Crimea in Ukraine: Smoothing the Edges as Diversity Institutionalization
2023; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 29; Issue: 2 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13537113.2023.2207367
ISSN1557-2986
Autores Tópico(s)European Politics and Security
ResumoAbstractFrom the early 1990s, Ukrainian Crimea seemed to face the Russian majority’s separatist inclinations and far-reaching political claims of the formerly deported Crimean Tatars. Nevertheless, the peninsula’s autonomous status secured ethnopolitical stability for about 19 years, and the article considers how the established regime of diversity governance contributed to the autonomy’s endurance. The author concludes that this regime did not fit into an explanatory framework of inter-group balance, such as power-sharing. Among the factors securing durablity were the ambiguity of official narratives, loosely formalized participatory mechanisms encouraging opportunisic behavior and the maintenace of the elites’ and population segments’ expectations. Disclosure statementThis is to acknowledge that no financial interest or benefit has arisen from the direct applications of my research.Notes1 The Crimean autonomy within Ukraine still exists de jure.2 Taras Kuzio, The Crimea: Europe’s Next Flashpoint? (Washington, DC: The Jamestown Foundation, 2010); Yulia Tyshenko, Rustem Khalilov, and Mikhailo Kapustin, Suspіl’no-polіtichnі procesi v AR Krym: osnovnі tendencіi [Socio-political Processes in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea: The Major Trends] (Kyiv: Ukrainian Independent Centre for Political Studies, 2008); Andrew Wilson, “The Crimean Tatar Question: A Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism,” Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 3, no. 2 (2017): 1–45; Serhy Yekelchyk, “The Crimean Exception: Modern Politics as Hostage of the Imperial Past,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 46, no. 3 (2019): 304–23.3 See Ivan Katchanovski, “Crimea: People and Territory Before and After Annexation,” in Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives, edited by Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska and Richard Sakwa, 80–9 (Bristol, the UK: E-International Relations Publishing, 2015); Olena Podolian, “The 2014 Referendum in Crimea,” East European Quarterly 43, no. 1 (2015): 111–28.4 Gwendolyn Sasse, The Crimea Question: Identity, Transition, and Conflict (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).5 The All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, “About Number and Composition Population of Ukraine,” http://2001.ukrcensus.gov.ua/eng/results/general/nationality/ (accessed 10 April 2023).6 Smaller groups of Greeks, Armenians and Bulgarians were sent to exile too following the German minority which had been forcibly relocated in 1941.7 Brian G. Williams, The Crimean Tatars. From Soviet Genocide to Putin’s Conquest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).8 See Bill Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy: Innovation or Anomaly?,” in Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution: Innovative Approaches to Institutional Design in Divided Societies, edited by Marc Weller and Stefan Wolff, 75–97 (London: Routledge, 2005); Taras Kuzio, “The Crimean Conundrum,” in Federalism beyond Federations. Asymmetry and Processes of Resymmetrisation in Europe, edited by Ferran Requejo and Klaus-Jurgen Nagel, 177–202 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011); Sasse, The Crimea Question; Nedim Useinov, “Crimea: From Annexation to Annexation, or How History Has Come Full Circle,” in The Maidan Uprising, Separatism and Foreign Intervention: Ukraine’s Complex Transition, edited by Klaus Bachmann and Igor Lyubashenko, 207–226 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2014); Wilson, “The Crimean Tatar Question.”9 Kuzio, “The Crimean Conundrum,” in Federalism beyond Federations; Andrei Mal’gin, Krymskiy uzel [The Crimean Knot] (Simferopol: Novy Krym, 2000), 68–72; Sasse, The Crimea Question, 142–9.10 Svetlana Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe dvizhenie v kontekste etnopoliticheskoy situatsii v Krymu (avgust 1991 - mart 1995 gg.)” [The Crimean Tatar national movement in the context of the ethnopolitical situation in Crimea], in Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe dvizhenie 1991-1995 [The Crimean Tatar national movement. 