief with the same subject described by Dante in the Divina Commedia, Purgatorio X, 55–72. 41. The Lives, 1996, II, pp. 574–575. 42. Quoted after Giovanni Battista Armenini, On the true precepts of the art of painting, ed. and trans. E.J. Olszewski, New York, 1977, p. 243. 43. Quoted after Giovanni Battista Armenini, On the true precepts of the art of painting, ed. and trans. E.J. Olszewski, New York, 1977, p. 242. 44. Bellum Iughurthinum IV, 4–5, quoted after the translation of J.C. Rolfe, Loeb Classical Library, London/Cambridge, MA, 1965, p. 139. 45. Trattato dell'arte della pittura scultura ed architettura, II,1, Milan, 1585, p. 105. 46. On David as an example of penitence, see C.L. Costley, »David, Bathsheba, and the Penitential Psalms«, Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 57, No. 4, 2004, pp. 1235–1277. Far-fetched as it may seem, this interpretation is still more sympathetic than another line for explaining the story, which was put into words by, among others, Sebastian Brandt, in his Narrenschiff from 1494: »Had Bathsheba kept her body covered, she would not have been tainted by adultery« and »Laziness is the root of all sin. It caused the children of Israel to grumble. David committed adultery and murder because he lulled in idleness.« Quoted after: J. Stumpel, »The foul fowler found out: on a key motif in Dürer's Four Witches«, Simiolus, Vol. 30, No. 3–4, 2003, p. 155. 47. II Samuel 6: 12–23. Cf. Dante in the Divina Commedia, Purgatorio X, 55–69, esp. 64 ff: »There in the sacred vessel's van his way, / leaping girt-high, the humble psalmist took / both more and less than king in that array. / Facing him, figured in a window-nook / of a great palace, Michal, like a vexed / and scornful dame, stood frowning her rebuke.« Translation quoted after G.L. Bickersteth, The Divine Comedy, Oxford, 1981. 48. Cf. Dumont, 1973, pp. 205–215, 222–231, and R. Cocke, »‘Et ero humilis in oculis meis’. Francesco Salviati's David Cycle in Palazzo Sacchetti«, Art History, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1980, pp. 194–204. 49. I Samuel 31: 1–8 and II Samuel 1 6–10; II Samuel 18: 9–16. 50. See above, n. 25. Apart from the eight pictures on the walls, there are also little paintings on the ceiling and the lower zones of the walls. These, however, are in rather bad condition and are hard to identify. 51. See Edwards, 1982, pp. 76–78. The only contemporary art treatise to give some directives for appropriate themes to decorate a bathroom is Armenini's Veri precetti della pittura from 1587 (book III, 12 and 13). 52. Opere del cardinale Pietro Bembo, Venice, 1729, III, ii 12. Also in J. Shearman, Raphael in Early Modern Sources: Vol. I: 1483–1542, New Haven etc., 2003; Römische Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana, vol. 30, I, pp. 243–244. 53. In a letter to Federico Gonzaga from 1527, published in E. Camasca, ed., Lettere sull'arte di Pietro Aretino, Milan, 1957, I, p. 17. 54. G.L. Moncallero, Il Cardinale Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena umanista e diplomatico (1470–1520): uomini e avvenimenti del Rinascimento alla luce di documenti inediti, Florence, 1953, p. 237, described the paintings as »una brutta pagina nella vita di Bibbiena«. 55. In a letter from 13 July 1516, published in Opere del cardinale Pietro Bembo, 1729, III, ii, 12, and Shearman, 2003, I, p. 263–264, Leo X offered the apartment of the dying Cardinal Jacopo Serra to Cardinal Bibbiena. The expiring cardinal, however, did not pass away until 15 March of the next year and Cardinal Bibbiena seems to have stayed in his own apartment, as appears from a letter he wrote to Giulio Sadoleto on 4 June of that year, G.L. Moncallero, Epistolario di Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena, Florence 1955, II, p. 106. In 1518 Cardinal Bibbiena left for France, from where he returned shortly before his death in 1520. The presence of Leo's impresa in the decorations of the loggetta adjoining the bathroom may indicate that the Pope did indeed obtain Bibbiena's apartment, but probably only after the latter's departure for France. 56. B. Contardi, »Il bagno di Clemente VII in Castel Sant'Angelo«, in Contardi and Lilius, 1984, pp. 51–71. 57. Vasari, The Lives, 1996, II, p. 493. 58. On the decorations in general, see L. Saari, »Lettura della decorazione pittorica del bagno di Clemente VII«, in Contardi and Lilius, 1984, pp. 73–95; on the painting with Venus, Mars and Vucan in particular, see J.L. de Jong, »Ovidian Fantasies. Pictorial Variations on the Story of Mars, Venus and Vulcan«, in Die Rezeption der »Metamorphosen' des Ovid in der Neuzeit: der antike Mythos in Text und Bild, eds H. Walter and H.