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El Castell de Falgars (Beuda, la Garrotxa): a Roman Republican watchtower in north-east Hispania Citerior

2016; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 11; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/15740773.2016.1260820

1574-0781

Joan Frigola Torrent, Albert Pratdesaba Sala, Anna Madroñal Maseras,

Medieval Architecture and Archaeology

AbstractEl Castell de Falgars (Beuda, la Garrotxa) is a circular watchtower built in the late Republic, during the Romanization of Hispania, which controls a wide territory of the current Province of Girona (Catalonia). The present paper analyses the causes that led to its construction, as well as the reasons for its rapid abandonment before the end of the first century BC. It also describes the phases of reoccupation of the building during the second half of the third century AD and in the Middle Ages, detected through archaeological excavations carried out at the site between 2010 and 2012.Keywords: WatchtowerRomanizationterritorial controlthird century crisiscounty of Besalú Notes1. Miret and Revilla, “El Poblament Romà al Litoral,” 193; Palahí, “La Romanització al Nord-Est,” 77–8.2. Sanmartí, “El Món Ibèric de la Plenitud,” 11–13.3. Olesti, “Integració i Transformació,” 63–4; “Urbanització, Integració,” 15–18.4. Sanmartí, “El Món Ibèric de la Plenitud,” 13–14; Nolla et al., De l’Oppidum a la Civitas, 288–9.5. Pujol and Tremoleda, La Mare de Déu del Mont, 12–13.6. See Pujol Camps, “El Tesoro de Segaró,” 142–62. The discovery took place in the mountain La Virgen del Mont, next to the village called Besalú, in the county of the same name. In that steep plot, in the East slope, which belongs to the boundary of Segaró, the great rock saviour of the treasure stands out, at the boundary of the field named the Sola, belonging to Mr. Jose de Falgas, resident of Girona […] Neither in it nor in its surroundings can you find a feature of similar construction: as much as we explored, not a piece of brick, tile or vase of any kind, could lead us to suspect that in that steep location a building had been constructed. At the top of the hill the field in question ends, with an enormous cliff-like rock, culminating in an eight metre high rocky outcrop on that steep rock strewn floor. At the summit of this rock and most likely within a fissure were hidden the coins, passing the hours of the centuries until their discovery in that eagle’s nest, finally succumbing to the mechanical power of a rapid thawing, toppling the top of this rock, dragging down within the rubble the treasure it hid. The rockslide was so violent that the coins were thrown far and wide, therefore when the field of Solà was cultivated, it was well known coins were discovered frequently. But the majority of the treasure was mixed in among the fallen boulders of the fallen rock.7. See Verdaguer, “L’Ermita del Mont,” 193–222. The Serra del Mont mountain range, because of its strange shape, resembles a huge hump-backed camel that runs down from the Pyrenees in the direction of the Gulf of Roses, down the river Fluvià. The summit of the hump holds the Shrine [of Our Lady of the Mountain] and the head has Falgars castle …8. See, Vayreda, Santa Maria del Mont, 17. From the point of view of local history, of interest is the tower known as ‘Lighthouse’, whose remains are still on the hill where ridge of Mont ends. Years ago, buildings like this could easily be found located on the eastern hills of our Pyrenees. It must be to these that Julius Caesar refers when he explains that in our region there were observation points or watchtowers located at high points from where they could monitor a large area.9. Tura, “Castell de Falgars,” 111–910. Sanmartí, “El Món Ibèric de la Plenitud,” 13–14; Castanyer and Tremoleda, “La Garrotxa d’Empordà,” 248–9; Nolla et al., De l’Oppidum a la Civitas, 288–9.11. See Gibert, “La Integració a Al-Andalus,” 44–5; Folch et al., “Fars i Torres de Guaita,” 30–43. Some researchers have suggested a Moorish origin of the tower. However, this possibility has been completely discarded as a result of excavations carried out at the site between 2010 and 2012. We do accept, however, that there would have been an occupation during this period (c. eighth century AD), although it is not apparent in the archaeological evidence.12. Asensio, “El Gran Aparejo en Piedra,” 125–32.13. Emporiae is the Latin name for the city of Emporion.14. Asensio, “El Gran Aparejo en Piedra,” 121–44.15. Asensio, “El Gran Aparejo en Piedra,” 146.16. Asensio, “El Gran Aparejo en Piedra,” 153–4; Palahí, “La Romanització al Nord-Est,” 73.17. The faunal analysis conducted by Laia Font Valentín (Department of Prehistory, Ancient History & Archaeology, University of Barcelona) identified the remains of micromammals at different levels within the tower, including the garden dormouse (Eliomys quercinus) and common or European mole (Talpa europaea).18. The use of rubble infill to provide stability at the base of high structures was customary in military architecture in both Roman and Medieval times (Vitruvio, Los Diez Libros de Arquitectura, 22–3; Nolla and Nieto, “Acerca de la Cronología,” 263–4; Villena, “Arquitectura Militar,” 27).19. Samples were dated by OSL (Optically stimulated luminescence) method in the archaeometry laboratory of Peloponnese University (Greece).20. For parallels similar to the earthenware of