Contentious catalysts: beguines, place, and identity in late medieval Mainz
2023; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 33; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/09612025.2023.2240561
ISSN1747-583X
Autores Tópico(s)Medieval Literature and History
ResumoABSTRACTThe identities and roles of women known as beguines in late medieval Europe have long been the subject of scholarly debate. Classic studies argued that beguines troubled a binary of heretical and orthodox movements, and that they were the object of clerical and lay suspicion. Recent work on medieval religious women has done much to enrich understandings of how diverse their roles could be. The records for the beguines of the central Rhineland, however, have not been the focus of examination in some decades. This paper draws on unpublished and understudied documents to examine how beguines were agents and catalysts of regional movement, and how their symbolic and physical emplacement in urban environments was understood. In doing so, it employs mobility theory, a lens heretofore little used by premodernists. This paper argues that the beguines of Mainz were neither exceptional nor marginal. Rather, they cultivated a distinctive identity while remaining integrated in local social and religious networks.KEYWORDS: Religious womeneconomic historymobility theoryspecial theorybeguinesurban historymedieval history Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Eva Gertrud Neumann, Rheinisches Beginen- und Beghardenwesen: Ein Mainzer Beitrag zur religiösen Bewegung am Rhein, Mainzer Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte 4 (Meisenheim am Glan: A. Hain, 1960), 11-12. For an example of such debates, compare Herbert Grundmann, Religious Movements in the Middle Ages: The Historical Links Between Heresy, the Mendicant Orders, and the Women's Religious Movement in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Century, with the Historical Foundations of German Mysticism, trans. Steven Rowan (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), 139-52, and Ernest W. McDonnell, The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture: With Special Emphasis on the Belgian Scene (New York, NY: Octagon Books, 1969), esp. 4-5, 430-64.2 On religious and quasi-religious women in the cities of late medieval Europe, and the disputed and porous boundaries of religious status for communities of such women, see Dayton Phillips, Beguines in Medieval Strasbourg: A Study of the Social Aspects of Beguine Life (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1941), 152-55; John Van Engen, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 84-103, 119-37; Walter Simons, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200–1565 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 12-19; Christine Kleinjung, Frauenklöster als Kommunikationszentren und soziale Räume. Das Beispiel Worms von 13. bis zum Beginn des 15. Jahrhunderts (Korb: Didymos Verlag, 2008), 16-22; Frank G. Hirschmann, 'Frauenklöster und Beginenhöfe im Maas-Mosel-Raum des 12. und 13. Jh,' in: Landschaft(en): Begriffe, Formen, Implikationen, ed. Franz Josef Felten, Harald Müller, and Heidrun Ochs (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2012), 245-78; Franz Josef Felten, 'Waren die Zisterzienser frauenfeindlich? Die Zisterzienser und die religiöse Frauenbewegung im 12. und frühen 13. Jahrhundert. Versuch einer Bestandsaufnahme der Forschung seit 1980,' in: Norm und Realität: Kontinuität und Wandel der Zisterzienser im Mittelalter, ed. F.J. Felten (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2009), 179-225; Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, 'From Case Studies to Comparative Models: Würzburg and Vienne,' in: Labels and Libels: Naming Beguines in Northern Medieval Europe, eds. Letha Böhringer, Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, and Hildo van Engen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 53-67; Gertrude Jaron Lewis, By Women, for Women, about Women: The Sister-Books of Fourteenth-Century Germany (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1996), 3-9, 176-99.3 Mimi Sheller and John Urry, 'The New Mobilities Paradigm,' Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 38, no. 2 (2006), 207-208; Georg Simmel, 'Brücke und Tür,' Der Tag: Moderne illustrierte Zeitung 683 (15 Sept. 1909), 1-3. I am indebted to Graham Mooney, 'Medicine