1991-1995], Vol. 3, edited by Svetlana Chervonnaya and Mikhail Guboglo, 26–101 (Moscow: IEA RAS, 1995), 53–9; Dmitry Ryabushkin, “Krym” [Crimea], in Regiony Ukrainy. Hronika i rukovoditeli [The Regions of Ukraine. Timeline and Leaders]. Vol. 3 Crimea and the Nikolaev oblast, edited by Kimitaka Matsuzato, Slavic Eurasian Studies No. 20, 11–124 (Sapporo: Hokkaido University Press, 2009), 51–60.11 Ryabushkin, “Krym” [Crimea], in Regiony Ukrainy, 61–64; Gwendolyn Sasse, “Crimean Autonomy: A Viable Alternative to War?,” The Washington Post, 3 March 2014, 156–73, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/03/03/crimean-autonomy-a-viable-alternative-to-war/ (accessed 10 April 2023); Doris Wydra, “The Crimea Conundrum: The Tug of War between Russia and Ukraine on the Questions of Autonomy and Self-Determination,” International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 10, no. 2 (2004): 111–30, 117–20.12 See Podolian, “The 2014 Referendum in Crimea”; Katchanovski, “Crimea,” in Ukraine and Russia; Natalia Shapovalova, “The Role of Crimea in Ukraine - Russia relations,” in The Maidan Uprising, Separatism and Foreign Intervention: Ukraine’s complex transition, edited by Klaus Bachmann and Igor Lyubashenko, 227–65 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2014).13 Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy,” in Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution; Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe,” in Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe, 59–62; Karyna Korostelina, “Concepts of National Identity and the Readiness for Conflict Behaviour,” National Identities 10, no. 2 (2008): 207–23; Kimitaka Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015,” Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 24, no. 2 (2016): 225–56; Sergei Stelmakh, ““Russkoe dvizhenie” v Krymu: besslavnaya istoriya” [“The Russian movement” in Crimea: an inglorious story]. Krym-Realii, 20 March 2019, https://ru.krymr.com/a/besslavnaya-istoriya-russkogo-dvijeniya-v-krimu/29830796.html (accessed 10 April 2023).14 Andrey Fedorov, Pravovoy status Kryma. Pravovoy status Sevastopolia [The Legal Status of Crimea. The Legal Status of Sevastopol] (Moscow: Moscow State University, 1999); Kuzio, “The Crimean Conundrum,” in Federalism beyond Federations, 197–200; Mal’gin, Krymskiy uzel, 13–7.15 Marina Zaloznaya and Theodore P. Gerber, “Migration as Social Movement: Voluntary Group Migration and the Crimean Tatar Repatriation,” Population and Development Review 38, no. 2 (2012): 259–84, 271.16 Viktor Kotigorenko, Kryms’kotatars’kі repatrіanty: problema socіal’noy adaptatsii [The Crimean Tatar Repatriates: The Problems of Social Adaptation] (Kiev: Svitogliad, 2005); Williams, The Crimean Tatars, 136–42.17 Katchanovski, “Crimea,” in Ukraine and Russia; Eleonore Knott, “Identity in Crimea before Annexation: A Bottom-Up Perspective,” in Russia Before and After Crimea. Nationalism and Identity, 2010–17, edited by Pal Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud, 282–305 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018), 286–7; Tyshenko et al., Suspіl’no-polіtichnі procesi.18 Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe,” Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe; Kuzio, “The Crimean Conundrum,” in Federalism beyond Federations; Mal’gin, Krymskiy uzel; Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015”; Katchanovski, “Crimea,” Ukraine and Russia; Volodymyr Kulyk, Revisiting A Success Story: Implementation of the Recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities to Ukraine, 1994-2001, CORE Working Paper 6 (Hamburg: Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg, 2002); Ryabushkin, “Krym” [Crimea], in Regiony Ukrainy; Sasse, The Crimea Question; Andrew Wilson, “The Crimean Tatars: A Quarter of a Century after Their Return,” Security and Human Rights 24, no. 3–4 (2014): 418–31.19 Merle Maigre, “Crimea the Achilles Heel of Ukraine,” ICDS Report, November 