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Thinking about Pilgrimage, Particularly in Modern Japan

2016; Wiley; Volume: 42; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1111/rsr.12275

1748-0922

Greg Wilkinson,

Religion and Society Interactions

Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage By Michael Pye Sheffield: Equinox, 2015. Pp. xvi + 315. Hardcover, $95.00; Paper, $29.95. Pilgrimage in the Marketplace By Ian Reader Routledge Series in Religion, Travel, and Tourism New York: Routledge, 2014. Pp. xiv + 228. Hardcover, $145.00; Paper, $44.95. Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction By Ian Reader Oxford Very Short Introductions 427 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. xiv + 130. $11.95. Michael Pye's Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage is one of the latest books to focus on pilgrimage in modern Japan. It follows several recent works on the subject by Ian Reader including his Making Pilgrimages: Meaning and Practice in Shikoku (2005), as well as his two books reviewed in this essay, Pilgrimage in the Marketplace and Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction. Reader's comparative approach is useful analytically for looking at Pye's more narrowly focused study of Japanese Buddhist pilgrimage. Reader's key points—that modern pilgrimage has become increasingly widespread, internationalized, commercialized, and secularized—provides a convenient framework for understanding what is happening in Japanese Buddhist pilgrimage as discussed in detail by Michael Pye. In Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, Pye continues a scheme he has employed previously of analyzing pilgrimage based on route, transaction, and meaning (see Pye 1987; Pye 2005). The first five chapters provide a detailed compendium of modern pilgrimage routes in Japan. These include the well-known Saikoku route, which is the model for several other 33-temple routes with icons of Kannon (the bodhisattva of mercy); the famous Shikoku route of 88 temples associated with Kōbō Daishi (the ninth-century Buddhist monk who founded Japan's Shingon sect of Buddhism), which is the model for several other 88-temple routes; routes organized around other Buddhist deities like Yakushi (the Buddha of healing), Fudō Myōō, or Jizō; routes based on historical Buddhist figures like Hōnen or Dōgen; and routes based on multiple deities like the thirteen Buddhas or the seven gods of good fortune as well as other Shugendō and Shinto routes. The first half of Pye's book, with its multiple lists, tables, maps, and pictures of Buddhist icons, provides the reader with an introduction to the great number and diversity of Japan's pilgrimage routes, which up to now has only been available in Japanese guidebooks (see, e.g., Yagi 2013). Although the lists do give a good depiction of the most popular and common pilgrimage routes in modern Japan, it is surprising that Pye includes several non-Buddhist pilgrimages, given that his book's title and his subsequent analysis is on the meaning of Buddhist pilgrimages. Pye's description of modern Buddhist pilgrimages is both extensive and practical. He offers detailed information about the most basic features of Buddhist pilgrimage that is extremely helpful for nonspecialists unfamiliar with the subject matter. Such interesting details as the similarities of the Chinese characters used to write Saikoku and Shikoku, respectively, might be overlooked by experts with decades of fieldwork experience. But Pye proves to be a masterful teacher for neophytes of Japan, Buddhism, and pilgrimage. Pye then analyzes in Chapter 6 what he calls the pilgrim's transaction, by which he means the set of ritual practices that connect the pilgrim to the Buddhist object of devotion at the temple. Transaction is what distinguishes a pilgrimage from other types of temple visits. A pilgrim's transaction has a three-part structure: 1) The pilgrim deposits evidence of the visit, 2) the pilgrim performs a devotional act, and 3) the pilgrim acquires evidence of the visit (185). Again, Pye provides extensive detailed information about votive slips (osame fuda) deposited at pilgrimage temples, sutras and songs commonly chanted in front of worship halls, and the stamps (placed in books or on jackets or scrolls) and icons cards available for purchase at each pilgrimage temple. In his concluding chapters, Pye turns to the task of interpretation, or, more precisely, he explores what these pilgrimages mean in general as well as what specific meanings they hold for individual pilgrims. While he includes some information about the wishes pilgrims inscribe on votive slips as well as the meaning behind pilgrims’ traditional dress and the content of guidebooks, most of the analysis in this chapter concerns the content of sutra recitations done at pilgrimage temples, especially texts like the Kannon Sutra (Chapter 25 of the Lotus Sutra) and the Heart Sutra. The analysis of these sutras is interesting and yet this choice is surprising given that Pye argues at the onset that his is a