and the Making of Space and Place,' Society for the Social History of Medicine meeting, Canterbury, July 14, 2016, for sparking my thinking about how mobilities theory might be productively applied to the histories of charitable agents in urban spaces.4 Marc Augé, 'Thinking Mobility,' Transfers 2 (2012), 5-7, argues for the necessity of interrogating and exploring histories of mobility, observing, at 6: 'Thinking mobility is to think on multiple levels to try to understand the contradictions which undermine our history.'5 Brigitte Degler-Spengler, 'Die religiöse Frauenbewegung des Mittelalters. Konversen — Nonnen — Beginen,' Rottburger Jahrbuch für Kirchengeschichte 3 (1983), 75-88. Simons, 'Beginnings: Naming Beguines in the Southern Low Countries, 1200-50,' 9-52; Christian-Frederik Felskau, 'Von Brabant bis Böhmen und darüber hinaus. Zu Einheit und Vielfalt der 'religiösen Frauenbewegung' des 12. und des 13. Jahrhunderts,' in: Fromme Frauen--unbequeme Frauen? Weibliches Religiosentum im Mittelalter, ed. Edeltraud Klueting (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2006), 76-82. Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, ''Beguines' Reconsidered: Historiographical Problems and New Directions,' Commentaria 3461: http://monasticmatrix.osu.edu/commentaria/beguines-reconsidered-historiographical-problems-and-new-directions. Last accessed February 3, 2020.6 Letha Böhringer, 'Beginen und Schwestern in der Sorge für Kranke, Sterbende und Verstorbene: Eine Problemskizze,' in: Organisierte Barmherzigkeit: Armenfürsorge und Hospitalwesen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Artur Dirmeier, (Regensburg: Verlag Friedrich Pustet, 2010), passim, esp. 127-32.7 A helpful consideration of the diversification of affiliations for religious women, and beguines' place in the medieval religious landscape, is found in Jörg Voigt, Beginen im Spätmittelalter: Frauenfrömmigkeit in Thüringen und im Reich (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2012), 156-70. See also Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane and Anne E. Lester, eds., Between Orders and Heresy: Rethinking Medieval Religious Movements (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2022.)8 Franz Josef Bodmann, Rheingauische Alterthümer oder Landes und Regimentsverfassung des westlichen oder Niederrheingaues im Mittlern Zeitalter (Mainz: Florian Kupferberg, 1819), 902; Karl Anton Schaab, Die Geschichte der Stadt Mainz, vol. 1 (Mainz: Kupferberg, 1844), 361.9 Stadtarchiv Mainz, Digitales Häuserbuch, http://www.mainz.de/microsite/digitales-haeuserbuch/kartenteil/digitales-haeuserbuch-kartenteil.php, last accessed January 31, 2020, identifies the Margarethenkapelle as having had a community of beguines attached to it. Karl Klein, Mainz und seine Umgebungen (Mainz: Verlag der LeRour'schen Hofbuchhandlung, 1857), 28, makes no mention of any group connected with the chapel; Schaab, Die Geschichte der Stadt Mainz, vol. 1, 372, mentions women associated with the chapel, but identifies them as Franciscan tertiaries, based on a charter of July 4, 1486; no such charter is now extant.10 Tanya Stabler Miller, The Beguines of Medieval Paris: Gender, Patronage, and Spiritual Authority (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 122.11 Simmel, 'Brücke und Tür,' 1.12 Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, 'Geistliche Schwestern: the pastoral care of lay religious women in medieval Würzburg,' in: Partners in Spirit: Women, Men, and Religious Life in Germany, 1100-1500, ed. Fiona J. Griffiths and Julie Hutchin (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 244-46; Simons, Cities of Ladies, 30-4.13 Anne E. Lester, 'Crafting a Charitable Landscape: Urban Topographies in Charters and Testaments from Medieval Champagne,' in Cities, Texts, and Social Networks, 400-1500: Experiences and Perceptions of Medieval Urban Space, eds. Caroline Goodson, Anne E. Lester, and Carol Symes (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), 125–29 et passim; Franz Josef Felten, 'Klosterlandschaften,' in: Landschaft(en): Begriffe, Formen, Implikationen, eds. Franz Josef Felten, Harald Müller, and Heidrun Ochs (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2012), 157-76; Sherri Franks Johnson, Monastic Women and Religious Orders in Late Medieval Bologna (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014) 24-26; François-Olivier Touati, 'La géographie hospitalière médiévale,' in: Hôpitaux et maladreries au moyen âge: espace et environnement: actes du colloque international d'Amiens-Beauvais, 22, 23 et 24 novembre 2002, ed. Pascal Montaubin (Rouen: CAHMER, 2004), 7-20; Christianne Jéhanno, 'L'emplacement de l'Hotel Dieu de Paris,' in: Hopitaux et maladreries, 35-49; Andreas Rehberg, 'Die Römer und ihre Hospitäler: Beobachtungen zu den Trägergruppen der Spitalsgründungen in Rom (13.