Artigo Revisado por pares

‘MAKING’ JEWS AT HOME

2006; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 36; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13501670600714742

ISSN

1743-971X

Autores

Tatjana Lichtenstein,

Resumo

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Adler, “O JUDru Ludvíku Singerovi,” in Hamajim. Hamajim was the monthly newsletter of the swimming branch of Hagibor Praha. It was published from 1933 to 1937. 2. See the discussion of this process within the German Zionist movement in Lavsky, Before Catastrophe, 66–73; see also Reinharz, Fatherland or Promised Land. 3. For an early example of Jewish nationalism as a Diaspora‐oriented movement, see Shanes, “Neither Germans nor Poles.” 4. For discussion of some prominent Zionists from the Bohemian Lands and their post‐war careers, see Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry, 163–82. 5. See for example, “An die jüdische Öffentlichkeit im tschechoslowakischen Staat,” Selbstwehr, 1 November 1918, 1; “Židovským voličům a voličkám!” (To Jewish voters!), Židovské zprávy (Jewish News), 9 May 1919, 1. 6. Goldstein, “Asimilace jazyková.” 7. “Memorandum from the Jewish National Council in Prague to the Government of the Czechoslovak State, October 28, 1918,” quoted in Rabinowicz, “The Jewish Minority,” 218–21. Appeared in a German translation from the original Czech as “Memorandum des Jüdischen Nationalrats and den Národní výbor,” Selbstwehr, 8 November 1918, 2. 8. Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry, 167–8, 175–8. 9. Ibid., 167–8. 10. Ibid., 173. 11. See discussion of this environment and the founding of Selbstwehr in Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry, 119–23; see also Spector, Prague Territories, 160–5. 12. Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry, 121; Selbstwehr was first published in 1907, Jüdische Volksstimme in 1900. 13. Rabinowicz, “Czechoslovak Zionism,” 19. 14. Kieval, The Making of Czech Jewry, 185–6. 15. Gilman, The Jew's Body, 53; for German Zionist and assimilationist perceptions of physical degeneration, see Efron, Defenders of the Race, 150. 16. Freund, “Sport a mládež.” 17. Ibid. 18. Schneider, “Sport ve službě národa.” 19. Židovský Sport, February 1926, 1. 20. Fuchs, “Die Sokolbewegung;” Trnka, “Sokol‐Makabi.” 21. Recent studies on this process are King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans; Zahra, “Reclaiming Children for the Nation.” 22. King. “The Nationalization of East Central Europe,” 126–7. 23. Friedmann, “Pražští Židé,” 192. 24. Ibid., 193–4. 25. Ibid., 195. 26. Ibid., 200–2. 27. For discussion of aspects of this debate, see Bubeník and Křest'an, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 11–39; Čapková, “Uznání židovské národnosti.” 28. There was not a consensus among social scientists as to what exactly constituted “mother tongue.” Some defined it as the language a person learned first, linking the person to his or her ancestral community, others as the language that a person was most familiar with and in which he or she thought or spoke. For a discussion of the term and critique of mother tongue's status as an objective marker, see Krejči, “Má se při našem příštím sčítaní.” 29. On Jewish social sciences and Zionism, see Hart, Social Science and the Politics. 30. For a discussion of nationhood and the state in interwar East Central Europe, see Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed. 31. On denationalization of Jewish children in Czech public schools in Subcarpathian Ruthenia, a case used to demonstrate the urgency of state funding for a Jewish national school system, Friedmann, “Židovská národní menšina na Podkarpatské Rusi (Dokončení),” 272–3. 32. Zahra, “Reclaiming Children for the Nation,” 503–11. 33. Kollar, “Sčítání lidu,” 186. 34. In the face of alleged widespread parental indifference to or misunderstanding of the importance of monolingual and monolithic national identification, nationalists looked to the school as the only institution that could ensure that children became nationally conscious. Further on this issue, see Zahra, “Reclaiming Children for the Nation.” 35. On indifference, see also, “A po válce …” (After the war …), Židovský Sport, April 1931, 7; Josef Freund, “Sport a mládež.” 