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‘Building back better’ in the Caribbean: an introduction

2022; Wiley; Volume: 46; Issue: S1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1111/disa.12538

1467-7717

Emily Wilkinson, Donovan Campbell,

Urban and Rural Development Challenges

In a region beset by serial disasters, resilient recovery from hazardous events is not just a worthy goal, it is also an imperative. The Caribbean Resilience and Recovery Knowledge Network (CRRKN) was set up in November 2019 with funding from the Global Challenges Research Fund in the United Kingdom to encourage knowledge exchange and learning between researchers, policymakers, and practitioners, to generate a research agenda, and to promote more equitable and sustainable recovery after disasters and a more resilient future for the Caribbean. The CRRKN brings together a team of world-class partners with extensive and complementary expertise in climate change science, disaster risk management, communications, and resilience and sus-tainability studies. The premise of the network is that transformational shifts can only be achieved if lessons from past events are institutionalised through joint analysis, reflection, and dialogue on recovery processes, producing a fundamental change in the way that recovery is understood and supported across the Caribbean. One approach used is that of 'forensic analysis' of past events, conducted by multiple stakeholders to co-create lessons stemming from recovery. One month after the CRRKN was established, a 'Forensic Workshop on Disaster Recovery' was convened to foreground the '11th Caribbean Conference on Comprehensive Disaster Management' (held in Sint Maarten on 2–6 December 2019). This workshop was the first event of its kind in the Caribbean, bringing together governmental, civil society, and scientific stakeholders with different experiences, expertise, and views to retrace decisions and steps taken following two separate disasters: Hurricane Maria in Dominica in 2017; and the volcanic eruptions in Montserrat in 1995–97. The task was to identify and agree collectively on the most critical lessons learned from recovery processes on the two islands and pinpoint unresolved recovery issues, including those that could not have been planned for easily. For example, not knowing what resources will be available to respond to, and recover from, a disaster, before it happens, poses a major challenge to Caribbean states. Recovery processes were found to be complex and not well understood by the various groups, making it difficult to translate lessons into meaningful recommendations that can be codified for recovery planning elsewhere. Further joint analysis of disaster impacts, recovery, and policy effectiveness is certainly needed. This special issue of Disasters reflects on the increased virtual communication that is occurring within the Caribbean and across the Atlantic (spurred inadvertently by the global Covid-19 pandemic), drawing on papers that have been jointly authored by researchers and practitioners in the Caribbean and the UK. Entitled '"Building back better"? Lessons from disaster recovery in the Caribbean', the special issue provides insights into and analysis of the policy choices that have been made in the aftermath of the two different disasters in the Caribbean—decisions, in most cases, aimed at strengthening resilience to future hazards. The term 'building back better' (BBB) represents a normative view of recovery, and one that has undoubtedly influenced recovery policies in the Caribbean (Wilkinson, Twigg, and Few, 2018). It is used to refer to 'the use of the recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction phases after a disaster to increase the resilience of nations and communities through integrating disaster risk reduction measures into the restoration of physical infrastructure and societal systems, and into the revitalization of livelihoods, economies and the environment' (UNDRR, n.d.). The concept may have first been employed in the Caribbean after Hurricane Ivan hit Grenada in September 2004. The United States Agency for International Development's Hurricane Recovery Program emphasised 'speed, self-help, and "build back better", to help people revitalise and rebuild their lives and their economy quickly (USAID Jamaica, 2005, p. 2). Later the same year, on 26 December, the Indian Ocean tsunami ravaged the Indonesian province of Aceh. Former United States President Bill Clinton, then the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General's Special Envoy for Tsunami Recovery, utilised the term again, largely as a way of underscoring the opportunity presented by the post-disaster reconstruction process to improve physical, social, environmental, and economic conditions (ECOSOC, 2005). The phrase, popularised by humanitarian agencies, reflected the desire of external actors to restore stability and normalcy while at the same time strengthening pre-existing structures so they would be less affected by hazards in the future. Fast-forward to 2017, and two Category 5 hurricanes, Irma and Maria, devastate many islands in the Caribbean, prompting governments to use BBB once again, but this time to refer to nationally-driven recovery agendas. Now, there was recognition that extreme weather events are becoming more intense and frequent, and that development progress will be increasingly undermined by disasters unless wide-ranging measures are introduced to protect housing and infrastructure, strengthen communities, diversify economies, and protect natural resources and biodiversity. The recent report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change clearly shows that vulnerable Small Island Developing States, including those in the Caribbean, face severe constraints to adaptation—in addition, the costs of disaster recovery are much higher than previous estimates suggest. Loss and damage due to extreme weather events, such as hurricanes and floods, limit the availability of financial resources for adaptation and resilience, and impede economic growth across the Caribbean. The magnitude of the climate problem facing the region requires substantial coordination and financial investment, matching the urgent action needed to protect the most vulnerable groups (Pörtner et al., 2022). Since 2004, BBB has come to mean something much more progressive in the Caribbean, with senior officials in government and disaster risk reduction practitioners often preferring to speak of 'building forward better'. 