-15. Jahrhundert),' in: Hospitäler im Mittelalter, esp. 242-50. For an overview of the theoretical complexities of considering historical landscapes, see: Karl-Georg Faber, 'Was ist eine Geschichtslandschaft?' in: Festschrift Ludwig Petry, Teil I, ed. Johannes Bärmann (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1968), 20-23.14 Work on the beguine houses of the Low Countries is an exception to this, but beyond that region, it is difficult to apply such methods. See Simons, Cities of Ladies, 2-4, on regionalism and the localization of identity; Letha Böhringer, 'Beginenhöfe: Monastische Raumkonzepte als Ausdrucksform Religiöse Leitideen,' presented at the AGFEM annual meeting, Dhaun, Germany, February 21 2014; Hirschmann, 'Frauenklöster und Beginenhöfe im Maas-Mosel-Raum des 12. und 13. Jh,' passim15 On levels and patterns of mobility as a way of organizing urban spaces and comprehending social status, see Laura Frahm, 'Biutiful or the Urban Conditions of a Forced Flexible Mobility,' Transfers 1, no. 2 (2011), 146-50. Walter Simons, 'Beginnings: Naming Beguines in the Southern Low Countries, 1200-50,' in: Labels and Libels, 44, asserts that for practical reasons, the enclosure of beguines was always relative.16 Matthew Tiessen, 'Uneven Mobilities and Urban Theory: The Power of Fast and Slow,' in: What is a City? Rethinking the Urban After Hurricane Katrina, eds. P. Steinberg and R. Shields (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2008), 112-24, at 112. See also, influentially, John Urry, Sociology Beyond Societies: Mobilities for the Twenty-First Century (London: Routledge, 2000,) particularly Chapter 1.17 Clapperton Mavhunga, 'After Theory Qua Theory: Mobility Studies for The Critical Thinker-Doer,' College of Wooster, May 22, 2018.18 Ola Söderström, Shalini Randeria, Didier Reudin, Gianni D'Amato, and Francesco Panense, 'Introduction: Of Mobilities and Moorings: Critical Perspectives,' in: Critical Mobilities, eds. Söderström et al. (Lausanne: EPFL, 2013), viii-x.19 Janna Coomans, Community, Urban Health and Environment in the Late Medieval Low Countries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), does not employ mobility theory.20 On mobility and/in urban spaces, see Jennifer Robinson, '"Arriving at" Urban Policies/the Urban: Traces of Elsewhere in Making City Futures,' in: Critical Mobilities, 1-28.21 The closest parallel is provided by the staff of Mainz's independent hospitals, who acted as religious persons but without close supervision by a religious order. On these hospitals see Lucy Barnhouse, Hospitals in the Late Medieval Rhineland: Houses of God, Places for the Sick (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2023.) On regional variation among such houses, see James Brodman, 'New Approaches to Written Sources. Religion and Discipline in the Hospitals of Thirteenth-Century France,' in: The Medieval Hospital and Medical Practice, ed. Barbara S. Bowers (Farnham: Ashgate, 2007), 123-29.22 See, for example, Labels and Libels: Naming Beguines in Northern Medieval Europe, eds. Letha Böhringer, Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, and Hildo van Engen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014); Johnson, Monastic Women and Religious Orders in Late Medieval Bologna, 1-2, 10-11, et passim.23 Deane, 'Geistliche Schwestern,' 237. Cf. Grundmann, Medieval Religious Movements, 7-30, 209-36.24 Sheller and Urry, 'The New Mobilities Paradigm,' 209-11.25 Franz-Josef Arlinghaus, 'The Myth of Urban Unity: Religion and Social Performance in Late Medieval Braunschweig,' 215-24, demonstrates that competing identities were often present within medieval cities, with institutions and other groups vying for influence, and that open conflict could be provoked if one group sought power outside a customary sphere (of authority or geography.)26 Danica Summerlin, 'Hubert Walter's Council of Westminster in 1200 and Its Use of Alexander III's 1179 Lateran Council,' in: The