Nông dân being wronged: fighting for the world in a place
2023; Routledge; Volume: 28; Issue: 8-9 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/13642987.2023.2251252
ISSN1744-053X
Autores Tópico(s)Vietnamese History and Culture Studies
ResumoABSTRACTIn this article, I attend to the politics of world making in subaltern struggles against agrarian displacement by listening closely to Vietnamese villagers' refusal to be displaced. I argue that rendering these struggles intelligible through the prevalent framework of rights obscures the ontological violence and stakes involved. It is crucial to be vigilant of not only the limitations of rights' (in)capacity to address wrongs, but also the implication of the rights discourse in unequal power relations and global hegemony. To contemplate politics and ethics 'after rights' is to explore globally diverse languages and desires for just relations that have long existed before and alongside rights. It requires us to be mindful of the complex layers of subaltern speeches and actions beyond the dominant lexicon. Here I examine carefully the hermeneutic and ontological layers of peasants' claims of being wronged ('nông dân oan') in their battle against displacement in Việt Nam. I suggest that their articulations of violation, dialogue, and revolt open us up to conceptions of being human and being just alternative to those contained within rights discourse.KEYWORDS: Subaltern politicsdisplacementagrarian lifeworldsworld makingpostcolonial thought AcknowledgementsI owe heartfelt thanks to Louiza Odysseos and Bal Sokhi-Bulley for their incredible work and dedication in organising the 'After Rights: Politics, Ethics, Aesthetics' workshop series in 2021–2022, creating the collective space for us to engage each other's work, and giving multiple rounds of close, careful reading and generous feedback. I have learned a lot from the workshop participants and greatly appreciate their engagement with my work. I also presented an earlier version of this article at the International Studies Association's Annual Convention in 2022. I thank colleagues on the panel and in the audience for their resonant and stimulating responses. Special thanks to Himadeep Muppidi for his attentive reading of multiple versions of this work. I would also like to thank the CAS FDF Committee at USF for granting funds to support a part of this research, Vanessa Sanchez for her helpful research assistance, and the three anonymous reviewers for their generous and thought-provoking feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Quoted in Thuỵ My, 'Việt Nam: Đêm Trắng của Nông Dân Văn Giang Chống Cưỡng Chế Đất' [Việt Nam: White Night of Văn Giang Peasants Resisting Forced Land Seizure], Radio France Internationale, April 24, 2012, https://www.rfi.fr/vi/viet-nam/20120424-dem-trang-cua-nhung-nguoi-nong-dan-van-giang-dau-tranh-chong-cuong-che-dat. In this article, the author provides all translations of quotes from Vietnamese to English unless otherwise noted. All URLs were last accessed January 30, 2023 unless otherwise noted.2 Articulated by Nguyễn Trãi (1380–1442), this saying has become a popular reference in Việt Nam. For further details, see, e.g. Phan Huy Lê, 'Vấn Đề Dân Chủ trong Truyền Thống Việt Nam' [The Question of Democracy in Vietnamese Traditions], BBC, March 28, 2006, https://www.bbc.com/vietnamese/vietnam/story/2006/03/060328_phanhuyle_danchu; Trần Hưng, 'Thành Nhà Hồ: "Lật Thuyền Mới Biết Dân Như Nước"' [Citadel of the Hồ Dynasty: 'Only When the Boat is Overturned Would One Realize that the People are Like Water'], Trí Thức VN, October 3, 2021, https://trithucvn.org/van-hoa/thanh-nha-ho-lat-thuyen-moi-biet-dan-nhu-nuoc.html.3 The full interview, including audio and text, is available at My, 'Việt Nam'.4 Ibid.5 Ibid. 