Controlling the Waters of Granducal Florence: A New Look at Stefano Bonsignori's View of the City (1584)
2009; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 61; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/03085690902923598
ISSN1479-7801
Autores Tópico(s)Renaissance and Early Modern Studies
ResumoABSTRACT A striking feature of Stefano Bonsignori's Nova pulcherrimae civitatis Florentiae topographia accuratissime delineata, printed in 1584, is the pre-eminence of the Arno River and the detailed depiction of a variety of often quite minor water-related structures. This large (nine-sheet) map was dedicated to Francesco I de' Medici, Granduke of Florence. Contemporary initiatives and legislation as well as works of art and literature reveal that water management had been an important aspect of the policies of Francesco's father, Cosimo I, whose achievements had transformed the city's landscape and whose efforts earned the Medici ruler the title of Granduke of Tuscany in 1569. Bonsignori's portrayal of urban structures was created as a celebration of Cosimo's architectural legacy, and the depiction of the Arno, with its embankments and riverside structures, along with some of the city's fountains and wells, acknowledged granducal ambition to control its waters. Un caractère frappant de Nova pulcherrimae civitatis Florentiae topographia accuratissime delineata de Stefano Bonsignori, imprimé en 1584, est la prééminence de l'Arno et la description détaillée de constructions variées et souvent mineures liées à l'eau. Cette large carte (en neuf feuilles) était dédiée à Fraçois Ier de Médicis, Grand-Duc de Florence. Des initiatives et des lois de l'époque, ainsi que des œuvres littéraires et artistiques, nous montrent que la gestion de l'eau avait été un aspect important de la politique du père de François, Cosimo Ier, dont les réalisations avaient transformé le paysage de la ville et dont les efforts avaient valu au dirigeant Médicis le titre de Grand-Duc de Toscane en 1569. Le portrait des structures urbaines par Bonsignori fut conçu comme une célébration de l'héritage architectural de Cosimo, et la description de l'Arno, avec ses quais et les constructions de ses berges, ainsi que quelques fontaines et puits de la ville, témoigne de l'ambition grand-ducale de contrôler ses eaux. Ein hervorstechendes Element in Stefano Bonsignoris Nova pulcherrimae civitatis Florentiae topographia accuratissime delineata (gedruckt 1584) bilden der Arno-Fluss und die detaillierte Darstellung einer Vielzahl von oft untergeordneten Strukturen, die mit Wasser in Verbindung stehen. Die aus neun Blättern bestehende, große Karte war Francesco I. Medici, Großherzog von Florenz gewidmet. Zeitgenössische Eingaben und Rechtsfälle sowie Werke der bildenden Kunst und der Literatur lassen erkennen, dass die Verwaltung des Wassers einen bedeutenden Aspekt im Regierungshandeln von Francescos Vater Cosimo I. darstellte. Dieser veränderte die Stadtlandschaft und sein Wirken brachte den Mediciherrschern 1569 den Titel von Großherzögen der Toskana ein. Bonsignoris Portrait der urbanen Strukturen war als Verherrlichung von Cosimos architektonischem Vermächtnis angelegt. Die Darstellung des Arno mit seinen Dämmen und Ufern sowie einigen der städtischen Brunnen untermauerte die Großherzoglichen Ambitionen, das Wasser der Stadt zu kontrollieren. Una característica llamativa del Nova pulcherrimae civitatis Florentiae topographia accuratissime delineata de Stefano Bonsignori, impresa en 1584, es la preeminencia del Río Arno y la representación detallada de una variedad de estructuras relacionadas con el agua, a menudo bastante secundarias. Este mapa de gran tamaño (nueve pliegos) estaba dedicado a Francisco I de Medici, gran duque de Florencia. Las iniciativas y legislación contemporáneas, así como los trabajos artísticos y literarios revelan que la gestión del agua había sido un aspecto importante de la política del padre de Francisco, Cosme I, cuyos logros habían transformado el paisaje urbano y cuyos esfuerzos le hicieron ganar al gobernador Medici el título de gran duque de Toscana en 1569. La interpretación de Bonsignori de las estructuras urbanas fue realizada para celebrar el legado arquitectónico de Cosme, y la representación del Arno, con sus diques y estructuras a orillas