phenomenological approach to the study of religion based upon “the creation of reliable characterizations which are consistent with the self-understanding of the believers or participants themselves” (6). Most would assume that meaning would be primarily analyzed from actual testimonies from pilgrim informants, or from readily available memoirs and diaries. But Pye argues that “[o]n balance, it may be confidently stated that the booklets [small books containing recitations] are sufficiently common, and in such practical use, for them to count as evidence for the meanings which pilgrims see in their pilgrimage” (244). However, the influence of group activities and ritual traditions would have to qualify any confidence that recitations are positively correlated to a pilgrim's motivations. Reader, for example, makes the point that bus-tour pilgrims, who travel in groups, are much more likely to spend more time at temples and participate in recitations than solitary walking pilgrims (Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction, 23). Especially in the context of esoteric Japanese Buddhism, recitations often gain more meaning through ritual performance than through understandings of or contemplations on content (see Yamasaki 1988). Generally, Pye's Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage is a commendable work. The first six chapters alone allow readers to gain basic information about the great diversity of pilgrimage routes in Japan as well as specifics about pilgrimage rituals and etiquette, material culture, and so on. Pye's views about the meaning of Buddhist pilgrimage in Japan are built upon the premise that the motivations for undertaking them are intrinsically religious at their core. While this will not be persuasive to all, it offers an important academic perspective especially in comparison to the work done by Ian Reader. Reader's Pilgrimage in the Marketplace and Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction share much in terms of their content and even their prose. Pilgrimage in the Marketplace is a part of the Routledge Studies on Religion, Travel, and Tourism. Reader includes several examples from pilgrimages around the world but often relies theoretically on Japanese pilgrimage for his key examples. Of course this is because he is a specialist in the religions of Japan, but it is more than that: Reader argues persuasively that if pilgrimage is best understood as a field of competing market relations, which is his major thesis, then Japan offers valuable illustrations for comparison (Pilgrimage in the Marketplace [hereafter Marketplace], 11). Reader argues that, while religious devotion may be an object of contemporary pilgrimage, it does not fully define it as a practice. Modern pilgrimage is deeply embedded in ordinary secular institutions and activities—the travel industry and tourism, the mass media and advertising, the economic production and the mass consumption of pilgrimage-related consumer goods, and so on. The chapters offer an extremely interesting and accessible look at the essential socioeconomic, technological, and promotional strategies behind why some pilgrimages succeed and others fail. Reader does this through a study of marketing campaigns, innovative and entrepreneurial priests, pilgrimage merchants, guidebooks, souvenirs, and the experiences of other actors within the travel and tourism industry. His goal is to qualify, if not reject, Eliade's dichotomy between the sacred and profane and to show that the commercialization of pilgrimage is not new—that the this-worldly and the holy are inextricably interrelated when it comes to the perpetuation of pilgrimage (Marketplace, 16). This picks up on themes from Reader's previous work, such as Making Pilgrimages (2005) and, with George Tanabe, his Practically Religious: Worldly Benefits and the Common Religion of Japan (1998). Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction is the latest addition to the Oxford University Press “very short introduction” series and designed for classroom use. Given that the premise of the book is that pilgrimage is a universal phenomenon, this book provides an extremely valuable survey with a plethora of examples from not just Japan, but from many different pilgrimages from around the world. The author's argument is that significant themes exist in contemporary pilgrimage cross-culturally. For example, trains are just as important as miracles for making a pilgrimage site popular—as can be seen in the explosion of pilgrims to the Marian Pilgrimage to Lourdes, France, as well as the Chichibu pilgrimage in Japan after mass railroad transit was introduced. Mass media publicity is just as vital for the success of any pilgrimage as ancient relics, as exemplified by the Santiago de Compestela pilgrimage in northern Spain (associated with Saint James), which has been written about extensively in non-fiction books, feature articles in newspapers and even in Hollywood films (Emilio Estevez's 2010 film, The Way) (Pilgrimage: A Very Short Introduction [hereafter Introduction], 43–49). In the