'Màn trời chiếu đất' (the sky as our cover and the earth our mat) is a vernacular reference to a deprived situation in which people have been rendered homeless.6 Ben Golder pertinently observes, 'the language of human rights has come to provide the dominant mode of expression for political claims today'. See his critique of the 'apparent contemporary occupation of the political by human rights' in Ben Golder, 'Beyond Redemption? Problematising the Critique of Human Rights in Contemporary International Legal Thought', London Review of International Law 2, no. 1 (2014): 77–114.7 For example, arguing that abandonment is 'an ethical problem that rights cannot solve', Bal Sokhi-Bulley proposes a relational right (rather than a juridical one) not to be abandoned. She offers a reading of friendship as an ethics of seva and draws on a political-spiritual notion of hukam infused with a cosmological sense of truthful living and mutual flourishing. See Bal Sokhi-Bulley, '"After Rights" is Friendship: On Abandonment, Obligation and the Stranger', in this special issue.8 Sylvia Wynter, 'Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom: Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument', CR: The New Centennial Review 3, no. 3 (Fall 2003): 257–337.9 Sylvia Wynter, 'Africa, the West and the Analogy of Culture: The Cinema Text after Man', in Symbolic Narratives / African Cinema: Audiences, Theory and the Moving Image, ed. June Givanni (London: British Film Institute, 2000), 25.10 Ibid.11 See Louiza Odysseos, 'After Rights, After Man? Sylvia Wynter, Sociopoetic Struggle and the "Undared Shape"', in this special issue.12 My, 'Việt Nam: Đêm Trắng'. The Vietnamese idiom 'bờ xôi ao mật' or 'bờ xôi ruộng mật' (fields of sticky rice and honey) refers to fertile fields.13 The Trưng sisters are popularly revered in Việt Nam as heroines who led a revolt against the Han domination and successfully reclaimed 65 citadels in AD 40.14 My, 'Việt Nam: Đêm Trắng'.15 Keith H. Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 7 (original emphasis).16 This was asserted by communities in India that also struggled against development-induced displacement. See 'India's Massive Land Scam: An Interview with Dr. Walter Fernandes', Ecojesuit, July 18, 2011, https://www.ecojesuit.com/india%E2%80%99s-massive-land-scam-an-interview-with-dr-walter-fernandes/. A similar expression was voiced against a land seizure in Kiên Giang Province, Việt Nam in 2010: 'bỏ mạng chứ không bỏ đất' (lose life but not lose land). See Tống Văn Công, '"Chủ Lực Quân Cách Mạng" Đang Yếu Thế Nhất' ['The Main Revolutionary Force' Is the Most Vulnerable], Bauxite Việt Nam, September 13, 2011, https://boxitvn.blogspot.com/2011/09/chu-luc-quan-cach-mang-ang-yeu-nhat.html.17 The cited statement is from a peasant woman in Peru's highlands, one of the 'guardians of the lagoons', who refused to sell her land to Newmont Mining Corporation (one of the world's largest gold mining corporations) and Buenaventura and endured countless police attacks on herself as well as her family, animals, and crops. See Marisol de la Cadena, 'Uncommoning Nature', e-flux journal (May-August 2015): 1–8.18 'On Dangerous Ground', Global Witness (June 2016), https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/dangerous-ground/. The most recent report, 'Last Line of Defence' (September 2021), recorded 227 murdered in 2020 and deemed the situation likely to get worse.19 'On Dangerous Ground', 7. The report identifies 'key drivers of violence' to be mining and extractive industries, agribusiness, hydroelectric dams, and logging.20 For instance, the Chief Governor of Cañamomo Lomaprieta Indigenous Reserve of the Embera Chamí people discussed the serious conflicts over mining in their land: 'We have serious conflicts with the State about their mining vision. They say that the subsoil is theirs; we say that the land is one with the subsoil; you cannot separate it from a spiritual point of view. This is the war we are waging … to have the air, the land, the subsoil, together'. Ibid., 14.21 Ibid., 6.22 Ibid., 7.23 Ibid., 21.24 The talk is available at DavidLeeWilsonYT, 'TEDx Amazônia - Zé Cláudio Ribeiro Nov 2010 (English subtitles)', YouTube Video, May 24, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OSS2ALiU1ss. For further details, see Tom Phillips, 'Amazon Rainforest Activist Shot Dead', The Guardian, May 24, 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/may/24/amazon-rainforest-activist-killed.25 The way José Cláudio Ribeiro da Silva related to the forest resonates with subaltern struggles in other place-worlds. For instance, Berta Cáceres spoke of Río Blanco and the Lenca people's defense of the river as follows: 'This mountain region has a strong relationship with the Lenca people, the forests are alive, the mountains are alive. This is a live river that is threatened by