The Lan House Phenomenon: Exploring the Uses and Symbolic Functions of the Internet Among the Low-Income Brazilian Youth
2019; Emerald Publishing Limited; Linguagem: Inglês
10.1108/s2050-206020190000019011
ISSN2050-2079
Autores Tópico(s)ICT Impact and Policies
ResumoAbstract Brazil has one of the largest millennial populations in the world and offers a key case study of an important slice of time: the adolescence of millennials in the 2000s. This case study offers important insight into a unique Brazilian dynamic, the LAN house phenomenon: a Brazilian solution to spreading digital technologies to the economically disadvantaged. This chapter explores the social roles and functions LAN houses played to the Brazilian youth, ages 12–15, in the 2000s, when they were first introduced in Brazil. Three research questions guided this investigation. RQ1. What were the main uses and gratifications of LAN house use among the youth in Brazil in the early 2000s? RQ2. What was the social construction of “Internet” and “LAN house” among the Brazilian user of LAN houses and its potential to foster advancement? RQ3. What key roles do LAN houses play today? Keywords LAN House Internet Brazilian youth Internet cafés Orkut Social media Citation Trammel, J.M.(.S. (2019), "The Lan House Phenomenon: Exploring the Uses and Symbolic Functions of the Internet Among the Low-Income Brazilian Youth", Schulz, J., Robinson, L., Khilnani, A., Baldwin, J., Pait, H., Williams, A.A., Davis, J. and Ignatow, G. (Ed.) Mediated Millennials (Studies in Media and Communications, Vol. 19), Emerald Publishing Limited, Bingley, pp. 199-218. https://doi.org/10.1108/S2050-206020190000019011 Publisher: Emerald Publishing Limited Copyright © 2020 Emerald Publishing Limited Introduction As developing countries continue to confront basic problems such as education, poverty, housing, and basic health care, there is still an international effort to attend to the issues surrounding the digital divide, the uneven distribution and access to communication technologies between any distinct group. In Brazil, for example, the marginalized population (e.g., lower income) is deprived not only of proper services for their basic needs such as health or education but also from access to technology and the internet (Nemer & Reed, 2013). The internet continues to intensify globalization and so the assumptions of the internet’s potential to remove not only geographical obstacles for global integration but also economic growth (Gibbs, 2003). With a large millennial population, Brazil stands as a unique case study that shows how creativity, entrepreneurial spirit, and a collective-oriented culture intersected in the early 2000s to foster the growth and popularity of LAN houses to spread the internet and digital technologies to the economically disadvantaged. Although it originated in the United States, the internet’s use has spread quickly throughout the world (Raacke & Bonds-Raacke, 2008). The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) estimates that at the end of 2018, 51.2% of the global population, or 3.9 billion people, was using the internet. Young people aged 15–24 years continued to be the forefront of internet adoption around the world and approximately 830 million young people were online (ITUNews, 2018). According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, Brazil, the South American giant, has 116 million people connected to the internet representing 64.7% of the population. Consistent with the global generational trend, 85% of the young people aged 18–24 in Brazil are connected, making the most connected age range. While there are numerous studies on different aspects of youth life in Brazil (e.g., youth violence), more research on other dimensions of youth, including access and use of the internet, is needed. Research should especially point out ways that the low-income sectors of society appropriate new technologies (Pedrozo, 2013), which the present chapter aims at exploring. Brazil ranks fourth in with the highest number of internet users, outranked by China (1st), India (2nd), and United States (3rd) (Fig. 1). Opens in a new window.Fig. 1.Countries with the Highest Numbers of Internet Users in 2018 (Millions). Brazil’s trajectory to becoming one of the most connected countries in the world is best explained by Brazil’s internet adoption in the early 2000s and the role the LAN houses served. LAN houses played an important role in Brazil providing access to the internet to almost 40 million Brazilians, including 74% of all Brazilians in the D and E classes (lowest income brackets). According to the Internet Management Committee, among the population aged 10–15 years, only 25% have access to the internet in their schools and, the majority, 61%, accessed the internet at LAN houses. The rate of users who accessed the internet at LAN houses increased from 30% in 2006 to 49% in 2007, while the number of those who accessed the internet from home remained at 40%. Regarding