Use of Canon Law in Ecclesiastical Administration, 1000-1234, eds. Melodie H. Eichbauer and Danica Summerlin (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 121-22.27 Summerlin, 'Hubert Walter's Council of Westminster in 1200,' 123.28 See Voigt, Beginen im Spätmittelalter, 53-63; on the application and understanding of canon law in Mainz and its environs, Lucy C. Barnhouse, Hospitals in Communities of the Late Medieval Rhineland, 35-62.29 StAM 0013/0001, 37: 'De etate beginarum. Ad hec quia inventularum beginarum lapsiis frequens et evidens statum religionis deformat et plurimos scandalizat.'30 Elizabeth Makowski: Canon Law and Cloistered Women: Periculoso and its Commentators 1298–1545 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1997), 19-20; Simmel, 'Brücke und Tür,' 1.31 StAM 0013/0001, f37. On the legal definition of pia loca from Gratian onwards, see Thomas Frank, Heilsame Wortgefechte: Reformen europäischer Hospitäler vom 14. bis 16. Jahrhundert (Berlin: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2014), 39-40.32 StAM 0013/0001, f37.33 On the social networks of medieval religious women, see Johnson, Monastic Women and Religious Orders in Late Medieval Bologna, 24-27, 54-55; Kleinjung, Frauenklöster als Kommunikationszentren, 28-31; Maria Magdalena Rückert, 'Fromme Frauen, weltliche Stifter und geistliche Förderer,' in: Landschaft(en): Begriffe, Formen, Implikationen, eds. Franz Josef Felten, Harald Müller, and Heidrun Ochs (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2012) 223-44.34 StAM 0013/0001, f38.35 Letha Böhringer, 'Merging into Clergy: Beguine Self-Promotion in Cologne in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,' in: Labels and Libels, 167-69.36 StAM 0013/0001, f39. On beghards as more suspect than beguines, see Kolpacoff Deane, 'From Case Studies to Comparative Models,' 65, 75.37 StAM 0013/0001, f39: 'Idem de beginis pestiferis duximus statuendum.'38 Simons, Cities of Ladies, 109-32; Elizabeth Makowski, 'When is a beguine not a beguine? Names, Norms, and Nuance in Canonical Literature,' in: Labels and Libels: Naming Beguines in Northern Medieval Europe (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 83-98.39 Kolpacoff Deane, 'From Case Studies to Comparative Models,' 55-6.40 Neumann, Rheinisches Beginen- und Begardenwesen, 143-44, 152-53, 156-61, 172-73; Voigt, Beginen im Spätmittelalter, 232-38.41 Frank, Heilsame Wortgefechte, 15-29, contains a useful discussion of the difficulty in distinguishing between initiative and response in legal reforms and the policies of religious institutions. I am indebted to Wolfgang P. Müller for his numerous conversations with me on this subject.42 I am indebted to Yvonne Seale for this observation.43 StAM 13/284, 34.44 Brigitta Flug, 'Mainz, Altmünster,' in Die Männer- und Frauenklöster der Benediktiner in Rheinland-Pfalz und Saarland, ed. Friedhelm Jürgensmeier, Germania Benedictina vol. 9 (St. Ottilien: EOS Verlag, 1999), 398-425.45 On the history of this building's use by religious and quasi-religious women, see Bodmann, Rheingauische Alterthümer, 902-03.46 Augé, 'Thinking Mobility,' 8.47 StAM U / 1281 Sept 17 (also copied in StAM 13/310.)48 Peter Merriman, 'Road Works: Some Observations on Representing Roads,' Transfers 5, no. 1 (2015), 108-09. Although Merriman is discussing representations of roads in media, his ideas on the connections between public perception and public use of roads are, I believe, widely applicable.49 StAM U / 1308 Jan 20.50 StAM U / 1351 Jan 18.51 StAM U / [ca. 1350] / II.52 On the cathedral chapter and the space around the cathedral, see Fritz Viktor Arens, 'St. Martin, der Mainzer Dom und das Erzstift,' Neues Jahrbuch für das Bistum Mainz (1982), 9-56; and Lucy C. Barnhouse, ''A Certain Poor Woman': Vulnerability and Visibility among Hospital Donors and Tenants,' Medieval People: Social Bonds, Kinship and Networks 36 (2021), 139-40. On symbolic urban geographies, see especially Lester, 'Crafting a Charitable Landscape,' 136-38. On the spatial association of beguines with religious houses and churches, see Miller, The Beguines of Medieval Paris, 14.53 Lester, 'Crafting a Charitable Landscape,' 125–2954 Sheller and Urry, 'The New Mobilities Paradigm,' 209.55 Ludwig Baur, ed., Hessische Urkunden: Die Provinz Rheinhessen von 963-1325, vol. 2 (Darmstadt: Der historische Verein für das Grossherzogthum Hessen, 1862), 407-8. On orality, community, and