36. Justic, “Evropští Židé ve sportu,” 81. 37. Knöpfelmacher, “Dějiny Ž.S.K. Hagiboru.” 38. For police report of 9.7.1917 doc. 4615 S.II in Archív hlavného města Prahy (AHP) (Archive of the City of Prague) file XIV 0367 “Židovský sportovní klub Hagibor Praha.” For the club's character in its early years, see also Mc.Loy, “Židovský sportovní klub Hagibor Praha.” 39. For more on Hagibor and Prague's Jewish Community, see Lichtenstein, “Heja, Heja Hagibor!” 40. Reports in Ministerstvo veřejného zdravotnictví a tělesné výchovy, Statní ústřední archív (MZd, SUA) (Ministry of Public Health and Physical Education, State Central Archives), inv.č. 3424 8/5/P karton 911, documents d. January 1, 1924, October 17, 1927, June 27, 1930. 41. As reflected in references to the anti‐Semitism among judges and audiences, see for example, “Hagibor odstupuje z Pipalová memoriálu” (Hagibor withdraws from Pipal's memorial), Židovský Sport, October 1926, 1; “Polový turnaj v Hradci Králové” (A water polo tournament in Hradec Králové), Hamajim, December 1933, 5; on the importance of Jewish national sports in the eyes of Czech activists, see Fikl, “Poměr Židů k celostátnímu sportu.” 42. Contemporary social scientists estimated that in Prague about a third of Jewish men and women who married chose non‐Jewish partners, an intermarriage rate comparable, they noted, to that of Berlin, see Friedmann, “Pražští Židé,” 169. 43. “Memorandum Národní rady židovské Prezidiu ministerské rady ČSR o zjištování národnosti při prvním sčítání lidu v Československu 24. řijna 1920” (Memorandum from the Jewish National Council to the Ministerial Council of the Czechoslovak Republic regarding the identification of nationality in the first Czechoslovak census, 24 October 1920), reprinted in Bubeník and Křest'an, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 29–31, here 30. 44. Bubeník and Křest'an, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 20. 45. Boháč, “Příští sčítání lidu,” 274. 46. “Memorandum 24 October 1920.” 47. For the Jewish National Council arguing that Jewish nationality could be determined objectively, namely by descent, see “Memorandum 24 October 1920,” Bubeník and Křest'an, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 30. 48. “Stenografisches Protokoll des Vortrages Dr Emil Margulies, Leitmeritz, Vorsitzenden der Jüdischen Partei in der tschechosl. Republik ‘Über die gegenwärtigen politischen Strömungen und Programme unserer Mitbürger jüdischer Nationalität,’ gehalten in der Gesellschaft zum Studium der Minderheitenfragen unter Vorsitz des Ministers Dr Krofta, am 21. März 1933 in Prag,” Central Zionist Archives (CZA) file no. A299/9, 4. For census results (religion) 1921 and 1930, see Československá statistika (Czechoslovak Statistics), svazek 98, řada VI (sčítání lidu, sešit 7) vol. 1 (Praha 1934), 51 (table 47). 49. For this use of the term, see Zahra, “Reclaiming Children for the Nation,” 521. 50. See Stourzh, “Ethnic Attribution in Late Imperial Austria,” 67–83. 51. Ibid., 67; Kertzer and Arel, Census and Identity, 26. 52. Stourzh, “Ethnic Attribution in Late Imperial Austria,” 67–8; Arel, “Language Categories in Censuses,” 92–120, here 100–2; Mills Kelly, “Last Chance or Last Gasp?,” 283. 53. King, “The Nationalization of East Central Europe,” 126. 54. Horáček, “Národnostní statistika,” 192; Boháč, “Příští sčítání lidu,” for Boháč, see also Bubeník and Křest'án, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 15–23. 55. Horáček, “Národnostní statistika,” 192–3. 56. Kollar, “Sčítání lidu,” 186; Bubeník and Křest'án, “Zjištování národnosti a židovská otázka,” 15–23. 57. Kollar, “Sčítání lidu,” 186. 58. Kučera, “Politický či přirozený národ?,” 562. 59. “Židovský plavecký klub Hagibor,” AHP file XIV 1153 “Židovský sportovní klub Hagibor,” AHP file XIV 0367. 