Artigo Revisado por pares

Popular Preaching in the Thirteenth Century: Rhetoric in the Fight against Heresy

2016; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 60; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/13660691.2016.1225387

ISSN

1749-6276

Autores

Jeannine Horowitz,

Tópico(s)

Historical and Linguistic Studies

Resumo

ABSTRACTMuch has been said about the new path forged by preaching during the thirteenth century. In that era of economic revival and material development of towns and technology, along with innovation in scholastic methods, it seems only natural that mendicant preachers, firmly engaged in society, would infiltrate the social organisation and take the spiritual lead. Also, from that time on, eradicating heresy was paramount. Mendicant preachers, the spearhead of the papacy, devised new advanced rhetorical weapons that were able to reach far and wide. Indeed, close scrutiny of their activism reveals an innovative modus operandi, necessitated by the systems of communication for lay and clerical society alike. Based on the so-called ‘popular’ preachers' discourse and exempla, this article appraises and re-evaluates the character and efficiency of the means of communication applied through popular rhetoric in the enterprise of mass-persuasion in the face of a peril deemed to threaten the very foundations of Christian society. However, investigating the extent to which the anti-heretical preaching campaign, verbo et exemplo, reached its expected goal in the long run, given the increasingly repressive parallel mechanism of the Inquisition, exposes an asymptotic struggle.KEYWORDS: Folk preachersmendicant OrdersheresiesexemplaBerthold von Regensburg Notes on ContributorJeannine Horowitz is a senior lecturer at the University of Haifa in the Department of Multidisciplinary Studies / Section of Religious Studies. She is also the head of the Onassis Program of Classical-Byzantine-Modern Hellenic Studies. Her research interests focus on ancient and medieval Christianity, principally on preaching. Among other publications on the myth of the Grail and the Church, on Gnosticism and the Fathers of the Church, she is the author in collaboration with Sophia Menache of L’humour en chaire. Le rire dans l’Église médiévale (Labor et Fides, 1994). Recent research concentrates on the notion of Sacred Space with an article to be published on ‘Le seuil, un espace sacré redoutable : chute et rédemption de Marie d’Égypte’, in Recueil d’articles « Espaces sacrés », ed. by Françoise Saquer Sabin and Christophe Batch (Université de Lille, 2016). A book, En un combat douteux : le corps à corps de l’abbé Richalm de Schöntal avec les démons. Le livre des révélations des méfaits et des ruses des démons contre les humains, has recently been submitted for publication.Notes1 See, for example, Jacques de Vitry’s strong impressions on Foulque's activity in The Historia Occidentalis of Jacques de Vitry: A Critical Edition, ed. by John Frederick Hinnebusch, Spicilegium Friburgense, 17 (Fribourg, 1972), pp. 89–90, 107–08; also Alberto Forni, ‘La “nouvelle prédication” des disciples de Foulques de Neuilly: Intentions, techniques et réactions', in Faire croire. Modalités de la diffusion et de la réception des messages du XIIe au XVe siècle (Rome, 1981), pp. 19–37.2 See Jeannine Horowitz and Sophia Menache, L'humour en chaire. Le rire dans l'Église médiévale, Histoire et société, 28 (Geneva, 1994); Jeannine Horowitz and Sophia Menache, ‘Rhetoric and its Practice in Medieval Sermons', Historical Reflections, 22.2 (1996), 321–50.3 David d'Avray stresses that ‘regular and popular preaching was already old in the 13th century: it was the closing of the gap between preaching aids and their users which was new'. In David d'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars. Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 4–5.4 This phenomenon brought about Jean Leclercq's still pertinent observation that ‘le XIIIe siècle est pour la rhétorique une sorte d'apogée, du moins par l'abondance, la variété, la perfection technique [the thirteenth century is a kind of climax as far as rhetoric is concerned, at least in terms of quantity, variety and technical perfection]'. In Jean Leclerq, ‘Le magistère du prédicateur au XIIIe siècle', Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge, 21 (1946), 105–47. See also Jacques de Vitry's sermons Ad praelatos et sacerdotes, whose goal was to regulate the preachers' life and ministry in a more ascetic direction, reproduced in Jean-Baptiste Pitra, Analecta Novissima, 2 vols (Farnborough, 1967; 1st edn: Paris, 1885–88), ii, 346–53, 354–59.5 For the correlation between manuals on the art of preaching and sermons, see Phyllis B. Roberts, ‘The Ars Praedicandi and the Medieval Sermon', in Preacher, Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages, ed. by Carolyn Muessig, A New History of the Sermon, 3 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 41–62.6 On the power of words: ‘des paroles dont la visée [ … ] est de “faire”, d'agir sur le monde [ … ] de provoquer des mutations, des émotions, des réactions, des croyances [ … ] de paroles donc dotées d'une “efficacité” [words whose aim ( … ) is to “do”, to act upon the world ( … ) to provoke changes, emotions, reactions, beliefs ( … ) words thus equipped with an “effectiveness”]', Irène Rosier-Catach, ‘Le pouvoir des mots au Moyen Âge: diversité des pratiques et des analyses', in Le pouvoir des mots au Moyen Âge, ed. by Nicole Bériou, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Irène Rosier-Catach, Bibliothèque d'histoire culturelle du Moyen Âge, 13 (Turnhout, 2014), pp. 9–16.7 See his Sermones super Cantica Canticorum, 66.12, reproduced in Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. by Jean Leclercq, Henri M. Rochais and C. H. Talbot, 8 vols (Rome, 1957–77), ii (1958), 186–87.8 See Edward Peters, Inquisition (Berkeley, 1989), p. 47.9 The Imperial Constitution dated 1224 equating heresy to the criminal offence of laesa majestatis was included in the Register of Pontifical Letters between 1230 and 1231; see Les Registres de Grégoire IX, ed. by Lucien Auvray, 4 vols (Paris, 1896–1955), I (1896), no. 103.10 For the genesis of the corpus of redefinition of heresy in the twelfth century, see Texts and the Repression of Medieval Heresy, ed. by Caterina Bruschi and Peter Biller, York Studies in Medieval Theology, 4 (York, 2003), p. 5.11 See, in particular, Caesarius von Heisterbach, Liber Miraculorum, ed. by Joseph Strange (Cologne, 1856); for a wider account of Cistercian involvement in preaching against heresy, see Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania 1145–1229 (York, 2001).12 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues d'Étienne de Bourbon, ed. by Albert Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, 1877).13 Cf. Bernard Gui, Manuel de l'Inquisiteur, ed. and trans. by Guillaume Mollat, 2 vols (Paris, 1964).14 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 366 (p. 322); about his treatment of the bonae res, see no. 368 (p. 323).15 ‘Ego cognovi ut inveni per multas inquisitiones et confessiones eorum in jure tam perfectorum tam credentium, ab ore eorum conscriptas et per multos testes contra eos receptas [I know (these things) well through multiple inquisitions and confessions from the mouth of suspects, whether “perfecti” or believers and through the testimonies given by many witnesses against them]', Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, pp. 291–93.16 One of the treatises most used from the second half of the thirteenth century is the Summa de Catharis et Leonistis seu Pauperibus de Lugduno, reproduced in Edmond Martène and Ursin Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Burt Franklin Research and Source Works Series, 275 (New York, 1968), cols 1760–76. It is the work of Friar Rainier Sacchoni, originally from Piacenza, a stronghold of dualistic heresy in Lombardy. Himself a repentant Cathar toward 1245, once he integrated into the Dominican order and was appointed inquisitor, he contributed greatly to intimate knowledge of the Cathar doctrine. The originality of his treatise, written in 1250, is that he does not try to refute or discuss the Cathar thesis. His aim is rather to facilitate his fellow inquisitors' work by his inside knowledge of it (see R. I. Moore, The Birth of Popular Heresy, Documents of Medieval History, 1 [London, 1975], p. 132). The approach is quite different to that in the anonymous writing (also attributed to Gregory