concluding chapter, Reader also discusses the fascinating emergence of nonreligious or secular pilgrimages. These are diverse and global, from Graceland, the Vietnam Memorial, and Pre's Rock in the United States to anime pilgrimages in Japan (Introduction, 101–08). While Reader, especially in his work on the Shikoku pilgrimage, works from a similar data set as Pye, his comparative approach with its new assumptions and perspective on the pilgrimage's basic ties to marketplace and secular activities is refreshing. His work also leads us in a new direction, one that shows that Japanese pilgrimage is not at all parochial but reflects global trends generally: Japanese pilgrimages are increasingly attracting a more widespread audience, with diverse clienteles of pilgrim/tourists. Japanese pilgrimages are also increasingly becoming more international, commercial, and secular. Let us look at each of these themes in greater detail. Japanese pilgrimage has recently become more widespread as it has garnered more attention and participants from around the world. Aided by media coverage as well by the leisure time and discretionary income available to a greater number in developed countries, more people both nationally and worldwide are aware of and visiting Japan's pilgrimage routes. Both Pye and Reader rely on Satō Hisamitsu's 2004 study on the growth of pilgrimage participation in modern Japan. However, Pye is much more optimistic about how widespread pilgrimage has become in recent years. He estimates that there are millions of pilgrimages performed in Japan annually (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 1). This estimate moves well beyond Satō's data and is based on a very broad definition of pilgrimage as “the deliberate traversing of a route to a sacred place, which lies outside one's normal habitat” (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 16). Pye's definition stops just short of defining pilgrimage as any visit to a temple or shrine (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 9–10). Reader is less sanguine about pilgrimage's popularity in modern Japan. He does use Satō's data to show that some pilgrimages have experienced times of impressive growth, especially when spurred by effective promotion and marketing campaigns. For example, the Chichibu 34-station pilgrimage, north of Tokyo, went from 22,000 visitors in 2002 to 78,000 pilgrims in 2003 because they adeptly promoted their kaichō (or opening the curtain) year. This is a time which normally occurs every twelve years, when the typically hidden Kannon icons (hibutsu) become available for public viewing (Marketplace, 4–6). This kind of exponential growth prompted many to believe that Japan was experiencing a pilgrimage boom (junrei būmu). However, such growth was difficult to maintain, which prompted the Chichibu Pilgrimage Association to promote an unscheduled kaichō year in 2008 (Marketplace, 8). Reader argues that marketing, mass transit, travel and tourism improvements (better hotels, restaurant options, entertainment options, etc.), and tour companies have increased the number of pilgrims and greatly democratized pilgrimages—more people of both genders and any age group, from a wide range of income levels, can now participate (Introduction, 17). Today, for example, the majority of Shikoku pilgrims are women and over two-thirds of pilgrims are now older than sixty (Marketplace, 95). Pilgrimage in Japan has also become more widespread through a process of localization, proliferation, and replication, with hundreds of pilgrimage routes now available throughout the country (Introduction, 7). However, Reader cautions that the market for pilgrimage is finite. With the proliferation of pilgrimage routes there is greater competition, which has resulted in some temples experiencing a decline in visitors. He refers to William B. Taylor's work on the Walmart-style history of pilgrimage in Mexico, where the popularity of a shrine in Guadalupe caused a corresponding decline in the number of visitors at neighboring shrines. He believes similar competitive rivalries between pilgrimages over attracting a greater clientele have also occurred in Japan. Shikoku's increasing participation rate, to cite one case, has come at the expense of other pilgrimage sites like Saikoku and Shōdoshima (Marketplace, 18, 45; see also Reader 2012a, 2012b). The small inland sea island of Awaji has five pilgrimage routes, but as one has grown the others have waned. This provides proof that competition and proliferation may have expanded the promotion of pilgrimages overall but have not resulted in sustained growth in overall participation (Marketplace, 57). Other factors have also contributed to making Japanese pilgrimage more widespread. Reader sees the proliferation of pilgrimage guidebooks as another important means for broadening the appeal of pilgrimage (Marketplace, 105). Information about pilgrimage routes has also expanded through diaries, blogs, electronic publishing, and the growing coverage of individual pilgrim's stories in the Japanese mass media—all of which have