60. The membership forms for the Jewish Swimming Club Hagibor did not contain categories such as nationality, religion, or language. The aspiring members were asked to state their names, addresses, date and place of birth. “Přihláška” (membership form), Hamajim, December 1935, 49. Commissioner's were authorized to make their own decisions about an individual's nationality if they believed it was stated incorrectly, “Nařízení vlády Československé ze dne 30. října 1920, č. 592 Sb. Z. a nař., jímž se provádí zákon o sčítání lidu ze dne 8. dubna 1920, č. 256 Sb. Z. a. n.” (Czechoslovak government decree of 30 October 1920 regarding the census law of 8 April 1920), Československý statistický věstník, 2 (1921): 59–82, §20; for examples of decisions made or influenced by census commissioners quoted in a work by the prominent scholar Emanuel Rádl who opposed ethnic ascription and favoured individuals' subjective choice of nationality, see Rádl, Národnost jako vědecký problem, 48, 52–3; see also case quoted in Bubeník and Křest'an, “Zjištování národnosti jako problem statistický a politický,” 119. 61. “[P]ěstování sportu ku povznešení židovského sebevědomí” (“engage in sport in order to improve Jewish self‐esteem”), AHP, Ž.S.K. Hagibor, Stanovy (statutes) 1915; MZd, inv.č. 3424 8/5/P karton 911, Stanovy 1922. 62. On Jewish sport in Europe, see, for example, the articles in: Journal of Sport History, 26, no. 2 (1999); König, “Herr Jud” sollen Sie Sagen!; Friedler, Makkabi Chai, Makkabi lebt!; Schulze‐Marmeling, Davidstern und Lederball. 63. Makabi attempted to devise a unified ideological front and formulated guidelines on matters such as the degree of emphasis on Palestine and aliyah, the use of Hebrew commands, and requirements for the Zionist and Jewish knowledge of members. Pick, “Sports,” 191f. 64. For Hagibor, see Landes, “K poslání židovského sportu”; a similar critique of the conditions within other groups in Makabi ČSR is quoted in Čapková, Češi, Němci, Židé?, 124. For similar cases in a different context, see Borut, “‘Verjudung des Judentums’,” 92–114. 65. “Denskschrift des Jüdischen Nationalrats wegen des Holleschauer Pogroms,” Selbstwehr, 13 December 1918, 1; “Communique des Jüdischen Nationalrats über die Ausschreitungen in Prag,” Selbstwehr, 6 December 1918. This communiqué was said to have been sent to Jewish national councils and Zionist organizations abroad; “Extract from the report of activities of the Jewish National Council in Prague, January 1919,” Rabinowicz, “The Jewish Minority,” 222. 66. For the comparison with Poland, see “Plünderungen,” Selbstwehr, 17 January 1919, 1 and “Ein tschechischer Eideshelfer der Polenlügen,” Selbstwehr, 21 February 1919, 3; for Czech politicians on the damaging effect of anti‐Semitism, see exchanges recorded in the minutes from the meetings of the provisional national assembly (Národní Shromáždění), Josef Stivín, 20 December 1918; Karel Kramař, 20 December 1918 (http://www.psp.cz). 67. See Carole Fink for a detailed discussion of this committee's work at the Paris Peace Conference (Fink, Defending the Rights of Others). 68. “Memorandum 28 October 1918;” “Eine jüdische Massenversammlung in Prag,” Selbstwehr, 15 November 1918. 69. In October 1920, the Jewish National Council objected to a proposal to register “language” and not “nationality” in the upcoming census ‘warning’ that Jews, particularly in Slovakia and Subcarphatian Ruthenia, would end up adding to the numbers of Germans and Hungarians because they would, as they had in the past, state German, accustomed as they were to Yiddish being defined as German, “Memorandum 24 October 1920”; for Austrian policies, Friedmann, “Židovská národní menšina,” 190. 70. For Masaryk's view of Jewish moral regeneration and prewar contacts with Zionists, see Kieval, Languages of Community, 208–10. 71. Čapková, Češi, Němci, Židé?, 100–3; Crhová. “Jewish Politics in Central Europe,” 280. 72. “Asimilace jazyková – asimilace národní,” Židovské zprávy, 18 April 1919, 4; Čapková, Češi, Němci, Židé?, 127. It is not clear how central the Hebrew language was to the Zionists in Bohemia and Moravia, but individual cases suggest that lack of Hebrew language skills was not an impediment to prominence in the Zionist movement in Czechoslovakia, as some leading activists had little or no knowledge of Hebrew by the time they immigrated to Palestine/Israel. For example, according to Čapková, Emil Margulies, a prominent Zionist leader, did not know Hebrew when he moved to Palestine in 1939, see Čapková, Češi, Němci, Židé?, 122. Another example is Viktor Fischl, the editor of Židovské zprávy, who also claims that he did not know Hebrew when he left Czechoslovakia for Israel in 1948, see Emingerová, Dva životy, 75. 