of Fano) c. 1240, partially edited by Martène and Durand as Disputatio inter Catholicum et Patarinum hereticum in Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, cols. 1704–58. See also Durand de Huesca's twelfth-century repentant Waldensian Liber anti haeresis in Christine Thouzellier, Une somme anticathare. Le Liber contra manichaeos de Durand de Huesca. Texte inédit, publié et annoté, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 32 (Louvain, 1964).17 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, pp. 303–09. See also Lucy J. Sackville, ‘To Avoid Evil: Anti-Heretical Polemic', in Heresy and Heretics in the Thirteenth Century. The Textual Representations, ed. by Lucy J. Sackville, Heresy and Inquisition in the Middle Ages, 1 (Woodbridge, 2011), pp. 13–40.18 On Eudes de Châteauroux's sermons, see Alexis Charansonnet, ‘Du Berry en Curie. La carrière du cardinal Eudes de Châteauroux(1190?–1273) et son reflet dans sa prédication', Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France, 86 (2000), 5–37.19 Cf. Odo de Castro Rodulphi, Bishop of Tusculum, ‘Sermones de Tempore': sermo LXXVII, in Dom. XIII P.P. contra haereticos & sermo LXXVIII in eadem Dominica, contra haereticos, reproduced in Pitra, Analecta Novissima, ii, 273–89.20 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 349 (p. 307), no. 346 (pp. 303–04); the same method for heretical refutation of marriage, confession and penitence, at no. 348 (p. 305).21 Cf. the art of refutation to deny probable arguments and logical arguments, fallacious arguments and conclusion, in Brunetto Latini, Li Livres dou Tresor, lib. III, ch. 60–65, trans. by James R. East, PhD thesis, Stanford University (Stanford, 1960), pp. 162–70.22 See the case of the woman accusing herself before Étienne officiating as inquisitor and brought back to faith thanks to the preacher's right handling. In Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 227 (p. 196).23 ‘Notandum quod penitencia primo debet esse fidelis, ut in fide fiat, ut non sit penitencia infidelium, hereticorum aut aliquorum (in) fidelium [One must take care first and foremost that penitence be true, performed in faith, not in the fashion of infidels, heretics or other miscreants]', Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 170 (p. 149); cf. in parallel the words of the Catholicus against the patarin in the Disputatio inter catholicum et patarinum hereticum (Martène and Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, col. 1711): ‘vos etiam praecipitis abstinere a cibis quos Deus creavit, sicut carnibus, ovis & caseo propter hypocrisim vestram, ut simplices vos laudent [You actually prescribe to abstain from food that God created, like meat, eggs and cheese, because you are hypocrites and in order to get simple people to praise you].'24 Martin Erbstösser, Heretics in the Middle Ages, trans. by Janet Frazer (Leipzig, 1984), p 62.25 ‘“Isti et suis similibus quomodo potestis credere, qui vobis predicant Christum humilem et pauperem cum tanto fastu, diviciis, sommariis et equitaturis? Nos autem, [dixerunt] predicamus in paupertate et humilitate et abstinencia; que ore vobis diximus, opere exhibemus”. Confusus ad hoc episcopus equos et fastum dimisit [ … ] et pedes cum beato Dominico et pauper in terra illa predicare cepit. Et hoc fuit causa ordinis nostri instituendi [“How can you possibly believe those and their like who preach before you a humble and poor Christ in such pomp and wealth and horse equipment? We, on the contrary (they said) preach in poverty, humility and abstinence; what comes from our mouths, we implement in deeds.” Abashed, the bishop dismissed his horses and splendour. ( … ) And he began to preach in that region together with St Dominic, poor and on foot. This was the root of our Order]', Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 83 (p. 79) under the rubric ‘Quales debent esse predicatores verbi Dei [What preachers of the word of God must be like]', and no. 251 (pp. 213–14). See also Jourdain de Saxe's (Dominic's successor and second Master General of the Order), Libellus de principiis ordinis praedicatorum, in Marie Humbert Vicaire, O.P., Saint Dominique et ses frères (Paris, 1979), p. 60.26 Edward Peters, Inquisition (Berkeley, 1989), p. 54.27 