2008, https://icds.ee/crimea-the-achilles-heel-of-ukraine/ (accessed 6 April 2023); Wydra, “The Crimea Conundrum”; Doris Wydra, “What Went Wrong with Crimean Autonomy?,” Security and Human Rights 25, no. 3 (2014): 312–27.20 Only a few authors acknowledge the autonomy’s endurance and embeddedness into Ukraine’s political system (Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy,” Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution; Sasse, “Crimean Autonomy“).21 Matteo Fumagalli and Margaryta Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda? Critical Junctures, Critical Antecedents, and the Paths Not Taken in the Making of Crimea’s Annexation,” Nationalities Papers (2022): 1–21. doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.75; Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015.” 22 Wydra, “What Went Wrong with Crimean Autonomy?”23 Yash Ghai and Sophia Woodman, editors, Practicing Self-Government. A Comparative Study of Autonomous Regions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); Arend Lijphart, “Constitutional Design for Divided Societies,” Journal of Democracy 15, no. 2 (2004): 96–109; Marc Weller and Stefan Wolff, editors, Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution: Innovative Approaches to Institutional Design in Divided Societies (London and New York: Routledge, 2005).24 See Paul Dixon, “The Politics of Conflict: A Constructivist Critique of Consociational and Civil Society Theories,” Nations and Nationalism 18, no. 1 (2012): 98–121; Rima Majed, “In Defense of Intra-Sectarian Divide: Street Mobilization, Coalition Formation, and Rapid Realignments of Sectarian Boundaries in Lebanon,” Social Forces 99, no. 4 (2021): 1772–98.25 Allison McCulloch, “Consociational Settlements in Deeply Divided Societies: The Liberal-Corporate Distinction,” Democratization 21, no. 3 (2014): 501–18; John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: Liberal Consociation as Political Prescription,” International Journal of Constitutional Law 5, no. 4 (2007): 670–98.26 Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity Without Groups (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).27 Douglas C. North, Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990), 3–4; Guillermo A. O'Donnell, “Delegative Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 5, no. 1 (1994): 55–69, 57.28 Philip Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth: Social Theory and the Promise of Community (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 232.29 Roger Friedland and Robert Alford, “Bringing Society Back in Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contradictions,” in The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis, edited by Walter Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, 232–66 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 232; Richard Scott, Institutions and Organisations. Ideas, Interests, and Identities, 4th ed. (London: SAGE, 2014), 57.30 Zoltán Farkas, “The Concept and Coverage of Institution,” Rationality and Society 31, no. 1 (2019): 70–97.31 Paul James and Ronen Palen, Globalization and Economy, Vol. 3: Global Economic Regimes and Institutions (London: Sage Publications, 2007), xiv.32 Mitchell Dean, Governmentality. Power and Rule in Modern Society, 2nd ed. (London: SAGE, 2010), 268.33 Richard F. Huff, “Governmentality,” in Encyclopedia of Governance, edited by Mark Bevir (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2007), 389.34 Joanne McEvoy and Eduardo W. Aboultaif, “Power-Sharing Challenges: From Weak Adoptability to Dysfunction in Iraq,” Ethnopolitics 21, no. 3 (2022): 238–57.35 The Crimean constitutions of 1992 and 1995 are available at: http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/krym/show/rb076a002-92; the 1998 ARC constitution is at: https://pravoved.in.ua/section-law/164-kark/1624-gl-003.html (in Russian).36 Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy,” in Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution, 86.37 Kulyk, Revisiting A Success Story, 8638 OSCE HCNM (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe/High Commissioner on National Minorities), The Integration of Formerly Deported People