Transborder Kin-minority as Symbolic Resource in Hungary
2015; Volume: 14; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
ISSN
1617-5247
Autores Tópico(s)Migration, Refugees, and Integration
ResumoAbstractThe paper argues that diaspora engagement policies were designed by the Orban government in order to strengthen the government's nationalist image within the homeland constituency. First, I offer an overview of main comparative approaches in the study of diaspora engagement. Then I turn to the Hungarian case. After giving a brief summary of pre-2010 developments, I analyze the Orban government's diaspora politics with a special emphasis on non-resident citizenship. The main argument is that the centre-right Orban government elected into power in 2010 was not motivated by geopolitical or economic aims when it introduced non-resident citizenship and designed a new set of diaspora engagement institutions. By embracing non-resident citizenship the main aim of the Hungarian centre-right party was to strengthen its nationalist image within the country as the radical populist Jobbik party emerged and started to challenge Fidesz from the right. Through the inclusion of transborder and diaspora Hungarians, the Orban government could claim that it restored the unity of the Hungarian nation and, at least symbolically, undid the border changes of the 1920 Trianon Peace Treaty. The new diaspora policies and institutions including birthright travel programs and language courses were intended to folklorize and diasporize Hungarian expatriates and their descendants in the overseas territories rather than mobilize them. Through these symbolic inclusion efforts, the Hungarian nationalist government wants to claim that it maintains Hungarian ethnocultural heritage in the overseas diasporas as well. Thus, the overseas diaspora has been utilized by the Orban government as a symbolic resource.1. Diaspora and transnationalism: a comparative sketchIn the past decades, transnationalism and diasporas have become a major research field in social sciences (Agunias, 2009; Basch et al., 1994; Baubock, 2010; Erdal and Oeppen, 2013; Esman, 2009; Faist and Kivisto, 2007; Faist et al., 2010; Faist, 1999; Faist et al., 2011; Oestergaard-Nielsen, 2003; Ostergaard-Nielsen, 2003; Quayson and Daswani, 2013; Sheffer, 2006; Smith, 2010). The phenomena themselves, however, are not new. Transnationalism, defined broadly as ties linking people across of states, predates the emergence of modern nation states (Cohen, 1999; Vertovec, 1999). The dispersion of ethnic and religious groups was common well before modern times. Mass population movement was a common result of wars and conquests, demographic and economic changes before the emergence of Westphalian nation states. Well before modern transportation and telecommunication tools, the transfer of goods and knowledge was carried out by mainly by migration which had a huge impact on ancient empires (Koslowski, 2002). There are, however, important systemic differences between past and contemporary transnational networks and engagement. While dispersed ethnic and religious groups often maintained and reproduced their cultural customs and identification with their homelands often before the modern era, contemporary diasporas can become virtual members of their homeland societies through the use of modern telecommunication technologies. Satellite television and the internet rendered geographical distance less relevant and made it possible for expatriates and diaspora groups to overcome physical distance and actively participate in the social life of their homelands (Basch et al., 1994). In contrast with older forms of migrant crossborder activities, contemporary transnationalism implies regular and sustained social contacts over time across national borders (Portes et al., 1999, p. 219). Frequent interaction through modern means of communication establishes a qualitatively different transnational experience, since it makes it possible to maintain active presence in homeland public spheres.Transnational participation impacts not only the sense of belonging and identification, but also transnational political and economic participation. …
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