del río, junto con algunas de las fuentes y pozos de la ciudad, reconocía la ambición del gran duque de controlar sus aguas. KEYWORDS: Florencemapscity viewswater managementhydrographyfountainswellsGranducal TuscanyStefano BonsignoriCosimo I de’ MediciFrancesco I de’ Medici Acknowledgements The research for this study was made possible by the support of a J. B. Harley Research Fellowship at the British Library, London, in 2000. This work was expanded into a presentation at the Cambridge University History of Cartography Seminar Series, Cambridge University in 2006. I would like to thank James Akerman, Tony Campbell, Thomas de Wesselow, Catherine Delano-Smith and the anonymous referees for their encouragement and feedback as well as Gettysburg College for its support. Notes Notes and References 1. For Cosimo's contributions to the urban history of Florence, see Giovanni Fanelli, Firenze (Rome and Bari, Editore Laterza, 1980), 107–12. 2. My initial studies were based on the exemplar of the map in the British Library, London (Maps ∗23480 (21)), which is Girolamo Franceschi's 1594 edition. All details reproduced in this article come from that second edition. Other alterations found in Franceschi's edition include the replacement of the original dedication inside the cartouche with an allegorical figure seated atop a frame bearing the date and Franceschi's signature and the removal of the inscription bearing Bonaventura Billocardi's signature and the 1584 date. Bonsignori's signature below the ‘Luoghi notabili’ table is preserved as are the symbol of the arms of the Olivetan Order represented as three mountains arranged in a pyramidal shape topped with olive branches and Bonsignori's initials of SB, both of which are located below the seated figure of the cartographer. See Giuseppe Boffito and Attilio Mori, Firenze nelle vedute e piante: Studio storico, topografico, cartografico (Rome, Multigrafica editrice, 1973; reprint of 1926 edition), 44. 3. ‘s'allegri di rivedere in lei gli ornamenti fatti da V. A. dal padre vostro e da vostri maggiori, amandola come benefattore, e padre’: translation from Thomas Frangenberg, ‘Chorographies of Florence: the use of city views and city plans in the sixteenth century’, Imago Mundi 46 (1994): 63, n.87. On Bonsignori's background and other maps made for the Medici, see Florio Banfi, ‘The cartographer “Stephanus Florentinus”’, Imago Mundi 12 (1955): 92–102; and Gemmarosa Levi-Donati, ed., Le tavole geografiche della Guardaroba Medicea di Palazzo Vecchio in Firenze (Perugia, Benucci Editore, 1995), 16–17. 4. For a discussion of some of these representations and the promotion of the Medici as architects, see Karla Langedijk, The Portraits of the Medici, 15th–18th Centuries (Firenze, S.P.E.S., 1981), 1: 139–74. 5. Frangenberg, who discusses the map's scale, scope and accuracy, summarizes it as ‘as much an … encomium of the greatness of Florence as a document of the quality achieved in late sixteenth-century chorography’: Frangenberg, ‘Chorographies of Florence’ (see note 3), 52–56. See also Boffito and Mori, Firenze nelle vedute e piante (note 2), 40–43; Fanelli, Firenze, (note 1), 118–28, 270–71; Lucia Nuti's catalogue entries in Firenze e la sua immagine: Cinque secoli di vedutismo, ed. Marco Charini and Alessandro Marabottini (Venice, Marsilio, 1994), 80–83; Nel Segno di Masaccio: L'invenzione della prospettive, ed. Filippo Camerota (Florence, Giunti, 2001), 279; and A volo d'uccello: Jacopo de’ Barbari e le rappresentazioni di città nell'Europa del Rinascimento, ed. Giandomenico Romanelli, Susanna Biadene and Camillo Tonini (Venice, Arsenale Editrice, 1999), 173; Giuseppina Carla Romby, ‘La rappresentazione dello spazio: la città’, in Imago et descriptio Tusciae. La Toscana nella geocartografia dal XV al XIX secolo, ed. Leonardo Rombai (Venice, Marsilio, 1993), 334–37; Daniela Stroffolino, La città misurata: tecniche e strumenti di rilevamento nei trattati a stampa del Cinquecento (Rome, Salerno Editrice, 1999), 174–77; and Giorgio Galletti, ‘La forma di Boboli attraverso le sue planimetrie storiche’, in Palazzo Pitti: La reggia rivelata, ed. Gabriella Capecchi, Laura Baldini and Luciano Augustiani (Florence, Giunti, 2003), 406–21. 