in Crimea, Ukraine: Needs Assessment (The Hague: OSCE HCNM, 2013), 27.39 Paola Bocale, “Trends and Issues in Language Policy and Language Education in Crimea,” Canadian Slavonic Papers 58, no. 1 (2016): 3–22, 6.40 Oxana Shevel, “Crimean Tatars and the Ukrainian State: The Challenge of Politics, the Use of Law, and the Meaning of Rhetoric,” Krimski Studii 1, no. 7 (2001): 109–29, http://www.iccrimea.org/scholarly/oshevel.html (accessed 7 April 2023); OSCE HCNM, The Integration of Formerly Deported People, 9–11.41 Nikolai Bugai, editor, Deportatsiya narodov Kryma: Dokumenty, fakty, kommentarii [Deportations of the Peoples of Crimea: Documents, Facts, Comments] (Moscow: Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2002), 198–208.42 Oleg A. Gabrielian and Vadim P. Petrov, Deportirovannye grazhdane: vozvrashhenie, obustroystvo, social’naya adaptaciya [Deported Citizens: Return, Accommodation, Social Adaptation] (Simferopol: Amena, 1997), 24–34.43 Ibid., 35–38.44 Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy,” in Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution, 87–92; Ryabushkin, “Krym” [Crimea], in Regiony Ukrainy, 69–70.45 Fumagalli and Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda?,” 7–8.46 Sasse, The Crimea Question; Fumagalli and Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda?,” 7.47 Susan Stewart, “Autonomy as a mechanism for conflict regulation? The case of Crimea,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 7, no. 4 (2001): 113–41, 121, 124. Anna V. Tolkacheva, “Sovetskoe Institutsional’noe Nasledie i Postsovetskie Konflikty: sluchai Kryma i Pridnestrov’ya” [The Soviet Institutional Legacy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: The Cases of Crimea and Transnistria],” Politicheskaya nauka 3 (2004): 86–103, 98–9.48 Fumagalli and Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda?,” 8; Stelmakh,”“Russkoe dvizhenie” v Krymu.”49 Fumagalli and Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda?,” 8–9.50 Petr Kozlov, “Esli eto imelo opredelennuyu rezhissuru, rezhisseru nuzhno postavit’ piat’ s pliusom.” Rustam Temirgaliev o razvitii sobytiy, privedshih k referendumu v Krymu [“If there had been a stage direction, the director deserves the highest grade.” Rustem Temirgaliev about the developments that had led to the referendum in Crimea]. Vedomosti, 16 March 2015, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/characters/2015/03/16/esli-eto-imelo-opredelennuyu-rezhissuru–-rezhisseru-nuzhno-postavit-pyat-s-plyusom (accessed 6 April 2023); Andrei Mal’gin, “Chto privelo k ‘russkoj vesne’ 2014?” [What Led to the “Russian Spring” in 2014?]. Rossiya v global’noy politike, March/April 2014, https://globalaffairs.ru/articles/krymskij-uzel-chto-privelo-k-russkoj-vesne-2014/ (accessed 10 April 2023); Wilson, “The Crimean Tatars,” 421–2; Wilson, “The Crimean Tatar Question,” 6.51 Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea,” 233–5.52 Wilson, “The Crimean Tatar Question.”53 Filiz Tutku Aydin and Fethi Kurtiy Sahin, “The Politics of Recognition of Crimean Tatar Collective Rights in the post-Soviet Period: With Special Attention to the Russian Annexation of Crimea,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 1 (2019): 39–50; Kulyk, Revisiting A Success Story; Stewart, “Autonomy as a mechanism for conflict regulation?”54 Gabrielian and Petrov, Deportirovannye grazhdane, 2255 The All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, “About Number and Composition Population of Ukraine.”56 In 1989, it was institutionalized as the Organization of the Crimean Tatar National Movement.57 Sasse, The Crimea Question, 149–53; Wilson, “The Crimean Tatars.”58 According to the data before 2021 available at Qurultay’s website http://qtmm.org/.59 OSCE HCNM, The Integration of Formerly Deported People in Crimea, Ukraine, 16.60 Declaration, Deklaratsiya o natsional’nom suverenitete krymskotatarskogo naroda [Declaration on the National Sovereignty of the Crimean Tatar People]. 