Falgars we have to go to the Greco-Roman area of Empúries situated little more than 30 km away. We refer specifically to the base of the southern wall of the Roman city and to the section known as ‘Rubert Wall’, both from the beginning of the first century AD (Asensio, “El Gran Aparejo en Piedra,” 123–30; Palmada, “La Muralla de la Ciutat,” 15–17).21. Olesti, “Integració i Transformació,” 68.22. Sanmartí, “El Món Ibèric de la Plenitud,” 14.23. Olesti, “Integració i Transformació,” 33–4.24. Palahí, “La Romanització al Nord-Est,” 66–70, 80–1.25. Olesti, “Integració i Transformació,” 67–8; Palahí, “La Romanització al Nord-Est,” 79.26. Nolla and Casas, Carta Arqueològica, 25.27. Burch et al., Temps de Canvis, 100.28. Mayer and Rodà, “La Romanització de Catalunya,” 345–6; Miret and Revilla, “El Poblament Romà al Litoral,” 194–5.29. Well-known examples of such towers in in Catalonia are the Puig d’Alia (Amer, Girona) (Llinàs et al., “La Torre Romana,” 97–105), the Torrassa del Moro (Llinars del Vallès, Barcelona), the small fort of Tentellatge (Navès, Solsonès) (Tarradell, “Un Fortí Romà a Tentellatge,” 245–50) or the Mora Tower (Sant Feliu de Buixalleu, La Selva), among others. All of these are of the late Republican period (2nd–1st C BC), constructed with large equipment – opus siliceum or opus quadratum – and situated in areas linked to primary or secondary routes. They can be indistinctly circular or rectilinear, and there is no chronological or functional meaning in the shape. For more information, consult the thesis of Victor Lluís Pérez i Garcia (especially pages 37–39), Fortificacions i espai urbà a l’època romana en el Conventus Tarraconensis, presented in 2010: http://www.tdx.cat/handle/10803/34751?show=full.Geographically, the turres closest to Falgars are those of Puig d’Alia (28 km) – dominating the course of the River Ter – and Mora Tower (56 km) – that controlled the passage through the via Heraclea – even though neither of these maintained a direct visual contact. However, we can be sure that many others existed closer but are not known because they have not been preserved or they have still to be identified – which is probably the case – or have been built over with later medieval buildings. See Sanmartí, “El Món Ibèric de la Plenitud,” 13–14; Nolla et al., De l’Oppidum a la Civitas, 288.30. One has to imagine that the information transmitted was essentially military, and would be related to the movement of troops and people along the roads. This also means that the alarm could be raised in case of fire or other incidents, and in the case of Falgars, with direct visibility to the coast, the arrival of ships. See Llinàs et al., “La Torre Romana,” 101–4; Nolla et al., De l’Oppidum a la Civitas, 74–5.31. The via Annia or via Capsacosta split from the via Heraclea at the level of the current region of L’Alt Empordà and turned towards the Pyrenees of Girona (an area that is rich in mineral resources such as iron and galena). There it divided into two paths: one that veered off towards the area of Ripoll and the other that went in the direction of the Coll d’Ares, where it crossed the Pyrenees, entered Gaul and continued towards the Mediterranean until joining the via Domitia (Busquets et al., “La Via del Capsacosta,” 171–6).32. A theory presented by Ñaco del Hoyo in his 2011 paper as part of a workshop on military logistics and strategy in Hispania (120–90 BC) held in Tona (Osona, Catalonia) on 16-12-2011. The proceedings have not yet been published.33. Gracia, Furor Barbari! Celtas, 94–103.34. Burch et al., L’Alt Imperi al Nord-Est, 18.35. An extremely interesting example – and relatively close to Falgars (65 km) – as an area connected with the provisioning and logistical support of the Roman army is Camp de les Lloses (Tona, Osona), a vicus of military character occupied approximately between 120 and 80 BC. It is situated at the foot of the ancient via of Mani Sergi, a military path giving direct access to the country constructed by the pre-consul of the same name around 120–110 BC (Mayer and Rodà, “La Romanització de Catalunya,” 345). For more about Camp de les Lloses: Alvarez, “The Area of Camp de les Lloses (Tona, Osona) and its Metal Workshops,” 271–81; Duran et al., “The Area of Camp de les Lloses (Tona, Osona),” 423–42; Duran et al., “Les Colleccions de l’Exposició Permanent del Camp de les Lloses.”36. Llinàs et al., “La Torre Romana,” 104.37. Olesti, “Integració i Transformació,” 77.38. Palahí, “La Romanització al Nord-Est,” 79–80.39. There is still no consensus on the exact date the Franks entered the Iberian peninsula. However, it seems likely to have been between 260 and 264 AD.40. Arce, “La “Crisis” del Siglo III d.C. en Hispania,”, 261–3; Palahí et al., “El Camp al Segle III,” 12.41. Arce, “La “Crisis” del Siglo III d.C. en Hispania,” 262.42. Arce, “La “Crisis” del Siglo III d.C. en Hispania,” 263; Járrega, “La Crisi del Segle III,” 115.43. Járrega, “La Crisi del Segle III,” 113–24.44. Palahí et al., “El Camp al Segle III,” 27–9.45. Járrega, “La Crisi del Segle III,” 124–5.46. Burch et al., L’Alt Imperi al Nord-Est, 232.47. The samples were sent to the archaeometry laboratory of Peloponnese University (Greece).48. Martí, Collecció diplomàtica de la Seu de Girona, doc.123.49. Tura, “Castell de Falgars,” 119.50. Salrach, “El Comte Guifré,” 26.51. Bolòs and Hurtado, Atles del Comtat de Besalú, 19.52. Bolòs, “Una Societat que es Transforma,” 228.