the fashioning of law, see for example Karl Heidecker, 'Introduction,' in: Charters and the Use of the Written Word in Medieval Society, ed. Karl Heidecker, Utrecht Studies in Literacy 5 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 9.56 For an extended discussion of the women of St. Agnes and the terminology used for them, see Lucy C. Barnhouse, 'Disordered Women? The Hospital Sisters of Mainz and Their Late Medieval Identities,' Medieval Feminist Forum 55, no. 2 (2020), 60-97.57 Stabler Miller, The Beguines of Medieval Paris, esp. 35-78. On the rhetoric of poverty and the mobilization of familial wealth by beguines, see Penelope Galloway, ''Discreet and Devout Maidens': Women's Involvement in Beguine Communities in Northern France, 1200-1500,' in: Medieval Women in their Communities, ed. Diane Watt (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 92-93, 108-09.58 Neumann, Rheinisches Beginen- und Beghardenwesen, 126, 169-74; Richard Kieckhefer, Repression of Heresy in Medieval Germany (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 75-82; Kolpacoff Deane, 'From Case Studies to Comparative Models,' 55.59 Simmel, 'Brücke und Tür,' 2.60 Barbara Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of St. Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny's Property, 909–1049 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989), 60-2; Ralf Lusiardi, Stiftung und städtische Gesellschaft. Religiöse und soziale Aspekte des Stiftungsverhaltens im spätmittelalterlichen Stralsund (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000), 78-91; Emilia Jamroziak, 'Spaces of Lay-Religious Interaction in Cistercian Houses of Northern Europe,' Parergon 27 (2010), 37-58.61 U / 1317 Jan 26 / I.62 StAM U / 1315 June 9.63 StAM U / 1315 June 9.64 The scholarship on the writing of holy women's lives is voluminous; see for example Anke Passenier, ''Women on the Loose:' Stereotypes of Women in the Story of the Medieval Beguines,' in: Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions, ed. by Wouter J. Hanegraaff (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 61-89; John W. Coakley, Women, Men, and Spiritual Power: Female Saints and Their Male Collaborators (New York: Columbia University Press. 2006).65 McDonnell, The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture, 5-25; Michel Lauwers, 'Expérience béguinale et récit hagiographique. À propos de la Vita Mariae Oigniacensis de Jacques de Vitry (vers 1215),' Journal des Savants 80 (1989), 61-103; Michel Lauwers, 'Entre béguinisme et mysticisme. La vie de Marie d'Oignies de Jacques de Vitry ou la définition d'une sainteté féminine,' in: Vrouwen en mystiek in de Nederlanden (12de-16de eeuw): lezingen van het congres ``Van Hadewijck tot Maria Petyt'', Antwerpen, 5–7 september 1989 (Antwerp: Universitaire Faculteiten Sint-Ignatius te Antwerpen, 1994), 46-69; Joanna E. Ziegler, 'Secular Canonesses as Antecedent of the Beguines in the Low Countries: an Introduction to Some Earlier Views,' Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 13 (1991), 114-35.66 Jacques de Vitry and Thomas de Cantimpré, Two Lives of Marie d'Oignies, trans. Margot H. King and Hugh Feiss (Toronto: Peregrina Publishing, 2003), 50-54.67 Johnson, Monastic Women and Religious Orders, 54-66, has suggested that families, especially elite ones, might in fact prefer loosely affiliated houses to strictly observant ones. Similar motivations for the preservation of (potential) control over property may have motivated acceptance of beguines among Mainz's prosperous urban families.68 Böhringer, 'Beginen und Schwestern in der Sorge für Kranke, Sterbende und Verstorbene,' 154.69 On the importance of the Kirschgarten to late medieval Mainz, see Schaab, Geschichte der Stadt Mainz, vol. 1, 407; Heuser, Namen der Mainzer Strassen, 308-09.70 On beguines in cities, particularly, see Kathrin Utz Tremp, 'Zwischen Ketzerei und Krankenpflege – Die Beginen in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt Bern,' in: Fromme Frauen oder Ketzerinnen? Leben und Verfolgung der Beginen im Mittelalter, eds. Martina Wehrli-Johns and Claudia Opitz (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1998), 169-94; Christine Guidera, 'The Role of the Beguines in Caring for the Ill, the Dying, and the Dead,' in: Death and Dying in the Middle Ages, eds. Edelgard E. DuBruck and Barbara I. Gusick (New York: Peter Lang, 1999), 