28 June 1991. http://kro-krim.narod.ru/LITERAT/TATARI/tatdekl.htm (accessed 10 April 2023).61 Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe,” Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe; Dzhelialov, “Zamglavy Medzhlisa Dzhelialov: My ustali iskat’ svoe mesto v otnoshenijah mezhdu dvumja stranami” [Deputy Chair of the Mejlis Dzhelialov: We Are Tired of Seeking Our Place in Relations between the Two Countries]. Focus-UA, 30 March 2014. http://focus.ua/politics/301792/ (accessed 6 April 2023); see also Sasse, The Crimea Question, 185.62 Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015”; Sasse, The Crimea Question, 209.63 Some scholars argued that the Ukrainian government strived to use the Crimean Tatar movement politically as a counter-balance to pro-Russian movement from the early 1990s (Wilson, “The Crimean Tatars”; Wydra, “The Crimea Conundrum”). Reportedly, Ukrainian security services and the law-enforcement kept the Crimean Tatar organizations under most intensive surveillance as the major source of problems.64 Svetlana Chervonnaya, Krym’97. Qurultay protiv raskola [Crimea’97. Qurultay against the split]. Studies in Applied and Urgent Ethnology of the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology RAS. Issue 113 (Moscow: IEA RAS, 1998), 6–10; Ekaterina Tesemnikova, “Raskol v Mejlise. Lidery krymskih tatar ne v sostoyanii dogovoritsa mezhu soboy.” [The Split in Mejlis. The Crimean Tatar Leaders Cannot agree Among Themselves] Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 31 March 1998.65 Stewart, “Autonomy as a mechanism for conflict regulation?,” 131–37.66 Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe,” Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe, 42; Mal’gin, Krymskiy uzel, 77.67 V. P. Ovcharenko, “Iz opyta Ukrainy po obespecheniyu bazovogo resursa gosudarstvennoy jetnonacional’noy politiki (1990-e – nachalo 2000-h gg.)” [the Ukrainian experience in securing the basic resource of the state ethno-national policy (1990 – early 2000s],” Sovremennye Gumanitranye Issledovaniya 1 (2013): 18–23, 21.68 Bowring, “The Crimean Autonomy,” in Autonomy, Self-governance and Conflict Resolution, 91.69 Chervonnaya, “Krymskotatarskoe,” Krymskotatarskoe natsional’noe; Chervonnaya, Krym’97; Oleksandr Bogomolov, “Kryms’kotatars’ka Predstavnits’ka Demokratіya: samoorganіzovana Gromada і Dіalog z Vladoyu” [The Crimean Tatar Representative Democracy: A Self-Organized Community and the Dialog with Government],” The World of the Orient 2014, no. 1 (2014): 131–46.70 Petr Kozlov, “Esli eto imelo opredelennuyu rezhissuru, rezhisseru nuzhno postavit’ piat’ s pliusom.” Rustam Temirgaliev o razvitii sobytiy, privedshih k referendumu v Krymu [“If there had been a stage direction, the director deserves the highest grade.” Rustem Temirgaliev about the developments that had led to the referendum in Crimea]. Vedomosti, 16 March 2015, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/characters/2015/03/16/esli-eto-imelo-opredelennuyu-rezhissuru–-rezhisseru-nuzhno-postavit-pyat-s-plyusom (accessed 6 April 2023).71 Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015,” 241–5.72 Ian Lustick, “Stability in Divided Societies: Consociationalism v. Control,” World Politics 31, no. 3 (1979): 325–44, 325.73 Katchanovski, “Crimea,” in Ukraine and Russia; Knott, “Identity in Crimea before Annexation,” in Russia Before and After Crimea, 286–7; Tyshenko et al., Suspіl’no-polіtichnі procesi v AR Krym.74 Stewart, “Autonomy as a mechanism for conflict regulation?,” 141.75 Ismail Aydingün, and Ayşegül Aydingün, “Crimean Tatars Return Home: Identity and Cultural Revival,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, no. 1 (2007): 113–28; Kotigorenko, Kryms’kotatars’kі repatrіanty.76 Jakob Hedenskog, Crimea After the Georgian Crisis (Stockholm: FOI, Swedish Defence Research Academy, 2008), 23; Andrei Mal’gin, “Russkiy Krym’ v postoranzhevoy Ukraine. Novye realii – starye problem” [“Russian Crimea” in post-Orange Ukraine: New Realities – Old Problems],” Diaspory 1 (2010): 26–44; Mal’gin, “Chto privelo k ‘russkoj vesne’ 2014?”77 Mal’gin, “Chto privelo k ‘russkoj vesne’ 2014?”; Ivan Putilov, “U Menja Ukrainskij Passport”: Kak Pervye Lica Kryma Vystupali Protiv Separatizma [“I Have a Ukrainian Passport”: How the Top Figures of Crimea Opposed Separatism],” Krym-Realii 28 February 2018, https://ru.krymr.com/a/29063974.html (accessed 10 April 2023); Stelmakh, ““Russkoe