-J. Horn, Berlin, 1995: Ikonographische Repertorien zur Rezeption des antiken Mythos in Europa. Beihefte 1, pp. 161–172. 59. Contardi, 1984, p. 69. 60. Quoted after: »Itinerarium earum urbium et oppdiorum, per quae in Italia iter feci. Anno M.D. XXXVI«, published in Frankfurtisches Archiv für ältere deutsche Literatur 3, 1815, p. 51. 61. Quoted after: »Itinerarium earum urbium et oppdiorum, per quae in Italia iter feci. Anno M.D. XXXVI«, published in Frankfurtisches Archiv für ältere deutsche Literatur 3, 1815, p. 69. According to C.L. Frommel, 1973, II, p. 353, this bathroom was situated in the Palazzo Della Valle-Capranica, but L. Pirzio Biroli Stefanelli states (Palazzo della Valle. La collezione di antichità ed il menologium rusticum vallense, Rome, 1976, p. 25) that it was situated in the cardinal's main palace at the present Via Vittorio Emanuele No. 101. Even though Fichard's description is the only trace left, Pirzio Biroli Stefanelli somewhat overly optimistic qualifies the bathroom as »famoso«. 62. See above, n. 51 51. See Edwards, 1982, pp. 76–78. The only contemporary art treatise to give some directives for appropriate themes to decorate a bathroom is Armenini's Veri precetti della pittura from 1587 (book III, 12 and 13). . 63. See above, n. 21 21. Terence, Eunuch III, 5; St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei II, 7 and 13, and Confessiones I, 16. . 64. See R. Zapperi, »Alessandro Farnese, Giovanni della Casa and Titian's Danae in Naples«, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 54, 1991, pp. 159–171. See also C. Hope, Titian, London, 1980, pp. 89–90, and R. Goffen, Titian's Women, New Haven etc., 1997, pp. 215 ff. 65. See also E. Panofsky, Problems in Titian. Mostly Iconographic, New York, 1969, pp. 146–147. 66. J.L. de Jong, »Love, Betrayal and Corruption. Mars and Venus, and Danae and Jupiter in the Palazzi Stati-Cenci and Mattei di Paganica in Rome«, Source: Notes in the History of Art, Vol. 19, No. 1, 1999, p. 23. 67. H. E. Wethey, The Paintings of Titian. Vol. III: The Mythological and Historical Paintings, London, 1975, pp. 71–78, 132–136. 68. On the cardinal and his palace, see Frommel, 1973, II, pp. 62–79; L. Neppi, Palazzo Spada, Rome, 1975; R. Cannatà, Palazzo Spada. Le decorazioni restaurate, Milan, 1995. 69. Cannatà, 1995, p. 23. Michelangelo's drawing of The Rape of Ganymede (Windsor, Royal Library) was made into an engraving by Nicolas Beatrizet, around 1553–1555. Giulio Bonasone turned it into an illustration of the Achille Bocchi's Symbolicarum quaestionum … (Bologna, 1555). See G. Kempter, Ganymed. Studien zur Typologie, Ikonographie und Ikonologie, Cologne and Vienna, 1980, pp. 90–93. 70. The original Latin is quoted in Frommel, 1975, II, p. 66. According to Frommel, II, p. 71, Boissard's assertions sound »reichlich unwahrscheinlich«. 71. For both the Palazzo Stati-Cenci and the Mattei di Paganica paintings, see De Jong, 1999, pp. 20–29. 72. Vasari, The Lives, 1996, II, p. 692. Biagio Baronus Martinelli of Cesena had been appointed Master of Ceremonies by Pope Leo X and served in that function until 1540. He died in 1544. See: http://www.vatican.va/news_services/liturgy/2006/documents/ns_lit_doc_20061031_magistri-caeremoniarum_en.html (accessed 29 May 2008). 73. Published in L.F.A. von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, vol. V: Geschichte Papst Pauls III., 1534–1549, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1909, pp. 842–843. See also Murray, 1984, p. 163. 74. In a letter to Ugolino Gualteruzzi of 15 February 1549, quoted by De Maio, 1978, p. 49, n. 20. See also Murray, 1984, p. 165. 75. Quoted in De Maio, 1978, p. 50, n. 23. See also Murray, 1984, p. 165. The letter dates from 19 March 1549, and is now in Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale. It contains a condemnation of the nudity of Baccio Bandinelli's sculptural group of Adam and Eve and other contemporary works of art. 76. Commentaria in omnes divi Pauli et alias septem canonicas epistolas, Venice, 1551, p. 645, quoted in De Maio, 1978, p. 48, n. 15. See also Murray, 1984, p. 165. Cf. Politi's diatribe against nudity, in particular in pictures commissioned or owned by clergymen, in his Disputatio de cultu et adoratione imaginum, in Enarrationes in quinque priora capita libri Geneseos, Rome, 1552, pp. 142–144. See also C. Ginzburg, »Titian, Ovid, and Sixteenth-Century Codes for Erotic Illustration«, in Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, Baltimore/London, 1989, pp. 80–81, originally published as »Tiziano, Ovidio e i codici della figurazione erotica nel Cinquecento«, Paragone, Vol. 39, No. 339, 1978, pp. 3–24, and included in English in R. Goffen, Titian's »Venus of Urbino«, Cambridge, 1997, pp. 23–36. 