raised greater awareness among the public (Reader 2014, 105, 117–19). Beyond Pye's broad definition of pilgrimage and his optimistic view of the future, Reader provides a fuller picture of how and why Japanese pilgrimages are becoming more widespread. Certainly, modern advancements in such things as mass communication and the transportation industry have opened the possibility for rising participation. However, continued growth is not assured, especially for specific pilgrimage routes that have struggled to attract pilgrims in an increasingly competitive and saturated market. While linked to their widespread appeal in modernity, pilgrimages are also increasingly international in character. Comparisons are now commonly made in academic publications between Japanese pilgrimage routes and other prominent pilgrimages and sacred sites around the globe like Santiago de Compostela, Mecca, and the Western Wall or the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Also, the specific efforts of pilgrimage, associations and publishers to promote Japanese pilgrimage overseas is also a factor in their internationalization. The books by Pye and Reader, as well as any other books from the popular press on Japanese pilgrimage, offer ample evidence that Japan's pilgrimages have become more internationally recognized, gaining worldwide attention and interest (see Sibley 2013; Chavez 2013). Most research on Japanese pilgrimage attempts to define pilgrimage and then characterize its practices through comparison. Research looks at Shikoku and Saikoku, for instance, not only in terms of Japanese and Buddhist ethnography to be described and analyzed in isolation, or in comparison to one another, but rather as case studies that offer comparative foils in the broader context of pilgrimages throughout the world. Pye often compares Japanese pilgrimage to those in other countries. He argues that Japanese Buddhist pilgrimage is distinctive because of its generally circulatory, rather than linear arrangement, in which no one site is any more important than the others on the circuit. But he also draws comparisons with other Western circulatory pilgrimages like the Stations of the Cross in Jerusalem and the Path of Reflection in Allgäu, Germany (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 19–20). Pye sees similarities between Japanese Pilgrimage and certain Christian pilgrimages throughout his study (231, 245). He also discusses how foreign researchers have contributed to internationally promoting the Shikoku pilgrimage; these include books written by Alfred Bohner, Oliver Statler, Ian Reader, and Nathalie Kouamé (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 75). David Moreton (see Matsushita and Moreton 2013; Muro and Moreton 2008) and Robert Sibley's recent book, The Way of the 88 Temples: Journeys on the Shikoku Pilgrimage (discussed below) should also be added to Pye's list. Reader's two books also do not treat Japanese pilgrimage as discrete and disconnected from other pilgrimages internationally. Indeed, he is critical of the theoretical work on pilgrimage, which often relies on Christian examples as its key evidence. By contrast, Japanese pilgrimage, he argues, is a rich tradition with extremely useful case studies, comparatively speaking, for exploring pilgrimage as a global phenomenon. In the beginning of his Oxford introduction, Reader states that pilgrimage is “a global phenomenon found almost universally across cultures” (Introduction, 1–2). The fact that, even though he is a specialist in the Shikoku pilgrimage, he was chosen to write generally on pilgrimage for this series is in itself significant, indicating the growing international relevance of Japan in pilgrimage studies. In Religion in the Marketplace, Reader argues just that. Japanese pilgrimages are an important comparative foil to understand the complex structure of modern pilgrimage in general. Japan has a uniquely rich pilgrimage culture with routes gaining recently national and international prestige (like Shikoku) to those solely dependent on local and regional support for their survival (like Shōdoshima). Putting Japan front and center comparatively is appropriate because Asian pilgrimages are consistently underrepresented by such studies, which are often written by specialists in Abrahamic religions (Marketplace, 22). Two recent books provide additional evidence of Japanese pilgrimage's increasingly international appeal. In 2013, Robert C. Sibley published The Way of the 88 Temples: Journeys on the Shikoku Pilgrimage. This is a very readable memoir of Sibley's walking pilgrimage of the 1,200-kilometer Shikoku route. Sibley, a journalist for the Ottawa Citizen, is well known for his previous book, The Way of the Stars: Journeys on the Camino de Santiago (2012). Whereas multiple pilgrimages by pilgrims in the West often remain in the orbit of European Christian/Catholic sites (see Introduction, 81), we now find a new movement of pilgrims who travel on multiple routes taking them beyond the European and Christocentric sacred journey. Sibley is just one example