Cf. Nicole Bériou, La prédication de Ranulphe de la Houblonnière. Sermons aux clercs et aux simples gens à Paris au XIIIe siècle, 2 vols (Paris, 1987), i, 9–10.28 According to Jacques de Vitry's testimony, during his stay in Milan in 1216, they appear to be the most efficient fighters against the Patarini, whom they publicly ‘pillory for their impiety'. See Jacques de Vitry, Historia Occidentalis, ch. 8, pp. 94–101; see also Jean Longère, La prédication médievale (Paris, 1983), ch. 6; Brenda Bolton, ‘Innocent III's Treatment of the Humiliati' in Popular Belief and Practice: Papers Read at the Ninth Summer Meeting and the Tenth Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed. by Geoffrey J. Cuming and Derek Baker, Studies in Church History, 8 (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 73–82.29 In 1228 Gregory IX forbade all lay preaching in an epistle to the Archbishop of Milan, one of the major sees of Patarin heresy, a ruling that was soon to be incorporated into the 1234 decretal under the rubric ‘de hereticis [On heretics]'.30 Caesarius von Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, lib. V, ch. 24: ‘de haereticis Veronensibus'.31 For an example of the kind of metaphysical repulsion one should derive from physical repulsion to heretics, see Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 18: ‘de fetiditate et fetore dampnorum' (pp. 25–26).32 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 170 (pp. 149–50) and no. 482 (p. 415). Note that some versions give 80 instead of 180 executions.33 Cf. Jacques de Vitry, himself very keen on exempla, warns against obscenities, buffoonery and dishonest speech from the pulpit, in his Prologue to the Sermones vulgares, reproduced in Pitra, Analecta Novissima, ii, 189–93. See also the same in Iacobi de Vitriaco, Sermones vulgaris vel ad status, ed. Jean Longère, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Medievalis, 255 (Turnhout, 2013).34 Timothy J. Johnson, ‘The Franciscan Fascination with the Word', in Franciscans and Preaching. Every Miracle from the Beginning of the World Came about through Words, ed. by Timothy J. Johnson, Medieval Franciscans, 7 (Leiden, 2012), pp. 3–12.35 Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, ed. by Otto Brandt (Jena, 1924); Berthold de Ratisbonne, Péchés et vertus, scènes de la vie du XIIIe siècle, ed. and trans. by Claude Lecouteux and Philippe Marcq (Paris, 1991).36 On the intricate distinction between the written form of a sermon and its oral ‘live' performance, see Beverly Mayne Kienzle, ‘Medieval Sermons and their Performance: Theory and Record', in Preacher, Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages, ed. by Carolyn Muessig, A New History of the Sermon, 3 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 89–123.37 See Louis-Jacques Bataillon, ‘Sermons rédigés, sermons reportés (XIIIe siècle)', Medioevo e rinascimento, 3 (Florence, 1989); on the late ‘Überlieferung', see Dieter Richter, Die Deutsche Überlieferung der Predigten Bertholds von Regensburg: Untersuchungen zur geistlichen Literatur des Spätmittelalters, Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, 21 (Munich, 1969); Franck G. Banta, ‘Berthold von Regensburg: Investigations Past and Present', Traditio, 25 (1969), 472–79.38 Timothy J. Johnson ed., Franciscans and Preaching: Every Miracle from the Beginning of the World Came about through Words (Leiden, 2012), p. 243.39 See Hannes Maeder, Versuch über den Zusammenhang von Sprachgeschichte und Geistgeschichte, Zürcher Beiträge zur Sprach- und Stilgeschichte, 1 (Zürich, 1945), p. 57.40 ‘Sie haben wohl anderthalbhundert Ketzereiern. Die einen glauben nicht wie die andern’, in Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, ‘Selig sind, die reines Herzens sind’, p. 171.41 Without getting into the discussion initiated by Robert I. Moore's latest somewhat controversial and greatly thought-provoking study, The War on Heresy, perusal of the many sermons and exempla shows that (no matter how historians dispose of these data) the preachers, more specifically the mendicants, were very well aware of the multiplicity of heretical sects, besides the ‘generic' Cathars and Waldensians, both representing the major threats to orthodoxy and theocratic society; see