computer ownership, 24% of the population owned computers at home. The proportion of household with computers increased due to the “Computer for All” program in which taxes were reduced to enable the Class C to purchase computers at a lower cost (Brazilian Internet Steering Committee, 2008a, 2008b). As the access to the internet improved over time due to programs like the “Computer for All” and access through LAN houses, what were the uses and gratifications in using a computer and the internet among the youth? How was computer and internet access appropriated? Did LAN houses play any role in the social upper mobility of their uses? The purpose of this chapter is threefold: First, it explores the social roles and functions LAN houses played to the Brazilian youth, ages 12–15, in the 2000s, when LAN houses were first introduced. Secondly, it examines the youth’s social construction of LAN houses and their perceived notion of the correlation between technology exposure and their social–economic upward mobility. Thirdly, the chapter explores the functions and uses of the LAN houses today. This chapter is organized as followed: First, it will provide a summary of the internet access in Brazil in the 2000s, followed by an overview of the correlation between social and economic status and internet access, and the role the LAN houses played. It will also summarize the uses and gratification theory followed by the methodology, findings, analysis, and implications. Internet Access in Brazil in the 2000s In early 2000, the internet was somewhat distant for most people in Brazil and internet connections were made via noisy telephone lines. For those who had access, it was done primarily after midnight and weekends for lower costs, and the speed was 56 kbps. Internet access continued to grow around the world in the 2000s and “digital divide” became a common theme among scholars, activists, politicians, and other organizations. The number of people who accessed the internet reached 34% in 2007, a 6% increase from 2006. More than half of the Brazil population, 53%, indicated have used a computer although only 40% are regular computers users. Among the barriers for computer ownership, 78% said the high price is the problem and 58% said the high price for internet access; 55% indicated the lack of computer knowledge (Brazilian Internet Steering Committee, 2008a, 2008b). By 2007, 25% of the Brazilian population 16 years of age used the internet to communicate with the government and education level, income and social class were attributes that contributed to the usage of the federal government’s electronic services. Approximately, 10% of households in class D and class E owned a computer, compared to 46% of class C, 86% of class B, and 98% of class A.1 By 2008, The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) estimated that 56 million people aged 10 years and older accessed the internet at least once. According to IBGE, between 2005 and 2008, the internet grew 75.3%, from 20.9% to 34.8%. Despite the decline in the number of users accessing the internet via LAN houses, they were still the second largest providers of public access to the internet in Brazil (35.2%), after home, the main provider. Of the 56 million people who accessed the internet, 47.5% did so from more than one location, the most cited being the home (51.1%). Age was found to impact the location of internet use. The youngest users, aged 10–17 years, accessed it mainly in LAN houses (53.3%) and home (43.1%); while people aged 40 years or over, accessed primarily from home (78.6%) and workplaces (50.9%). Between 2005 and 2008, the 15–17-year-old group had the highest percentage (62.9%) of people who accessed the network, had the highest increase compared to 2005, when it was 33.7%. While the younger and more educated were the most connected, access between 2005 and 2008 also grew among those less educated. Among those with 15 years or more of study, the percentage of network users were 80.4. Generally, internet users were more educated (10 years of study on average) than those who did not use it (5.5 years of study). The reasons why Brazilians accessed the internet were also observed. In 2005, the numbers showed that the main reason was education or learning. In 2008, 83.2% accessed the internet to communicate with others. Interestingly, the years between 2005 and 2008 were also impacted by telecommunication infrastructure. Broadband use and access doubled, and the rate of mobile phone use also grew from 36.6% to 53.8%. Internet Use and Social-Economic Disparities in Brazil Despite having one of the most sophisticated banking systems in the world, Brazil still has millions of citizens technologically excluded, with crumbling services in thousands of municipalities. Internet lags behind as a result of socio-economic, educational, and demographic inequalities that still prevail placing the Brazilian population in an unfavorable position. This is partially a result of high computer cost, poor