Party-building on the Heels of War: El Salvador, Bosnia, Kosovo and Mozambique
2007; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 14; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13510340701245777
ISSN1743-890X
Autores Tópico(s)Politics and Conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Middle East
ResumoAbstract To succeed, democracy building in post-conflict situations requires political parties to be both competent and committed to the democratic rules of the game. Former belligerents tend to dominate. This article investigates how contextual factors and more particularly the institutional framework in which a party operates affect internal organizational dynamics, and how these in turn affect the challenges that adaptation to democratic politics pose to party leaders. It examines the nested games played by party leaders as they struggle to retain control of their parties and compete with other parties for political power. The analysis focuses on cases drawn from El Salvador, Bosnia, Kosovo and Mozambique, and shows how inter-party competition shapes the identities, priorities, tactics and strategies, which in turn affect the prospects for democratization. The role of international actors in influencing both processes and outcomes in these situations must also be taken into account, especially where democratization is viewed as a means to the end of establishing peace and not simply as goal in its own right. Keywords: party developmentparty-buildingpost-conflictMozambiqueBosniaKosovocivil war Notes 1. There is another set of armed opposition groups whose transformation into political parties led them directly into government as the ruling party. They are likely to face a distinct set of challenges and thus are beyond the scope of this paper. These include the National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ruling parties in Ethiopia and Eritrea, and Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Liberation Front (NPLF) in Liberia. We expect the transitions of these parties to be qualitatively different from those of parties that transition into opposition, for a number of reasons. First and foremost, the problem of finding adequate financial resources is eased, the advantages of incumbency attach to them in electoral competitions, and consequently challenges from within and without are likely to be less than for parties that are in transition to opposition from the battlefield. On the other hand, these parties face the pressures that go with governing: the need to produce results for broad-based constituencies (the public in general) while assuaging the demands of those within the party, pressures for economic and political reform from external actors, and so on. 2. SDS and HDZ are both parties that are legal and to a certain extent active throughout the entire Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, for each party, their primary arena of electoral competition has been one entity – the Federation for HDZ, and the Republika Srpska for SDS. 3. Carrie Manning, ‘Armed Opposition Groups into Political Parties: Comparing Bosnia, Kosovo and Mozambique’, Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. 39, No.1 (2004), pp. 58–74. 4. For discussion of the concepts of selective and collective incentives and their importance in party development, see Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965). 5. See Roberto Michels, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (New York: The Free Press, 1962). See also Gosta Esping-Andersen's study of socialist parties in Western Europe, Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press). For a sampling of the voluminous literature on party system development, see Paul Lewis, ‘Party Development and Democratic Change in Post-Communist Europe’, in: Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther (eds), Political Parties and Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); Scott Mainwaring, Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998); Geoffrey Pridham, Stabilising Fragile Democracies: Comparing New Party Systems in Southern and Eastern Europe (London: Routledge, 1996). 6. The discussions of Renamo, the KLA, HDZ and SDS in this section draw heavily on Carrie Manning (note 3). 7. For a more detailed discussion, see Carrie Manning, ‘Constructing Opposition in Mozambique: Renamo as Political Party’, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol.24, No.1 (1998), pp.161–89. 8. Ibid. 9. For a fuller discussion of Renamo's party development in these respects, see Carrie Manning, ‘Elite Habituation to Democracy in Mozambique: The View from Parliament, 1994–2000’, Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Vol.40, No.1 (2002), pp.61–80; Giovanni M. Carbone, ‘Continuidade na Renovação? Ten Years of Multiparty Politics in Mozambique: Roots, Evolution and Stabilization of the Frelimo-Renamo Party System’, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol.43, No.3 (2005), pp.1–26. 10. For a full discussion of this issue, see Carrie Manning, The Politics of Peace in Mozambique: Post-Conflict Democratization, 1992-2002 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002). 11. This apt phrase was coined in relation to Renamo by Michel Cahen. See Cahen, ‘Dhlakama é Maningue Nice: An Atypical Former Guerrilla in the Mozambican Presidential Race’, L'Afrique Politique (Paris: Karthala, 1995). 12. On the history of the KLA see Tim Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000); Marc Weller, The Crisis in Kosovo 1989–1999 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Bardh Hamzaj, A Narrative About War and Freedom: Dialogue with Commander Ramush Haradinaj (Pristina: Zeri, 2000); Safet Zejnullahu, War for Kosova: Commander Remi Speaks (Pristina: Zeri, 2001); Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (New York and London: New York University Press, 1998). 13. International Crisis Group, ‘Kosovo: Landmark Election’, Balkans Report No.120 (2001). 14. Author interviews, US chief of mission in Pristina, UK advisor to the KPF in Pristina, July 2001. 15. International Crisis Group, Kosovo Report Card, August 2000, p.18. 16. For a concise account of the parties and their standing in these elections, see ICG, Kosovo: Landmark Election, No.120 (21 November 2001). 17. See Gerald Knaus and Felix Martin, ‘Travails of the European Raj’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.14, No.2 (2003), pp.60–74; Carrie Manning, ‘Elections and Political Change in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina’, Democratization, Vol.11, No.2 (2004), pp.60–86; David Chandler, Bosnia: Faking Democracy after Dayton (London: Pluto Press); Roberto Belloni, ‘Peacebuilding and Consociational Electoral Engineering in Bosnia-Herzegovina’, International Peacekeeping, Vol.11, No.2 (2004), pp.334-53. 18. For a fuller discussion, see Manning (notes 3 and 17). 19. There is not space here to go into details on this issue, which is a fascinating one. It is discussed at length in Manning (note 17). 20. Detailed accounts of politics in the Republika Srpska can be found in several reports by the International Crisis Group. See ICG, Bosnia's November Elections: Dayton Stumbles No.104 (18 December 2000); ICG, Bosnia's Municipal Elections 2000: Winners and Losers, No.91 (27 April 2000); ICG, The Wages of Sin: Confronting Bsonia's Republika Srpska, No.118 (8 October 2001); ICG, Republika Srpska – Poplasen, Brcko, and Kosovo: Three Crises and Out? No.62 (6 April 1999). See also Robert Thomas, Serbia under Milošević: Politics in the 1990s (London: Hurst and Company, 1999); Tim Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth, and the Destruction of Yugoslavia (New Haven, CT: Yale Nota Bene, 2000). 21. Author interview, 15 June 2001, Banja Luka, RS. 22. This section draws on Manning (note 3). 23. Jack Spence, ‘Post War Transitions: Elections and Political Parties in El Salvador and Nicaragua’, prepared for presentation at the Latin American Studies Association Congress, Guadalajara, Mexico, 17–19 April, 1997. 24. Ibid. 25. This section is based on field work in San Salvador in September 2004. 26. ‘Cisma en el FMLN: Facundo deja coordinacion’, La Prensa Grafica, 16 March, 1999. 27. Author interview, Santa Tecla, 20 September, 2004. 28. Interpress Service News Agency, ‘El Salvador: Former Rebel FMLN Has Real Chance of Winning’, 13 June 2003. 29. Interview in La Prensa Grafica, (21 March 2003). 30. Author interview, Santa Tecla, 20 September 2004. 31. Christine Wade, ‘From Rebel Movement to Political Party in El Salvador: The FMLN’, paper prepared for the project, ‘From Rebel Movements to Political Parties: Reviewing the Role of International Actors’, Clingendael Institute, The Hague, the Netherlands, July 2005. Additional informationNotes on contributorsCarrie ManningCarrie Manning is Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies, Department of Political Science, Georgia State University, USA.
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