of such a pilgrim for whom Shikoku was a plausible follow-up to his pilgrimage in Spain even though Shikoku was twice as long, in a non-Western country, and required learning some Japanese. The connection Sibley and many others like-minded pilgrims make between Shikoku and the Camino is significant. A key focus of Reader's analysis at the end of Pilgrimage in the Marketplace is that larger secularizing trends are influencing these new global pilgrims (170–92). Santiago, the city, for example, was named a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1985 and the pilgrimage trail (Camino) gained its UNESCO World Heritage Status in 1993 (Introduction, 48). The Shikoku Pilgrimage Association has also been campaigning for the same status for their pilgrimage and has used the Way of Saint James as a model for its promotion and marketing (Marketplace, 178). Gaining such recognition for their rich cultural heritage on the world stage stimulates global cultural tourism and nontraditional pilgrims. Another internationalizing force at work beyond print media is film and television. Japanese pilgrimages have become more internationally recognized because of authors and directors like the New York Times best-selling author Bruce Feiler. His Sacred Journeys television series, broadcast in 2014 on PBS stations in the United States prominently features Japan. While Feiler's series included just six episodes, Shikoku was represented along with Lourdes, Jerusalem, the Hajj, Kumbh Mela, and Nigeria's Osun-Osogbo. The series was just one of many broadcasts and publications in the past few years introducing the Shikoku pilgrimage to a wider international audience. The commodification of pilgrimage is a contentious but key issue for both pilgrims and researchers. In Pilgrimage in the Marketplace, Reader explains that academics have often tried to marginalize the commercialism prevalent in popular pilgrimage. They do so by relegating it as insignificant or even inauthentic, something that distracts pilgrims from the real underlying essence of pilgrimage as a sacred journey. Often such studies claim that commercialistic elements in pilgrimage encroach upon primal religious experiences available to devout travelers. Reader admits that he originally fell into this trap on his first pilgrimage to Amarnath in Kashmir. He was initially critical of the tea merchants, whose job was to provide food and lodging for a premium even at remote locales on the trip. He felt that these entrepreneurs took advantage of pilgrims and distracted from the pilgrimage experience with the luxuries of tea and shelter. He has later realized how essential these vendors were to the creature comforts that made the journey possible, even enjoyable, and how integral they were as part of his own experience (Marketplace, 83-85). Reader identifies the problematic assumptions behind those who attempt to cleanly demarcate between the holy and the worldly in pilgrimage. He notes that “examples abound of how academic studies have portrayed the commercial, promotional, and material domains of pilgrimage, especially in the modern day, as somehow contradictory to the ‘true’ nature of pilgrimage” (Marketplace, 11). Interestingly, he seems to express similar sentiments about how modern commercialism adversely affects pilgrimage traditions. In his book on the Shikoku pilgrimage, to take but one instance of this, he calls the recent trend of male pilgrims replacing traditional pilgrimage headwear with baseball caps as something sad and appalling (Reader 2005, 13). Pye seems to be one of these academics who falls prey to these problematic assumptions about commercialization. Pye is skeptical of studies seeking to equate tourism with pilgrimage. He claims that “while this feature [commercialized tourism] is ever-present in some sense, it is pertinent to ask why this ought to be interesting . . .while the practicalities are interesting it is surely the intentions which are of central importance” (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 13). In discussing Alfred Bohner's 1927 Shikoku travelogue, Pye is more impressed with the consistency of Shikoku route's main features rather than the changes to it wrought by mechanized transportation (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 15). He also rejects anything intrinsically important about the commercialism associated with pilgrimage transactions: “It does not seem odd to those participating, including those who staff the temples, that there is an immediate, even a commercial aspect to the transaction. This is only natural. Whichever side of the relationship is held in view, it is understood that there will always be quid pro quo. That is why we refer to it as a transaction” (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 182). This may be the most inconsistent part of Pye's work. On one hand, he dismisses commercialism, but on the other hand, he is extremely interested in the pilgrim's acts of making transactions, especially with stamp books, scrolls, and icon depiction cards (miei) purchased at temples. The commercial