internet connections, and the lack of familiarity with technology. As with many other disparities, there is a correlation between digital exclusion and other forms of inequalities such as social, economic, educational, and demographic (Pedrozo, 2013). The highly uneven income distribution made Brazil a two-facet nation with two economies and societies: The first is a relatively wealthy population of about 30 million, which has the income, education, and infrastructure to participate in the modern information world. The second is a poor population of about 140 million, which lacks the income and access to the necessary infrastructure to participate (Tigre, 2003). In general, the LAN houses were the main means of access to the internet for classes C, D, and E.2 Both IBGE’s census and studies conducted by the Brazilian Internet Steering Committee substantiated the correlation between income, internet access, and the use of LAN house. Here are some basic facts from the Brazilian Internet Steering Committee (2008a, 2008b): Smaller the population’s income, the higher the use of the LAN houses. Seventy-eight percent of the participants who indicated to earn up to one minimum wage used the LAN house to access the internet. Sixty-seven percent of the participants who indicated to earn between one and two minimum ages used the LAN house to access the internet. Fifty-five percent of the participants who indicated to earn between two and three minimum ages used the LAN to access the internet. Forty-two percent of the participants who indicated to earn between three to five minimum wages used the LAN house to access the internet. Only 30% of the participants who indicated to earn more than five minimum wages used the LAN houses to access the internet. Today, having a computer at home has become increasingly affordable for the growing middle class and around 14 million PCs are sold each year in Brazil, often paid in installments. It was estimated that by 2014, there were 140 million PC units in Brazil. Internet access is also on the rise: 74 million Brazilian used it and 3G has contributed significantly to the growth of broadband access among the less affluent, both for computer and mobile access. Out of 215 million cell phones in Brazil, 25 million already have 3G access, according to the Brazilian Agency of Telecommunications Anatel (2011). The impact of the disparity of socio-economic status and internet access, particularly on young people and on society, has been drawing the attention of specialists and researchers. Looking at the marginalized population in Brazil from the perspective of the marginalized “have-nots” may offer a different understanding of the functions of technological use, political processes, social tensions, and cultural values, especially of those experiencing digital inequalities (Nemer & Reed, 2013, p. 2). Some scholars have even argued that considering the penetration and use of LAN houses in the 2000s, these venues became the socio-technology means for financial and technological inclusion (See Marcel, 2011). This is one of the questions this current chapter seeks to explore – the extent that internet access leads to upper mobility of some sort. The LAN House Phenomenon The advent of the internet revolutionized the communication sphere and the LAN houses played a crucial role in Brazil, especially for the poorer communities (Heim, 2011). With some similarity to cybercafés,3 which gained popularity in the United States, United Kingdom, and other countries, Brazilian LAN houses are spaces where computers are available for internet access and are connected in a network. “LAN” stands for local area network; “house” was a Brazilian adoption, perhaps to denote an extension of a house where people gather to socialize. In LAN houses, computers are typically placed next to one another (Pereira, 2007) and have newer and faster computers available that are more suitable for gaming and faster internet access. LAN houses served as key locations for thousands of Brazilians who, otherwise, had no access to the internet; hence, LAN houses gained great popularity in the poorest areas of Brazil where marginalized residents could not afford personal computers and internet access (Nemer & Reed, 2013). Particularly for the younger generation, LAN houses played a significant role in providing internet access for lower-income children and teenagers (Lemos, 2010). The Brazilian Association of Digital Inclusion (ABCID) estimated that 108,000 LAN houses were active in Brazil (Lemos, 2010) by the mid-2000s. Forty-eight percent of internet users in Brazil used LAN houses as the primary means to connect to the internet, compared to 42% at home and 4% through free public access centers (Lemos, 2010). Rocinha, one of the biggest favelas in the world located in Rio de Janeiro, there were approximately 130 LAN houses. The symbolic importance of LAN houses in Brazil in the 2000s permeated other Brazilian life spectrums and the trend was noteworthy. In