R. I. Moore, The War on Heresy (Cambridge, MA, 2012), pp. 332–36.42 ‘Ketzerglaube, der stinket und ist faul und dunkel und scheinet nur in der Finsternis, in den Winkeln ein wenig wie ein faules Holz’, Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 22 (‘Von den sieben Planeten').43 ‘[Darum hütet euch vor den Katzen und auch vor den Ketzern] denn sie beide schädlich sind an Leib und an Seele’, Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 22.44 ‘Selig sind, die reines Herzens sind', Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 172. Cf. Also Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 27 (pp. 34–35), taken from Brother Romeo's Vita Sancti Dominici; also no. 367 (pp. 322–23).45 ‘Von den sieben Planeten’, Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, pp. 30–32.46 On the suspicion of heresy cast over the use of vernacular languages versus the halo of sanctity maintained by the Latin, see Vittorio Coletti, L'éloquence de la chaire: victoires et défaites du latin entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance (Paris, 1987), pp. 35–50; for a discussion about vernacular sermons and vernacular theology, see Eliana Corbari, Vernacular Theology: Dominican Sermons and Audience in Late Medieval Italy, Trends in Medieval Philology, 22 (Berlin, 2013), pp. 62–64.47 ‘Wer zu stark in der Heiligen Christenglauben sieht […] und er zu viel darum rumpelt mit Gedanken, wie daß sein könne, daß sich wahrer Gott und wahrer Mensch verwandelt in ein Brot, und daß eine Jungfrau ein Kind gebar; und daß ein Priester, der selber in Sünden ist, einen sündigen Menschen von seinen Sünden kann entbinden?’ Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 22.48 ‘Darob sollst du nicht nachsinnen, denn das ist für die hohen Meister genug. Werde ein guter Mensch! Wenn die Seele aus dem Leibe geht, so siehst du's alles wohl. Willst du aber zuviel darüber grübeln, so wirst du entweder so krank an dem Glauben werden, daß du's nimmermehr überwindest, oder du wirst gar zumal ein Ketzer. Und darum sollst du fest glauben ohne Wansen und ohne Wundern, einfältiglich was dir dein Christenglaube sagt, und sollst dich dann hüten, daß er dich nicht gestohlen werde von ketzerischer Lehre noch von keinem andern Glauben.' Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, pp. 22–23.49 Caesarius von Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, lib. V, ch. 22, ‘de daemonibus'.50 Berthold von Regensburg: ‘Sie gehen zu den Weilern und zu den Dörfern gerne [ … ] auch nicht zu frummen Städten, denn da sind die Leute verständig und hören mit dem ersten schon, daß er ein Ketzer ist [They rather go to hamlets and villages. ( … ) They shun pious cities because people there understand at once that they are in the presence of a heretic]', Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 173.51 Cf. Berthold von Regensburg: ‘So geht er [der Ketzer] also geistlich zu den Leuten und redet also süße Rede [ … ] Er sagt dir vor süße Rede von Gotte [ … ] daß du wohl schwürest, er wäre ein Engel [So the heretic presents himself as a spiritual man to the people and tells them sweet words about God ( … ) that you would easily swear he is an angel]', Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 172.52 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 349 (pp. 308–09). See also Aaron Gurevich's article ‘Heresy and literacy: Evidence of the thirteenth century exempla', in Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1530, ed. by Peter Biller and Anne Hudson (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 104–11.53 Étienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, légendes et apologues, no. 470 (p. 405), no. 487 (p. 420); on the supernatural power of excommunication of heretics see no. 308 (p. 259); cf. also Étienne's example of St Francis kissing the hand of a priest rightly accused by heretics of living in promiscuity with a concubine, because ‘this hand touched my Lord and neither his vices nor his virtues have the power to diminish Him', no. 437 (p. 304).54 Cf. Peters, Inquisition, p. 43 and following pages.55 On massive diabolization of heresy during the fourteenth century, see the now classic Norman Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons: An Enquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt (London, 1975; rev. edn, Chicago, 2000).56 Robert of Basevorn, Forma praedicandi, trans. by Leopold Krul O.S.B., in Three Medieval Rhetorical Arts, ed. by James J. Murphy (Berkeley, 1971), p. 114. On medieval sermon structures and the Artes praedicandi from 1230 to the fifteenth century, see Siegfried Wenzel, The Art of Preaching. Five Medieval Texts and Translations (Washington, D.C., 2013), Introduction.57 Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 175.58 See for example Thomas de Chobham, Summa Confessorum, ed. by F. Broomfield, Analecta mediaevalia Namurcensia, 25 (Louvain, 1968).59 On the knotty case of rhetorical mnemonics by the clergy see Kirsten M. Berg, ‘On the use of Mnemonic Schemes in Sermon Composition: The Old Norwegian Homily Book', in Constructing the Medieval Sermon, ed. by Roger Andersson, Sermo, 6 (Turnhout, 2007), pp. 221–36; on mnemonic precepts and advices for preachers cf. Kimberly S. Rivers, Preaching the Memory of Virtue and Vice, Sermo, 4 (Turnhout, 2010), pp. 149–85.60 ‘Ich wollte halt gerne, daß lieder davon singen […] Und machen sie kurz und schlicht und so, daß sie jedes Kind wohl lernen könne; den so lernen sie diese Leute allgemein, diese Ding, und vergessen desto minder.’ Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 17561 This mnemonic method was neither not a novelty among the heretics of his time. Already even Arius was said to have propagated his heretical credo in Alexandria in this manner as Berthold reminds in this same sermon: ‘Es war ein grundböser Ketzer, der machte Lieder von Ketzerei und lehrte sie die Kinder auf der Straße, daß der Leute desto mehr in Ketzerei sielen’, Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 175.62 Cf. the titles of his sermons: ‘von den fünf Pfunden [On the five pounds]' and ‘von den sieben Planeten [On the seven planets]'.63 Michel Zink, La prédication en langue romane jusqu’en 1300 (Paris, 1976), p. 126.64 We know from many sources of the old enmity between the two clergies; cf. Sermons of Jacques de Vitry to Fratres Minores; cf also Paul Adam, La vie paroissiale au XIVe s. (Paris, 1964), pp. 220–27.65 In Olivier Guyotjeannin, Salimbene de Adam, un chroniqueur franciscain, Témoins de Notre Histoire, 5 (Brepols, 1995), pp. 174–75.66 A circumstance that would greatly worsen the tension between secular and mendicant clergy.67 David d'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars, p. 28, ‘from Jacques de Vitry and other sources, all point to a feverish market for preaching'.68 The same attitude is found in Berthold's sermons: ‘Daß man dich eher auf einer Hürde verbrenne, eh du einen einzigen Ketzer machest [Better be burnt at the stake than be responsible for the creation of one single heretic]', Berthold von Regensburg, Deutsche Predigten, p. 173; see also Eudes de Châteauroux, ‘Ergo nos catholici adimplemus praeceptum Apostoli, quia deponimus corpora haereticorum per ignem [Therefore, we Catholics implement the Apostle's precept and dispose of the heretics' bodies in the fire]', op. cit., p. 279. On the necessity expressed by Eudes to have hardened heretics destroyed, ‘Et rogemus Dominum Ihesum Christum ut destruat hereses [And let us beseech Our Lord Jesus Christ to eradicate heresies]', see Alexis Charansonnet, L'université, L'Église et l'État dans les sermons du cardinal Eudes de Châteauroux (1190?–1273), Thèse de doctorat (Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2001), i.1, 53 n. 115.69 For a general positioning of the question, see in particular R. I. Moore, The War on Heresy, pp. 332–36 (Afterword: ‘The War among Scholars'); Alexander Patschovsky, ‘Heresy and Society. On the Political Function of Heresy in the Medieval World', in Texts and Repression of Medieval Heresy, ed. by Caterina Bruschi and Peter Biller (York, 2003), pp. 23–41; also Inventer l'hérésie? Discours polémiques et pouvoirs avant l'Inquisition, ed. by Monique Zerner, Collection du Centre d’Études médiévales de Nice, 2 (Nice, 1998), pp. 7–1370 Directorium inquisitorum (redacted in Avignon c. 1376), in Le manuel des inquisiteurs, ed. by Louis Sala-Molins, Savoir historique, 8 (Paris, 1973).71 David d'Avray, Preaching of the Friars, p. 61.

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