dvizhenie” v Krymu.”78 Tetyana Malyarenko and David Galbreath, “Crimea: Competing Self-Determination Movements and the Politics at the Centre,” Europe-Asia Studies 65, no. 5 (2013): 912–28, 917, 922.79 For an overview see Knott, “Identity in Crimea before Annexation” in Russia Before and After Crimea; Elena Mizrokhi, Russian ‘Separatism’ in Crimea and NATO: Ukraine’s Big Hope, Russia’s Grand Gamble (Quebec: Université Laval/Chaier de recherche du Canada sur les conflict identitaires at le terrorisme, 2009). https://www.csi.hei.ulaval.ca/sites/csi.hei.ulaval.ca/files/crimee.pdf (accessed 6 April 2023); Podolian, “The 2014 Referendum in Crimea,” 115; Useinov, “Crimea,” in The Maidan Uprising, 220–4.80 Knott, “Identity in Crimea before Annexation” in Russia Before and After Crimea, 286–301.81 Andrei Mal’gin, “Russkiy Krym’ v poiskah sebya” [“Russian Crimea” in Search of Itself],” Diaspory 3 (2005): 316–44; Shapovalova, “The Role of Crimea in Ukraine - Russia relations,” in The Maidan Uprising; Igor V. Yevtiushkin, “Mnogonatsional’no-territorial’naya avtonomiya v Krymu: istoriko-politologicheskiy analiz kontsepta” [Multinational-territorial Autonomy in Crimea: Historical-political Analysis of the Concept], in Voprosy razvitiya Kryma [The Issues of Crimea’s Development], 5–22 (Simferopol: Sonat, 2012).82 Austin Charron, “Whose Is Crimea?: Contested Sovereignty and Regional Identity,” Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia 5, no. 2 (2016): 225–56; Austin Charron, “Indigeneity, Displacement, and Regional Place Attachment among IDPs from Crimea,” Geographical Review 112, no. 1 (2022): 86–102.83 Kozlov, “Esli eto imelo opredelennuyu rezhissuru”; Matsuzato, “Domestic Politics in Crimea, 2009-2015,” 242, 247.84 See Alexandra Krylenkova, V poiskah voyny. P’yat let v Krymu [In search of war. Five years in Crimea] (Yekaterinburg: Ridero, 2019).85 Small electoral quotas for the Crimean Tatars and other formerly deported peoples in 1993–1998 should be regarded as institutional pockets rather than an arrangement providing a share in decision-making.86 Lustick, “Stability in Divided Societies.”87 So far there have been no comprehensive theoretical explanations of these phenomena but only partial, geographically and thematically limited overviews (see Samuel A. Greene, “Running to Stand Still: Aggressive Immobility and the Limits of Power in Russia,” Post-Soviet Affairs 34, no. 5 (2018): 333–47).88 See Timofey Agarin, “The (Not so) Surprising Longevity of Identity Politics: Contemporary Challenges of the State-Society Compact in Central Eastern Europe,” East European Politics 36, no. 2 (2020): 147–66; Edward Miguel, “Tribe or Nation? Nation-Building and Public Goods in Kenya versus Tanzania,” World Politics 56, no. 3 (2004): 327–62.89 Eric W. Schoon, “Operationalizing Legitimacy,” American Sociological Review 87, no. 3 (2022): 478–503.90 Ibid.91 Jan Pakulski, “Legitimacy and Mass Compliance: Reflections on Max Weber and Soviet-Type Societies,” British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (1986): 35–56.92 Fumagalli and Rymarenko, “Krym. Rossiya…Navsegda?,” 11, 14–6.93 Paul D’Anieri, Robert S. Kravchuk, and Taras Kuzio, editors, Politics and Society in Ukraine (London: Westview Press, 1999); Serhiy Kudelia, “The Sources of Continuity and Change of Ukraine’s Incomplete State,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 3–4 (2012): 417–28.94 Jacob Skovgaard, “Towards “Consociationalism Light”? the EU’s, the Council of Europe’s and the High Commissioner on National Minorities’ Policies regarding the Hungarian Minorities in Romania and Slovakia,” Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe 8, no. 2 (2009): 1–22; Matthijs Bogaards, “Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case against Consociationalism ‘Light’,” Ethnopolitics 20, no. 2 (2021): 186–202.95 Dani Rodrik, “Second-Best Institutions,” American Economic Review 98, no. 2 (2008): 100–4.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAlexander OsipovAlexander Osipov is Board Member of the International Centre for Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity Studies, the Czech Republic.
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