fact, many LAN houses offered a special area for children’s birthday parties (Lemos, 2010). While there are an estimated 108,000 LAN houses in Brazil, the number of bookstores were below 3,000. LAN houses in Brazil helped boost the digital entertainment industry and served as meeting points and gaming centers. It is important to note that while LAN houses were key for internet access for those without computer and internet access at home, these establishments were not free; they were for profit. Prices ranged as low as R$0.50 to R$ 1.00 an hour; in some instances, more than R$ 2.00 an hour. The ABCID estimated that about 85% of the LAN houses were part of the informal sector. Fewer than 1% have a formal business permit and most of these LAN houses were on the fringes of the formal economy. In general, “LAN houses were created and managed by community leaders and micro-entrepreneurs, and these spaces typically used to turn into reference points in the communities in which they operated, offering a high-value, high-impact public service” (Marcel, 2011, para. 6). The owners of LAN houses, in general, are nano-entrepreneurs working in an informal economy. Nano is often referred to as business smaller than microbusiness with low overhead and small-level investment that can make the business profitable right away. Ninety percent of all LAN houses were unlicensed. LAN houses first appeared in South Korea in 1996 as an entertainment option, as net gaming houses sponsored by the government using LAN technology. Contrary to South Korea, there were fewer investments in internet connectivity from the Brazilian government and the telecommunication industry. Many scholars would argue that LAN houses played a role in the growth and development of Brazil. Soares and Joia (2014a, 2014b) contended, for example, that LAN houses had a social function because had the power to democratize the access to the internet. The scholars went on to argue that LAN houses promoted access of the underprivileged to a range of important community services previously inaccessible to them. In fact, in Paraupebas, in the state of Pará, known for the worlds’ largest iron and mine, 85% of the population used LAN houses due to lack of residential internet. Xexéu, in the border between Pernambuco and Alagoas, used to be a village of enslaved Africans in the fugitive route toward Quilombo of Palmares, had 15,000 inhabitants, no banking agencies but more than 10 internet access centers. It is clear that a LAN house alone is not actually a digital inclusion agent, despite its relevance to regions with lower rates of income because most of LAN houses users are still denied full digital inclusion. Uses and Gratification Theory Internet access and the penetration of LAN houses were well documented in Brazil in the 2000s; however, an interpretative approach from the user’s standpoint offers an additional explanation for use and function of the internet and LAN houses among the youth. Grounded in the socio-psychological tradition with an objective inclination, the Uses and Gratification theory is an audience-centered approach that helps researchers analyze why and how people actively seek out media to satisfy specific needs. Often characterized as a “bona fide home-grown communication theory with intrinsic social-psychological roots,” (Lin, 1996a, 1996b, para. 1), researchers use the Uses and Gratification theory to study mediated-communication situations via a single or multiple set of psychological needs, psychological motives, communication channels, communication content, and psychological gratifications within a particular or cross-cultural context,” (Lin, 1996a, 1996b, para 1). Katz (1959) originally offered five key assumptions: (1) people use media for their own purposes; (2) people seek to gratify needs; (3) media compete for our attention and time; (4) media affect different people differently; and (5) people can accurately report their media use and motivation. For more than 50 years, researchers have compiled lists of motives to consume media. One of the most comprehensive typologies of media uses and gratifications was proposed by Rubin (1981), which offered eight motivations of television viewing motives: passing time, companionships, escape, enjoyment, social interaction, relaxation, information, and excitement. With the rise of the internet and social media, studies are now emerging to explore new uses and gratification that are specifically attributed to the new media. Several studies explored the Uses and Gratifications of social media. Chen and Kim (2013) found that social network users seek to gain a sense of community and participate in online discussions, going to SNSs for entertainment and pleasure. Another gratification south is self-presentation, which was also identified in previous research on online photo, albums, blogs and social network sites. Pai and Arnott (2013) examined the user’s motives for adoption and using social networking sites. The scholars found