51-72; Simons, Cities of Ladies, 62, 66-68, 76-80, 85-87; and, most recently, Stabler Miller, The Beguines of Paris, passim, particularly 59-80.71 Cf. Barbara A. Hanawalt, 'At the Margin of Women's Space in Medieval Europe,' in: Matrons and Marginal Women in Medieval Society, eds. Robert R. Edwards and Vickie Ziegler (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1995), 1-17.72 Simons, Cities of Ladies, 48-60. Cf. Brenda Bolton, 'Thirteenth-Century Religious Women: Further Reflections on the Low Countries' 'Special Case,'' in: New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women of Liège and their Impact, eds. Lesley Johnson and Jocelyn Wogan-Browne (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 129-57.73 Rita Heuser, Namen der Mainzer Straßen und Örtlichkeiten. Sammlung, Deutung, sprach- und motivgeschichtliche Auswertung (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2008), 51; Schaab, Die Geschichte der Stadt Mainz, vol. 2, 328-9.74 Ludwig Falck, 'Sammlung und Erschliessung der Quellen zur Mainzer Geschichte, vornehmlich des Mittelalters. Ein Zwischenbericht,' Mainzer Zeitschrift 96/97 (2001/02), 49, has commented on the fragmentary and scattered nature of Mainz's archival materials as a particular challenge of working on the source base for the city's medieval history.75 Böhringer, 'Beginen und Schwestern in der Sorge für Kranke, Sterbende und Verstorbene,' 142-43.76 Charlotte A. Stanford, Commemorating the Dead in Late Medieval Strasbourg: The Cathedral's Book of Donors and its Use (1320–1521) (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 285-91. For more on practical and spiritual connections between beguines, see McDonnell, Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture, 320–40 on the Cistercians, and 341–361 on the mendicant orders, although his definition of beguines is fairly broad.77 Neumann, Rheinisches Beginen- und Begardenwesen, 152-53, speculates that parishes were responsible for most of the ecclesiastical pressure placed on Mainz's beguines. Cf. Stabler Miller, The Beguines of Medieval Paris, 84, 100-102, who argues that beguines embodied a distinctively urban religious fervor, and that sermon exempla show beguines as mediating between laity and clergy.78 See Voigt, Beginen im Spätmittelalter, 73-74, 115.79 HStAD C1 A Nr. 89, f46v. Kolpacoff Deane, 'From Case Studies to Comparative Models,' 71, finds similar examples of commemorative naming and terminological fluidity.80 StAM U [1325] / II: ' … et dum in vita subsisto de bonis meis mobilibus relevare indigentiam alicuius amici mei in tunice seu maldri siliginis donatione ita quod in hoc mea conscientia non sit lesa.'81 The Fourth Lateran Council, in spelling out the privileges of hospitals—and the authority of church legislation over them—defines them in terms of the pious purpose they served, that is, of the service of the sick. See Joseph Alberigo, ed., Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, 3rd ed. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose, 1973), 322; see also J.D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, vol. 22 (Venice: Antonio Zatta, 1778), col. 826-827, on the Council of Paris. I take the term sick-poor, as an approximation of the connotations of the Latin pauperes, from Sheila Sweetinburgh, The Role of the Hospital in Medieval England: Gift-Giving and the Spiritual Economy (Portland, OR: Four Courts Press, 2004), 12-16.82 StAM 13/282.83 Sheller and Urry, 'The New Mobilities Paradigm,' 212.Additional informationFundingThe research for this work was funded by the Fulbright Commission through a grant made in the academic year 2013–2014.Notes on contributorsLucy C. BarnhouseLucy C. Barnhouse (PhD, Fordham University) is a scholar who explores the intersections of law, religion, and medicine in late medieval Germany. Her monograph, Hospitals in Communities of the Late Medieval Rhineland, examines the place of hospitals in religious and social networks. She has made an edition and translation of leprosy examination letters for the Medieval Disability Sourcebook and is the co-editor, with Winston Black, of Beyond Cadfael: Medieval Medicine and Medical Medievalism. She joined the Department of History at Arkansas State University in 2020. Before joining Arkansas State, Barnhouse was a visiting assistant professor at the College of Wooster and Wartburg College.
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