77. Murray, 1984, pp. 161–163; De Maio, 1978, p. 23. 78. See above, n. 6. On the origin of Aretino's Sonnetti lussuriosi, see Findlen, 1993, pp. 95–96, and Talvacchia, 1999, pp. 3–19. 79. Pietro Aretino, Lettere: il primo e il secondo libro, eds F. Flora and A. del Vita, Tutte le opere di Pietro Aretino, vol. I, Milan, 1960: lettera 315, p. 400. Quoted after the translation of Talvacchia, 1999, p. 13. 80. This same argument is made by Aretino personally in his letter to Battista Zatti, mentioned in the preceding note, quoted after Talvacchia, 1999, p. 13: »And because the ancient, as well as modern poets and sculptors, sometimes engaged in writing and sculpting lascivious works as a pastime for their genius – as attested by the marble satyr in the Chigi palace [i.e. the present Villa Farnesina in Rome] who attempts to violate a young boy – I exhibit them above the Sonnets that stand below. « See also the comment in Talvacchia, p. 256. 81. Quoted after M. Roskill, Dolce's »Aretino« and Venetian Art Theory of the Cinquecento, New York, 1968, p. 165. 82. Roskill, 1968, pp. 163–165, where Aretino claims: »I could answer you by saying that it was not Raphael who invented them, but Giulio Romano, his pupil and successor. Even supposing, however, that Raphael had designed either the whole series or a part of it, he did not put them on public display in the city squares or churches. Rather, they came into the hands of Marcantonio, and he, for the profit it would bring him, engraved them for Baviera. « Cf. above, n. 78. See also A. Nova, »Erotismo e spiritualità nella pittura romana del Cinquecento«, in Monbeig Goguel, Costamagna and Hochmann, 2001, pp. 150–151. 83. Ginzburg, 1989, p. 80; Findlen, 1993, pp. 54–56, 60, 76, 102, 108. 84. See above, n. 76 76. Commentaria in omnes divi Pauli et alias septem canonicas epistolas, Venice, 1551, p. 645, quoted in De Maio, 1978, p. 48, n. 15. See also Murray, 1984, p. 165. Cf. Politi's diatribe against nudity, in particular in pictures commissioned or owned by clergymen, in his Disputatio de cultu et adoratione imaginum, in Enarrationes in quinque priora capita libri Geneseos, Rome, 1552, pp. 142–144. See also C. Ginzburg, »Titian, Ovid, and Sixteenth-Century Codes for Erotic Illustration«, in Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, Baltimore/London, 1989, pp. 80–81, originally published as »Tiziano, Ovidio e i codici della figurazione erotica nel Cinquecento«, Paragone, Vol. 39, No. 339, 1978, pp. 3–24, and included in English in R. Goffen, Titian's »Venus of Urbino«, Cambridge, 1997, pp. 23–36. . 85. The Lives, 1996, I, p. 409. 86. The Lives, 1996, I, p. 409. 87. The Lives, 1996, II, p. 422. This painting could be the one now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest. However, as Sodoma painted several versions of the same theme and the Budapest painting does not exactly match Vasari's description, this is not certain. See A. Hayum, Giovanni Antonio Bazzi: »Il Sodoma«, New York, 1976, pp. 158–161. 88. The Lives, 1996, I, pp. 671 and 676. The painting is now lost, but there is a copy in the church of S. Francesco, Fiesole. See C. Fischer, Fra Bartolommeo: Master Draughtsman of the High Renaissance. A selection from the Rotterdam albums and landscape drawings from various collections, Rotterdam, 1990, pp. 337–339. 89. On Cardinal Ricci's apartment in the Vatican, near the present chapel of the Swiss Guard, see D. Redig de Campos, I palazzi vaticani, Roma cristiana, 18; Bologna, 1967, pp. 139–140, and Martin, 1974, pp. 259–266 and 273–275. 90. Martin, 1974, p. 258; De Jong, 1992, p. 135, n. 8; G. Fragnito, s.v. »Capodiferro, Girolamo«, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 18, Rome, 1975, p. 629. 91. C. Robertson, »Il Gran Cardinale«. Alessandro Farnese, Patron of the Arts, New Haven and London, 1992, p. 160; Cfr. Karl Frey, Giorgio Vasari. Der literarische Nachlass, Munich, 1923–1940, II, p. 324, No. dlxxix.

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