73. Kieval, Languages of Community, 158. 74. Kieval, Making of Czech Jewry, 98. 75. Věstník obecní hlavního města Prahy [Municipal newsletter of the City of Prague] 1921, XVI schůze (meeting), 21 December 1920, 8. 76. Parliamentary speech by Angelo Goldstein, 27 April 1933, available at http://www.psp.cz. 77. Some of the responses of the Czech‐Jewish movement and non‐Jewish critics are assembled in the newspaper clippings collection in the Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí—Výstřižkový archív (Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—Clippings Collection), SUA, MZV‐VA 1921–1930. 78. MZd, inv.č. 3424 8/5/P karton 911, document d. 16 November 1923. 79. Ibid. 80. Štern, “Židovský sport v Československu,” 109–13. 81. Brücke/Most‐Stiftung, Kde domov můj; Waic, “Československá obec sokolská.” 82. Mazover, Dark Continent, 91f. 83. Newsletter and magazines noted when members left for military service, see Hamajim, June–September 1935, 36. 84. Svaz čsl. Makabi v Praze, Slavnostní Spis, 21. 85. Ibid. 86. While invoking images of ‘German’ and ‘Magyar’ Jews was perceived as more effective by Hagibor's leadership, their ‘disciplining’ of Jews' political behaviour could also be addressing suspicions of Jews' alleged radicalism. 87. This discourse on the need to improve the situation of the Jews in order to make them more useful and loyal subjects was integral to the debate on Jewish emancipation and integration in West and Central Europe since the late 1700s. In the context of 1920s in Czechoslovakia, the specifics had changed, but the basic notion of the need for Jews to change so as to be useful to the state persisted. In this particular case, Hagibor's claim was also intertwined with Zionism's vision of the New Jew. For a discussion of the concept of the ‘new’ Jew, see Stanislawski, Zionism and the Fin de Siècle, 94–97; Zerubavel, Recovered Roots, 25–27; Mendelsohn, “Zionist Success and Zionist Failure,” 175f. 88. Knöpfelmacher, “Dějiny Ž.S.K. Hagiboru,” 7. 89. Židovský Sport, January 1927, 6. 90. “Židovstí sportovci zúčastní se manifestačního průvodu Prahou 18. zaří” (Jewish athletes join the demonstration in Prague 18 September), Židovský Sport, September 1927, 4. 91. “Athleti Hagiboru na sportovní manifestaci 18. září t.r.” (Hagibor's athletes at the sport demonstration on 18 September 18 this year), Židovský Sport, October 1927, 2. 92. “Skvělé výsledky plavců Hagiboru” (Hagibor's swimmers achieve great results), Židovský Sport, September 1927, 1; “Bilance plavecké sekce Ž.S.K. Hagiboru za rok 1931” (Taking stock of Hagibor's swimming section), Židovský Sport, January 1932, 6–7. 93. As quoted in Židovský Sport, May 1931, 8. 94. Ibid. 95. Ginz, “Hekš osmým,” 1. 96. Pick, “Sports,” 198–9. 97. “Manifestační sportovní schůze” (A sports gathering), Židovský Sport, December 1926, 2. 98. “Valná hromada Ž.S.K. Hagibor Praha” (Plenary session of Ž.S.K. Hagibor Praha), Židovský Sport, March 1932, 9. 99. “Hagibor vyhrál po prvé Zadákův pohár a vítězí v župním mistrovství!” (Hagibor wins Zadak's Cup for the first time and triumphs in the league championship), Hamajim, April–May 1935, 23. 100. “Na vrcholku hory” (At the pinnacle), Židovský Sport, August 1931, 9. 101. During the interwar years, the Czech‐Jewish movement consisted of a number of different groups divided on issues like assimilation vs. acculturation, attitude towards Zionism, and Jewish cultural renewal, see Kateřina Čapková's discussion of the Czech‐Jewish “assimilationists” (Čapková, “Češi, Němci, Židé?” 50–85). 102. Kieval, Making of Czech Jewry, 154–7. 103. “Závět dra Ludvíka Singra” (Ludvík Singer's will), Židovský Sport, August 1931, 1. 104. For an example of Czech‐Jews perpetuating the image of ‘German’ Jews, see Fuchs, “Židé a ochrana menšin,” 133. 105. Josef Fikl, “Poměr Židů k celostátnímu sportu,” 7. Additional informationNotes on contributorsTatjana LichtensteinTatjana Lichtenstein is a PhD candidate in the Department of History at the University of Toronto. She is completing a dissertation on the Zionist movement in the Bohemian Lands between the two world wars.

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