exchange of goods and services is a basic economic practice that underlies the ritual connection between pilgrim, sacred icon, and the divinity's spiritual power to dispense salvation. Do not these cash transactions carry with them some relevance to the pilgrim's experiences, from the mundane pleasures of acquiring religious paraphernalia and omiyage to the more subtle meanings produced in a commercialized marketplace within which sacred travel takes place? Here, as always, in-depth interviews with the pilgrims, who are themselves a product of contemporary commercial culture and are deeply involved in the commercial transaction, is essential. Pye himself had experience in this jouissance when he curated museum displays of pilgrimage artifacts. For instance, he describes his joy over finding a Saikoku pilgrimage scroll in a Kyoto second-hand shop (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, xv). Are such delights and ecstasies peripheral, meaningless, and disconnected from spiritual experience or an integral part of it? Are they not an important reason that pilgrims engage in transactions at temples in the first place? Are such transactions not a type of commodification of the pilgrimage? Reader makes a compelling argument that they are, but that they need not be a hindrance to pilgrimage traditions. Many of his pilgrim informants went on pilgrimage simply because they wanted a scroll with stamps from each temple. Some admit that seeing someone else's stamp book or scroll was their main motivation for starting a pilgrimage (Marketplace, 151–54). He also argues that many pilgrims do not even enter worship halls or complete Pye's second step of transaction by performing a devotional act, but go directly to the temples’ stamp office (nōkyōjo) (Marketplace, 156). Seventy-two percent of pilgrims surveyed said they saw their scroll as a souvenir (Marketplace, 152). What they mean by this and what range of meanings are associated with souvenirs brought home from the pilgrimage are a key avenue for research if we wish to understand why these transactions occur in the first place. Recently, new guidebooks focus just on the temple stamps rather than the routes themselves. Pilgrims also exercise their own consumer preferences by picking which temples to go to based on personal affinities, which can include the scenery, cuisine, other activities, or even the perceived aesthetic value of the stamps themselves (see Misu 2014; Yagi 2015). Smaller pilgrimages often do not have a stamp office at every site. Shōdoshima, for example, only offers stamps at 39 of their 88 sites and there is a growing trend of pilgrims only visiting the sites where stamps can be obtained, skipping the other locations on the pilgrimage (Marketplace, 156–57). The very word for souvenir (miyage) was traditionally written with Chinese characters that meant, “box gained at a shrine” (Marketplace, 151). Do we want to call people who engage in this form of travel tourists and leave it at that, or does their approach to pilgrimage offer a challenge for understanding what we mean by religious—does the commodity fetish mean the absence of religion or a different way of undertanding the power of pilgrimage? By contrast, Pye focuses solely on the devotional aspects of temple transactions. By describing how each stamp purchased is a nōkyō, which literally means donating a sutra, he firmly locates the commodity as a repackaging of a traditionally religious text. “Donating a sutra means spending money, in this case a small fixed sum, in order to pay for a sutra to be copied, at least theoretically. Copying sutras (shakyō 写経), or having sutras copied by someone else, is a religiously meritorious act” (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 197). For him, it seems that temple transactions are completely devotional acts separate from the commercialism prevalent elsewhere in the pilgrimage, such as at souvenir shops and tour companies. Pye mentions that while temple stamps provide proof of temple visits, pilgrims also have alternative ways of documenting their journeys. Today, most people will document their travel with a commemorative photograph (kinen shashin) and, in the past, documentation was gained through postcards of places visited imprinted with a local post office postage cancellation stamp (keshi-in) whether or not the postcard was ever mailed (Japanese Buddhist Pilgrimage, 199–200). It seems that Pye's argument is that, because alternative documentation for travel exists, the choice to complete stamp books or scrolls is motivated by religious devotion rather than crass tourism. Reader would certainly disagree with Pye about the commercial characteristics of temple transactions. However, Pye defends carving out some devotional space free from commercial influence, which may not be possible within Reader's analysis. A possible weakness in Reader's work is that the boundaries of the marketplace are never defined. I expected “marketplace” to be contrasted with “temple,” like Robert Ellwood's typology in describing American religions (1979, 14–19). Rea