6. The ‘Chain Map’, preserved in the Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, is the only known full copy of an original created by Francesco Rosselli between 1470 and 1480; it served as a model for views of Florence published in atlases, chronicles and single-sheet maps, including Hartmann Schedel's Liber Chronicarum (1493), Sebastian Münster's Cosmographiae universalis (1550), and Giulio Ballino's De’ disegni delle pi[ugrave] illustri città e fortezze del mondo (1569). Frangenberg, ‘Chorographies of Florence’ (note 3), 41–47, 55–56, comments on the way the oblique viewpoint of the ‘Chain Map’ reflected the skills of an artistic draughtsman, and how the figure of the mapmaker drawing on site contrasts with Bonsignori, who measures with mathematical accuracy. See also Fanelli, Firenze (note 1), 77–85; and Romby, ‘La rappresentazione dello spazio’ (note 5), 321–25. 7. On this identification and discussion, see Enzo Salvini, ‘Firenze e l'Arno nella cartografia’, in La città e il fiume (Milan, Electa, 1986), 86; Fanelli, Firenze (note 1), 66, 271; and Giovanna Balzanetti Steiner, Tra città e fiume: I lungarni di Firenze (Florence, ALINEA, 1989), 82. 8. The fountain in the garden of Don Luigi di Toledo, brother of Duchess Eleonora, the wife of Cosimo I, was designed by Francesco Camilliani and adorned with many statues; it was removed shortly after 1584 to the Piazza Pretoria in Palermo. Stoldo Lorenzi's Fontana del Nettuno is shown in the private Medici garden (Giardino de Boboli) behind the Pitti Palace. See Alessandro Rinaldi, ‘Giardini e metamorfosi urbana a Firenze tra Medioevo e Rinascimento’, in Giardini & Giardini: Il verde storico nel centro di Firenze, ed. Daniela Cinti, Emanuele Barletti and Guido Ferrara (Milan, Electa, 1997), 30. 9. Notable exceptions are Ralph Treswell's maps of London in the early years of the seventeenth century: see John Schofield, The London Surveys of Ralph Treswell (London, London Topographical Society, 1987); and Lena Cowen Orlin, Material London c.1600 (Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press, 2000). 10. Franco Borsi discusses this lavatoio, citing a description by Agostino Lapini dating it to 1566: Franco Borsi, Firenze: la cultura dell'utile (Florence, ALINEA, 1984), 62. 11. Paolo Squatriti, Water and Society in Early Medieval Italy AD 400–1000 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998), 6–7. 12. On the wells of Florence, see Robert Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze (Florence, Sansoni, 1965), 4: 477, 498, 632–33; and Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 20–21. For further discussion including descriptions of specific wells, see Felicia M. Else, ‘Water and Stone: Ammannati's Neptune Fountain as Public Ornament’ (doctoral dissertation, Washington University in St. Louis, 2003), 215–25. On the reliance of Venice on wells for its drinking water, see Massimo Costantini, L'acqua di Venezia: L'approvigionamento idrico della serenissima (Venice, Arsenale, 1984), 9–20, 37–45; Giovanni Dolcetti, I pozzi di Venezia 1015–1906 (Venice, C. Ferrari, 1910); and Anita Moskowitz, ‘A Venetian wellhead in Toledo’, Source 14 (1995): 1–6. 13. The mills were owned by the order of the Umiliati of Ognissanti: Salvini, ‘Firenze e l'Arno nella cartografia’ (see note 7), 85–86. On the history of the city's bridges and riverside mills, see also Fanelli, Firenze (note 1); Borsi, Firenze: la cultura dell'utile (note 10); Balzanetti Steiner, Tra città e fiume (note 7); William B. Parsons, Engineers and Engineering in the Renaissance (Baltimore, The Williams and Wilkins Company, 1939); and Francesco Gurrieri, Lucia Bracci and Giancarlo Pedreschi, eds., I ponti sull'Arno dal Falterona al mare (Florence, Polistampa, 1998). 14. See the discussion and bibliography in Else, ‘Water and Stone’ (note 12), 205–14, 241. 15. See Giorgio Spini, ‘Introduzione generale’, in Architettura e politica da Cosimo I a Ferdinando I, ed. Giorgio Spini (Florence, Olschki, 1976), 32–46, especially 43. Malaria was rife. Franco Borsi describes the geography of Tuscany of the Cinquecento as a kind of ‘leopard skin’, marked with areas degraded with fetid and stagnant water and regions well-cultivated and healthy: Franco Borsi, L'architettura del principe (Florence, Giunti-Martello, 1980), 125–27. Leonardo Rombai applies the term ‘principato idraulico’, the evolution of political power bound to a socio-economic control of natural and environmental forces, to early modern Tuscany: Leonardo Rombai, ‘La “politica delle acque” in Toscana: un profilo storico’, in Scienziati idraulici e territorialisti nella Toscana dei Medici e dei Lorena, ed. Danilo Barsanti and Leonardo Rombai (Florence, Centro editoriale toscano, 1994), 1–2. 