that belonging, hedonism, self-esteem, and reciprocity are the four main values users attain through social networking sites adoption. Quan-Haase and Young (2010) used Uses and Gratification to examine what types of needs different media fulfill among undergraduate students from Facebook and instant messaging. Use a factor analysis of gratification, they found six key dimensions: pastime, affection, fashion, share problems, sociability, and social information. The scholar found that Facebook is about having fun and knowing about the social activities occurring in one’s social network. Smock, Ellison, Lampe, and Wothn (2011) found that users’ motivations for using Facebook predicted their use of different features such as status updates and wall posts but featured that shared similar capabilities did not necessarily share underlying motivations for use. Krause, North, and Heritage (2014) applied Uses and Gratification theory to examine motivations for using music listening applications on Facebook. A principal axis factor analysis identified three different motivations for this usage, namely entertainment, communication, and habitual diversion gratifications. Rathnayake and Winter (2018) argued that social media’s uses and gratifications can be classified as either user-oriented or platform oriented. User-orientation puts less emphasis on the features or affordances of the platform while platform-orientation uses and gratifications take into consideration the features of the platform or the affordances they offer. The current study will seek to explore both the user-orientation and the platform orientation in Brazilian’s youth use of LAN Houses and the internet. Despite the highly-criticized theoretical simplicity and methodological limitations, the uses and gratification provides researchers with an initial reference on which to conduct empirical studies which bring us closer to the uses and reasons for use of communication media. In summary, previous studies were able to show the growth and prevalence of internet access in Brazil and the importance of LAN houses. What has not been fully explored is the uses and gratifications of LAN houses use among youth and their utilities almost 20 years later. Thus, three main questions will guide this investigation: Research Questions RQ1: What were the main uses and gratifications of LAN house use among the youth in Brazil in the early 2000s? RQ2: What was the social construction of “Internet” and “LAN house” among the Brazilian user of LAN houses and its potential to foster advancement? RQ3: What key roles do LAN houses play today? The Study The current study explores the main uses and gratifications of the internet and LAN houses among the Brazilian youth in the past 20 years. To answer the three research questions, two distinct methods of the study were employed: a survey and textual analysis. The survey was used to answer RQ1 and RQ2, and the textual analysis was used to answer RQ3. While the study is not formally labeled as longitudinal, analysis of data collected in the mid-2000s and 2019 was used to answer the questions. Method I: The survey was administered in the suburbs of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from October 19 to December 7, 2008. The instrument comprises 10 questions, including demographic questions. The survey was sent to 50 LAN house users aged 12–23 years old. The non-random sample was selected using a combination of convenient and network sampling technique and the return rate was 27 (54%). Sixty-five percent (17) was female and 35% (9) was male. While most of the sample (56%) was not able to identify their families’ social class status through income, 30% indicated not making more than two minimum wages per month (approximately $235 dollars at the current exchange rate of March 2019). As it relates to computer ownership, 15% indicated having a computer at home; 50% had broadband internet (7) and 35% indicated having dial-up internet access (5). A consent form was given to participants which explained the purpose of the survey, how it was going to be used, that the survey was going to be kept anonymous and confidential and how to contact me. The nominal questions were calculated using frequency distribution and the open-ended questions were coded using Glaser and Strauss’ constant comparative analysis technique (see Glaser & Strauss, 2012). Method II: A sample of 30 LAN houses’ Facebook pages was observed between March 9 and March 10, 2019. The non-random sample was selected by searching Facebook pages using the keyword “LAN House” and searching under the Pages category. To guide the observation, a questionnaire with four questions were used. The average number of likes was 1,474 and most pages in the sample included photos of the establishment and provided a summary of the services provided. A checkbox was used to record the services, and the findings represented the services articulated in the “About Me” section or the services disclosed through the