'Build back better' was also used widely in Joe Biden's 2020 presidential campaign to refer to the structural economic changes needed to engender a 'green' recovery after the Covid-19 pandemic, although these are yet to materialise. Furthermore, UN Secretary-General António Guterres has referred to the need for a post-pandemic transformation of the development model across the Latin America and Caribbean region, creating a fair taxation system, promoting decent jobs, strengthening environmental sustainability, and reinforcing social protection mechanisms.11 For more information, see https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/building-back-better-requires-transforming-development-model-latin-america-and-caribbean (last accessed on 19 May 2022). The BBB concept is not without controversy and often elicits a critical response from disasters scholars. For some, the term should be more precise. 'Building back stronger', for instance, places an explicit focus on reducing losses associated with future disasters by ensuring that the reconstructed infrastructure can resist more intense events (Hallegatte, Rentschler, and Walsh, 2018). For others, the issue is not with the adjective 'better', but rather with the idea of building back something that was there before, with the suggestion that a previous state is to where you want to return. Many scholars thus prefer the expression 'building forward better' (Kimani et al., 2021). Some political scientists have pointed to the period following disasters, when political attention is heightened and key decisions are being made on reconstruction and rehabilitation, as a chance to consider and take action to reduce future risk. Disasters can eradicate decades of development gains, but they also offer an opportunity to increase resilience (Birkland, 1997; Charles, Chang-Richards, and You, 2022). Following a disaster, there is likely to be more political and social pressure for longer-term risk reduction measures, and more technical and financial resources are likely to be available to implement them (Ievers and Bhatia, 2011). Not one, but several, disasters occurring in quick succession, leaving little time in-between for recovery to take place, have put climate resilience high up on the political agendas of many Caribbean states. Two Category 5 hurricanes in 2017 in the wake of a global financial crisis, combined with the Covid-19 pandemic from 2020, have brought about greater appreciation among Caribbean policymakers and practitioners of the need to pursue resilience goals much more vehemently, and have created more space than in the past for greater local ownership and steering of the recovery process. There is strong political will in the Caribbean to 'build back better', but certain groups often get left behind, as the papers in this special issue of Disasters illustrate. Evidence suggests, however, that inclusive strategies are good for recovery (Hallegatte, Rentschler, and Walsh, 2018). It makes sense, therefore, to prioritise investments that can redress the structural imbalances that trap people in cycles of poverty and vulnerability as part of BBB. At the time of writing (May 2022), with Covid-19 infection rates slowing in the Caribbean, interest in BBB is mounting, and there is an opportunity to adopt a forensic approach to understand and shape the recovery process, drawing on past experiences of recovery. With more frequent and inclusive communication occurring between different actors and agencies engaged in disaster recovery in the Caribbean (through multiple panel discussions and lesson learning events), co-production of studies and reports like many of those featured in this special issue, can become more common. Beyond the slogans and debates on what BBB should mean, the papers in this special issue of Disasters provide a critical reflection on how decisions have been taken after disasters in the Caribbean in relation to recovery, and the implications for future resilience. They contribute to a burgeoning body of evidence on the close interlinkages between processes and models of development in the Caribbean and those of recovery. Jenni Barclay et al.22 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12537 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). examine recovery through the lens of volcanic eruptions occurring in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Montserrat from the colonial period to the present day. The paper explores how frequent hazards, colonial government responses, and market conditions have collectively undermined and complicated recovery in these Eastern Caribbean islands. The in-depth, historical analysis allows for a better understanding of the interplay between repeated hazards and sociopolitical and economic processes. The authors find that post-disaster responses have undermined resilience, with aid distribution decisions and weaknesses in governance and financial management, creating and reinforcing vulnerabilities to natural hazards. They point to the importance of comprehending hazard events in relation to a background of longer-term economic or social crises, which affect the response and mean that all recovery policies and assistance are essentially political. Johanna Forster et al.33 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12541 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). look at recovery in small fisheries-dependent communities in Dominica following Hurricane Maria in 2017, examining national response strategies and their influence on the recovery and well-being of individuals in these communities. They