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Rediscovering Civil Society? Renewal and Continuity in the Portuguese Radical Left

2013; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 18; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13608746.2012.757450

1743-9612

Marco Lisi,

Social Policy and Reform Studies

Abstract The importance of party organisational models to party-civil-society relations has been substantially overlooked in the scholarly literature. Drawing on the Portuguese case, this study examines to what extent radical left parties have established different links with civil society, namely by allying with social movements and trade unions. Our findings confirm that party organisational models significantly shape the relationship between the radical left and civil society. However, external challenges and internal pressures increase the influence of party leadership in determining linkage strategies. Finally, the impact of the recent economic and financial crisis has been limited, especially in terms of programmatic and organisational renewal. Keywords: Radical LeftPortuguese Communist PartyLeft BlocPortugalCivil SocietyParty Linkages Notes [1] In 2000, the BE included also the fourth component, Ruptura-FER (Left Revolutionary Front), an extreme left-wing group which is the Portuguese representative of the International Workers League (Fourth International). [2] See the interview with Miguel Portas, Expresso, 14 October 2000. In particular, the mobilisation of civil society for the first referendum on abortion in 1998 and the demonstrations in defence of East Timor's independence played a crucial role in the emergence of this new political party. [3] Like other left-libertarian parties, the BE has adopted the rule of MP rotation. However, it has been increasingly difficult for the party to respect this criterion due to the expansion of its parliamentary group as shown by the strong continuity of the main party leaders. [4] See, among others, the recent document 'O Bloco e os caminhos da Esquerda' elaborated after the electoral defeat in 2011. [5] Since the IV convention in 2005, several criticisms have emerged with regard to the oligarchic character of party structures, the routinisation of internal procedures, and the lack of information for the majority of party members. See, for example, motion B ('Por uma Plataforma de Democracia Socialista') presented at the 2005 party meeting. The same document was also presented at the 2007 convention. These criticisms were also made at the 2011 convention, emphasising the need to strengthen openness and the renovation of the party. [6] This reflects what happened for green parties, where the first generation of party elites had previous political experience as activists in social movements (Poguntke Citation2006). [7] Workers' committees are institutions that aim to represent workers in their relationships with companies. These structures emerged during the democratic transition and opposed the attempt of the CGTP and PCP to control the labour movement. They developed strong links with extreme-left parties and displayed more radical orientations. [8] I created an index of left-libertarian orientations which includes the following items: peace, environmental protection, negative references to traditional morality, positive references to labour and non-economic demographic groups (i.e. women, old people, young people, linguistic groups, etc.), and support of underprivileged minority groups.. [9] See the document 'O Rumo Estratégico do Bloco' elaborated after the 2005 elections. [10] There is a symbiotic relationship when one actor is dependent on the other and vice versa. Traditionally, this kind of phenomenon is seen in the relationship between Catholic parties and religious associations (Morlino Citation1998; Thomas Citation2001). [11] The UGT was formed in the 1970s with the support of the two main parties (PS and Partido Social Democrata [PSD]) and played a marginal role in the mobilisation of workers' movements, giving priority to the development of institutional relations with the government. [12] The PSR only elected its first representative in the CGTP in 1993. However, during the last decade the BE was not represented on the main executive board. [13] Some of the most active groups close to the BE include associations of independent or precarious jobs (FERVE—Fartas/os d'Estes Recibos Verdes, Precarious inflexíveis), or performing artists (Intermitentes do espectáculo). [14] Due to the deterioration of the economic and financial situation, the socialist government was forced to ask for a bailout which then led the so-called troika (International Monetary Fund [IMF], European Central Bank [ECB], European Commission [EC]) to set out significant austerity measures and a plan of structural reforms. [15] References to precarious work were also present in the 2002 and 2005 electoral manifestos. However, it was mainly related to specific groups such as immigrants or part-time jobs.