profile pictures. The Lan House Use Among Youth of the 2000s All the youth surveyed used LAN house regardless of their computer ownership or internet access at home. Fifty-three percent used on the weekend, and 47% between two to five times a week. When asked about the frequency per day, a vast majority checked at least once a day, as Table 1 shows. Table 1. The Frequency of LAN House Use Per Day in the 2000s. Frequency Hours Frequency Week One hour/day 42% (12) Every day 37% (10) Two hours/day 22% (6) 2–3 Times Per Week 26% (7) Three hours/day 18% (5) 4–5 times a week 3.7% (1) More than 3 hours/day 18% (5) Weekends 33.3% (9) N = 28 N = 27 These results were consistent with previous findings of the prevalence of LAN houses in the 2000s. When asked the reasons why they used LAN houses, the reoccurring reasons were: to check Orkut (a social network site), e-mails, and the Microsoft System Network (MSN chat), download music and play games, which are consistent with at least two Rubin (1981)’s motives to use media: social interaction (Orkut, e-mails, MSN chat) and enjoyment (gaming and music downloads) as Table 2 shows. Table 2. Activities Brazilian Youth Performed in LAN Houses in the Early 2000s. Activity Yes No Sometimes (once or twice a week) Response count Check e-mails 100% (11) – – 11 Check Orkut 100% (24) – – 24 Use instant Messengers 95.2% (20) 4.8% (1) – 21 Play games 66.7% (8) 25.0% (3) 8.3% (1) 12 Surf different websites 66.7% (6) 33.3% (3) – 9 Download music 63.6% (7) 36.4% (4) – 11 Download programs 57.1/% (4) 42.9% (3) – 7 Read soap operas review 33.3% (2) 66.7% (4) – 6 Homework 20% (1) 80% (4) – 5 Look for job 20% (1) 80% (4) – 5 Access pornography 20% (1) 80% (4) – 5 Pay bills – 100% (5) – 5 Read magazines – 100% (5) – 5 Read newspapers – 100% (5) – 5 Brazilian’s Uses and Gratifications for Using Lan Houses in the Early 2000s (RQ1) LAN houses in Brazil in the 2000s served a very important socio-technological function. They were popular among both who did not access at home, but also common among those who had access. The main activities the youth engaged in while visiting LAN Houses were to check Orkut, check e-mails and use MSN chat, as previously noted, are consistent with the Uses and Gratification’s social interaction and enjoyment motives. Orkut and e-mails, specifically, were observed in all sample participants. When probed on the reasons why Brazilian youth preferred the LAN house instead of their own homes, the reoccurring reasons were: lack of computer access, privacy, overall LAN house enjoyment and socialization with others. The lack of computer access at home was a top motivator to visit the LAN house. Not having a PC at home was the most reoccurring reason, followed by high cost and inoperable computers, which is consistent with previous claims that LAN houses provided access to those who, otherwise, did not have a computer and/or internet access at home. It is pivotal to also note that (1) not having PC at home; (2) the cost-effectiveness of accessing the internet; and (3) having a broken PC at home emerged as the main reasons why. Nevertheless, LAN houses were still preferred, even when computer and internet access was available at home, in some cases. Socialization also emerged as a key motivator to use the LAN house. Table 3. Brazilian Youth’s Reasons to Choose LAN House in the Early 2000s. Reasons Why They Prefer the LAN House Category Code Count % Codes Computer access No PC at home 9 34.60 Cost effective 1 3.80 Broken PC 2 7.70 Overall socialization Socialization 8 30.80 Privacy Bad content Overall privacy 2 7.70 Overall gratification Enjoyment 4 15.40 Orkut Social networking websites are used regularly by millions of people and have created new ways for users to communicate and share information. Social networks such as Facebook, Orkut, MySpace, Flickr have attracted millions of internet user who are involved in blogging, participatory book review, networking and photo sharing. Before Facebook, Twitter, or Pinterest, there was Orkut, a social network launched in 2004 by Google engineer Orkut Büyükkökten, same year Facebook was launched (News 18 India, 2014). Orkut was one of the most popular social network sites in Brazil in the early 2000s, whose users declined in 2010 due to the popularization of Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn. Widely used in Brazil and India, Orkut’s main goal was to help its users create new friendships and maintain relationships. On Orkut, users shared photos, were members of communities and discussed issues. In 2010, 70% of Orkut users were between 18 and 30 years of age and half of the users were Brazilians. As with other forms of media, Orkut also drew the attention of the academic community who looked at several aspects of Orkut use including the performances of black identity (see de Melo & Lopes, 2013) and Orkut’s uses and gratifications (see Mantovani & Junior, 2013). In all, Orkut played a vital role i
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