16. See Ferdinando Morozzi, Dello stato antico e moderno del Fiume Arno e delle course e de’ rimedi delle sue inondazioni (Florence, G. B. Stcchi, 1762–1766), 11–38; L'Arno trent'anni dall'alluvione (Pisa, Pacini Editore, 1997); and Eugenio Pucci, Il diluvio su Firenze (Florence, Bonechi Editore, 1966). 17. See Emilio Tolaini, Pisa (Rome and Bari, Editori Laterza, 1992), 95–96; Spini, ‘Introduzione generale’ (note 15), 43–45; Jonathan Nelson, ‘Creative patronage: Luca Martini and the Renaissance portrait’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 39 (1996): 289–95; and Giovanni Pratilli and Luigi Zangheri, La legislazione Medicea sull'ambiente, I Bandi (1458–1619) (Florence, Olschki, 1994), 1: 27–32. 18. This pamphlet, now in the British Library, chronicles the extensive damage to the city and countryside, which resulted in a number of deaths, and notes ‘il nostro Duca ando a vedere … ogni cosa e quanto vide tale oscurita comincio a piangere come un bambino’: see Il Miserabiliss. et inestimabil danno fatto dal fiume Arno a la Città di Firenze (1557) (Florence, n.p., 1557). The following year, Capitani di Parte Guelfa officials put together a special assessment of the Arno for Cosimo outlining the dangers of flooding throughout the region and ways to remedy them. See Giovanni Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni d'alcuni viaggi fatti in diversi parti della Toscana per osservare le produzioni naturali, e gli antichi monumenti di essa, vol. 8 (Florence, Stamperia Granducale, per G. Cambiagi, 1775), 338–43; Parsons, Engineers and Engineering (note 13), 348; and Gurrieri et al., I ponti sull'Arno (note 13), 54–55. 19. See Anna Cerchiai and Coletta Quiriconi, ‘Relazione e rapporti all'Ufficio dei Capitani di Parte Guelfa. Parte I: Principato di Francesco I dei Medici’, in Spini, Architettura e politica da Cosimo I a Ferdinando I (note 15), 187–257; Giovanni Casali and Ester Diana, Bernardo Buontalenti e la burocrazia nella Toscana Medicea (Florence, ALINEA, 1983); Parsons, Engineers and Engineering (note 13), 345–46; and Gurrieri et al., I ponti sull'Arno (note 13), 52–56. The Capitani reports are now in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze. 20. For transcriptions of proclamations from 1561 to 1581, see in Pratilli and Zangheri, La legislazione Medicea (note 17), 118–19, 121–22, 124–29, 130–33, 153–58, 183–85, 195–203, 207–26. 21. Cerchiai and Quiriconi, ‘Relazione e rapporti’ (see note 19), 188, 191–92, 197–200. 22. See Casali and Diana, Bernardo Buontalenti (note 19), 7–35; Cerchiai and Quiriconi, ‘Relazione e rapporti’ (note 19), 205–10; and Amelio Fara, Bernardo Buontalenti (Milan, Electa, 1995), 23–25. 23. On Cosimo as a new Augustus and the play on his name as a ruler of the world, or ‘cosmos’, see Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art. Pontormo, Leo X, and the Two Cosimos (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984), 257–83; and Roger Crum, ‘“Cosmos, the world of Cosimo”: the iconography of the Uffizi facade’, Art Bulletin 71 (1989): 237–53. 24. A commemorative medal by Pietro Paolo Galeotti shows the Fontana del Nettuno with an all'antica aqueduct. See discussion and bibliographies in Malcolm Campbell, ‘Observations on Ammannati's Neptune Fountain: 1565 and 1575’, in Renaissance Studies in Honor of Craig Hugh Smyth (Florence, Giunti Barbèra, 1985), 2: 113–36; Claudia Lazzaro, The Italian Renaissance Garden (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1990), 191–98; Else, ‘Water and Stone’ (note 12), 191–92, 243–67; Henk Th. van Veen, Cosimo I de'Medici and His Self-Representation in Florentine Art and Culture (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006), 107–12. 25. Ruth Rubinstein notes how these ancient works brought ‘the discovery of the potential of river gods to serve as topographical and political symbols’: Ruth Rubinstein, ‘The statue of the river god Tigris or Arno’, in Il cortile delle statue. Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan, ed. Matthias Winner, Bernard Andreae and Carlo Petrangeli (Mainz am Rhein, Verlag von Zabern, 1998), 283. 26. Statues were to represent Monte della Falterona and Monte Asinaio, sources of the Arno and Mugnone. Much of this ambitious programme, including these statues, was never brought to fruition. Giorgio Vasari (Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects (New York and Toronto, Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), 2: 238–40)) described how the planned fountain statues and layout reflected the actual geography of the real rivers, and a letter written in 1543 by Niccolò Martelli noted that the manner in which Mugnone's legs were crossed reflected how the river had since deviated from its ancient course: Lazzaro, The Italian Renaissance Garden (see note 24), 167–89, with the Martelli reference at 177–78. See also Cristina Acidini Luchinat and Giorgio Galletti, Le ville e i giardini di Castello e Petraia a Firenze (Pisa, Pacini Editore, 1992), 41, 46; and Bertha Wiles, The Fountains of Florentine Sculptors (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1933), 33–36. 27. Vasari, Lives of the Painters (see note 26), 2: 538; and Randolph Starn and Loren Partridge, Arts of Power. Three Halls of State in Italy, 1300–1600 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1992), 171–72, 218–19, 271–73. 28. The paintings also include personifications of the region, judicial figures, pagan gods, local flags and shields. Industrial and agricultural productivity was emphasized. Vasari took pride in the research required to carry out these topographical renderings, which Giuseppina Carla Romby describes as ‘a true anthology of urban types’ represented in such a way as ‘to support the ducal desire … of expansion and acquisition and to celebrate the victories obtained by the Medici in the construction of its state’ (author's translation): Romby, ‘La rappresentazione dello spazio’ (see note 5), 329. See Rubinstein, ‘The statue of the river god Tigris or Arno’ (note 25), 283–84; and Ettore Allegri and Alessandro Cecchi, Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici: Guida storica (Florence, S. P. E. S., 1980), 238–47; Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power (note 27), 176. On the panels of the territories illustrated (Volterra, Chianti, Certaldo, San Gimignano and Colle Val d'Elsa), see Ugo Muccini, The Salone dei Cinquecento of Palazzo Vecchio (Florence, Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1990), 94–97. 29. Spini, ‘Introduzione generale’ (see note 15), 9; and Eve Borsook, ‘Art and politics at the Medici court. I: the funeral of Cosimo I de’ Medici’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz 12 (1965): 44. 30. Cerchiai and Quiriconi, ‘Relazione e rapporti’ (see note 19), 237–38; and Casali and Diana, Bernardo Buontalenti (see note 19), 11–14. 31. Borsi, Firenze: la cultura dell'utile (see note 10), 51 and Balzanetti Steiner, Tra città e fiume (see note 7), 16–17. 32. For a discussion of this area as represented on the “Chain Map,” see Salvini, ‘Firenze e l'Arno nella cartografia’ (note 7), 85. 33. On the history of the mills in this area, including those owned by the Umiliati in the 13th century, and on the construction of the Vagaloggia, see Borsi, Firenze: la cultura dell'utile (note 10), 49–50; Salvini, ‘Firenze e l'Arno nella cartografia’ (note 7), 85; Balzanetti Steiner, Tra città e fiume (note 7), 16–17; and Giampaolo Trotta, Il Prato d'Ognissanti a Firenze, genesi e trasformazione di uno spazio urbano (Florence, ALINEA, 1988), 16–22, 106–16. 34. On the Baluardo della Mulina, see Balzanetti Steiner, Tra città e fiume (note 7), 16–17. 35. ‘Che diventa la dimostrazione concretea dell'opera di riordino idrico di tutta la zona a valle dell'Arno, la prova dei suoi risvolti economici e produttivi nonché il segno tangibile e il trofeo della vittoria definitiva riportata sul fiume’ (author's translation). Rinaldi also discusses the combined impact of the Cascine, nearby Orto Ferdinando and the Vagaloggia on this area. Rinaldi, ‘Giardini e metamorfosi urbana’ (see note 8), 28. The Cascine became a public park in the 19th century. On this history, see Alessandro Rinaldi, La caccia, il frutto, la delizia: Il parco delle Cascine a Firenze (Florence, Edifir, 1995). 