note that recovery initiatives tend to focus on material well-being—and macro-level economic recovery in particular—and that this can undermine the ability of communities to engage in and drive their own recovery. People often end up being heavily reliant on government-funded assistance programmes, which affects their personal and collective agency and well-being. These findings underscore the crucial social and relational dimensions of well-being that should be considered as intrinsic to any notion of post-disaster recovery. These elements emerged as powerful means to deal with the trauma of a hurricane and to mobilise local resources for resilience. Simone Lee, Giselle Hall, and Camilo Trench44 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12539 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). highlight the important role that Nature-based Solutions (NbS) play in reducing climate-related risks to people and poverty. Through the example of the mangrove systems in Jamaica, they show that their restoration has a positive influence on attenuating storm surge and wave impacts on coastlines. Coral restoration also provides benefits for disaster reduction, reducing coastal erosion and flooding. In this sense, NbS are critical to BBB, although such interventions are not necessarily designed intentionally to build resilience—NbS commonly have purely environmental aims such as 'protected area management', 'wetland restoration', and 'coral restoration'. The authors conclude that further documentation and evaluation of ongoing projects is needed, alongside awareness-raising of the importance of such interventions among coastal communities. Denyse S. Dookie and Jacqueline Spence-Hemmings55 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12540 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). investigate the extent to which climate information is being well communicated and driving effective preparedness for tropical storms in the Caribbean. They find that 'lead times' (the time between a warning being issued and a storm making landfall) for storms in 14 Caribbean territories over the period 1995–2015 have, on average, been less than 48 hours. Limited communications capacity, especially on weekends and holidays, has led to delays in preparing for imminent storms. These lessons from previous disasters are gaining traction, and across the region, there have been more awareness campaigns to educate the public about disaster preparedness strategies and the role of climate information. Additional financial support for preparedness can help to minimise the impacts of hurricanes; but given that resources are severely limited in Caribbean islands, climate information can be used for, and play a critical role in, prioritising and mobilising resources efficiently. Martin Parham66 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12536 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). uses the concept of child-centred disaster risk reduction (CCDRR) to appraise national initiatives to augment school resilience and reduce child vulnerability to disasters in Dominica since Tropical Storm Erika in 2015 and Hurricane Maria in 2017. Implementation of and the impacts of these programmes are assessed through a longitudinal study. The author underlines that despite political commitment to resilience, several school safety programmes, and substantial effort to increase nationwide teacher training, Dominica has (like many other countries) struggled to achieve the aims of CCDRR. Implementation was restricted by teachers not having the necessary level of expertise to deliver elements of the programmes, and critically, all initiatives were disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. This is an important issue for disaster recovery: given the frequency of external shocks affecting Small Island Developing States in the Caribbean, it is unlikely that recovery from one event will ever be unaffected by another. Eleanor Jones, Kristinia Doughorty, and Pietra Brown77 See https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12545 (last accessed on 19 May 2022). analyse the concept of recovery in the Caribbean region, with a focus on Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Dominica, Guyana, Jamaica, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. They emphasise that these six countries all lack the fiscal capacity to cope with, and recover from, disasters, despite having received substantial external assistance since the 1980s. The paper goes on to make five assertions regarding how post-disaster recovery can actually result in BBB. First, governments must minimise the need for external resources that do not align with countries' priorities for recovery. Second, a robust disaster risk financing strategy is needed for hurricanes, heavy rainfall, and earthquakes. Third, governments need to strengthen social protection mechanisms, targeting vulnerable populations with basic income security, healthcare, and psychosocial programmes. Fourth, stronger coordination is needed among relevant agencies, ministries, and departments to reduce overlaps and ensure an effective policy response. Fifth, better baseline data is needed on vulnerability and impacts, to create better support for communities in the recovery process. The authors would like to thank the UK's Global Challenges Research Fund (reference: EP/T00357X/1) for supporting the CRRKN. Special thanks are also extended to Anne-Emmanuelle Lété for conducting analysis in support of this paper. This special issue of Disasters is published in honour of Emeritus Professor David Barker, who sadly passed away on Saturday, 19 February 2022. Professor Barker worked at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica from 1980–2022, headed the Department of Geography and Geology from 1994–96 and from 2005 until his retirement in 2012, and was a co-founding editor of the Caribbean Geography journal. He kindly peer reviewed the manuscripts submitted to this special issue of Disasters. The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.