36. ‘Servira per argine al fiume di tal sorti’ stabile, et fermo, che non si conosceva, se sia state facto dall’ Arti, e dalla Natura’ (author's translation), Ammannati letters, private collection, c/o H.P. Kraus, Larchmont, NY, lot no. 131. This document, which also includes a drawing, dates from around 1565 and is a proposal for a canal embankment. I discussed this and other documents now in a private collection in a conference talk in 2007, a study that I am preparing for publication (Felicia M. Else, ‘The paper trail of Bartolomeo Ammannati, court sculptor and architect’ (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America, Miami, March 2007)). See also The Giannalisa Feltrinelli Library. Part Two: Italian Renaissance Manuscripts and Letters (London, Christie's, 1997), 24–25. 37. Cited in Parsons, Engineers and Engineering (see note 13), 355. See also Casali and Diana, Bernardo Buontalenti (note 19), 11, 14 and 19. 38. Dates for the fountains in the Piazza della Signoria and Piazza Santo Spirito derived from archival records, and diary entries are given by Agostino Lapini and Francesco Settimanni. Ammannati's Fontana del Nettuno (built between 1560 and 1574) was fed by at least two aqueducts, one from the area of the Pitti Palace and the other from the Fonte alla Ginevra, so-named because it originated on the property of Ginevra Giramonti-Gini, located between San Leonardo in Arcetri, the city walls along the edge of the Boboli complex, and San Miniato. The fountain in Piazza Santo Spirito, completed in 1566, drew water from the Pitti aqueduct. The date of 1609 for a fountain in the Piazza Santa Croce comes from Filippo Baldinucci's reference to it in his discussion of Pietro Tacca, who had been commissioned to do a statue for it: see Campbell, ‘Observations on Ammannati's Neptune Fountain’ (note 24), 114–15; Carlo Cresti, Fontane di Firenze (Florence, Bonechi, 1982), 92–93; and Else, ‘Water and Stone’ (note 12), 243–59. 39. On the history of the San Marco column, see Detlef Heikamp, ‘Die Säulenmonumente Cosimo I’, in Boboli 90. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi per la salvaguardia e la valorizzazione del Giardino, ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat and Elvira Garbero Zorzi (Florence, EDIFIR, 1991), 1: 10–14. 40. Corinna Vasić Vatovec suggests that Bonsignori was representing an equestrian statue of Cosimo I: Corinna Vasić Vatovec, ‘L'impegno di Coismo I de’ Medici nel reperimento dei marmi e il ruolo dell’ Ammannati’, in Bartolomeo Ammannati scultore e architetto 1511–1592, ed. Niccolò Roselli Del Turco and Federica Salvi (Florence, ALINEA, 1995), 332; and Nuti in A volo d'uccello (see note 5), 173. 41. On the numerous Capitani reports, see Cerchiai and Quiriconi, ‘Relazione e rapporti’ (note 19), 231–34; and Else, ‘Water and Stone’ (note 12), 244–45. 42. The relevant passage reads: ‘Il Serenissimo Gran Duca di Toscana Nostro Clementissimo Signore, et per Sua Altezza Serenissma gli spettabili Ufitiali de’ fiumi della Città di Fiorenza. Volendo per benefitio universale, che le strade publiche del Distretto, et Contado di Fiorenza stieno continovamente, che ogni et qualunche contadino, et lavoratore di terre deva ciascun'anno … havere in debita forma rimese, ricavate, et nette non solo le fosse con i loro scholi delle strade publiche, et solite havere lungo essere per loro conservatione dette fosse, ma ancora tutti lil rii, dogaie, fossati, vinghoni, righoni, borre, et altri simili ricettacoli, o condotti d'acque … a nessuno sia lecito scaricare, o fare scaricare, et porre in dette strade, et piazza letami conci, monditie, o putredini, o vero legne, o legnami di sorte alcuna, o farvi pozze, o bottini con intentione, et pretesto di servirsene a horti, semente, o altro sotto pena quanto a’ legnami conci, et simili di soldi sette per ciascuna soma, et quanto a’ bottini, et possi di scudi uno per ciascuno’. A similar proclamation was also issued in 1578. For transcriptions of the proclamations issued in 1578 and 1581, see Pratilli and Zangheri, La legislazione Medicea (see note 17), 195–203 and 207–215; for the passage cited above, 207–8. 43. Fanelli, Firenze (see note 1), 271.
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