the construction of six hydroelectric dams … From the Lenca cosmovision, water is a fundamental element, just like land is part of balance and creation, the spirits live in the water. That is why it is crucial to respect and care for the water as a being just like us. This explains why a community has so much strength to defend a river'. For an analysis of the incommensurable worlds indicated in the cited quote, see María José Méndez, ''The River Told Me': Rethinking Intersectionality from the World of Berta Cáceres', Capitalism Nature Socialism 29, no. 1 (2018): 7–24.26 The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 'OHCHR and Land and Human Rights', https://www.ohchr.org/en/land. The OHCHR notes, 'While there is currently no explicit reference to a general human right to land under international human rights law, several international human rights instruments link land issues to the enjoyment of specific substantive human rights'. See The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Land and Human Rights: Standards and Applications (United Nations, 2015), https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Publications/Land_HR-StandardsApplications.pdf.27 The UNDRIP was adopted by a vote of 143–4 with 11 abstentions. United Nations, General Assembly, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, A/RES/61/295 (13 September 2007), available at https://social.desa.un.org/issues/indigenous-peoples/united-nations-declaration-on-the-rights-of-indigenous-peoples. The UNDROP was adopted by a vote of 121–8 with 54 abstentions. United Nations, General Assembly, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas, A/RES/73/165 (17 December 2018), https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/1656160?ln=en.28 Sheryl Lightfoot examines the ways in which the Indigenous rights movement generates 'important shifts in both the structure and the practice of global politics'. Sheryl Lightfoot, Global Indigenous Politics: A Subtle Revolution (New York: Routledge, 2016), original emphasis.29 Regarding the political process that led to the UNDRIP, Sharon Venne discusses the ceaseless struggles and challenges that Indigenous peoples experienced at the UN, especially under pressure from what she refers to as the 'last four white colonial holdouts of the world'. Sharon H. Venne, 'The Road to the United Nations and Rights of Indigenous Peoples', Griffith Law Review 20, no. 3 (2011): 557–77. Venne's article includes the 22 principles that Indigenous peoples drafted and submitted to the Working Group in 1987, which bear significant differences from the UNDRIP. Steven Newcomb maintains that 'not one of the 46 Articles of the UN Declaration addresses the issue of domination and Indigenous peoples'. Steven T. Newcomb, 'The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Paradigm of Domination', Griffith Law Review 20, no. 3 (2011): 578–607. Aileen Moreton-Robinson interrogates the continuing denial of Indigenous sovereignty by racial states, noting that 'the definition and circumscription of rights become methods by which subjugation is carried out'. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, 'Virtuous Racial States: The Possessive Logic of Patriarchal White Sovereignty and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples', Griffith Law Review 20, no. 3 (2011): 641–58. Similarly critiquing the ongoing containment of First Nations 'within the "domestic paradigm" of states', Irene Watson contends that 'self-determination for First Nations Peoples has been washed out of the UNDRIP'. Irene Watson, Aboriginal Peoples, Colonialism and International Law: Raw Law (New York: Routledge, 2015). Regarding the UNDROP, Emma Larking analyzes how the "apolitical moralism of human rights" and associated rituals obscure systemic causes of violations and the vision of justice advocated by the peasants' movement. Emma Larking, 'Human Rights Rituals: Masking Neoliberalism and Inequality, and Marginalizing Alternative World Views', Canadian Journal of Law and Society 32, no. 1 (2017): 1–18. Margot Salomon investigates the tensions between 'the commodity form of law' and peasants' articulations that contest the logic of global capitalism. Margot E. Salomon, 'The Radical Ideation of Peasants, the 'Pseudo-radicalism' of International Human Rights Law, and the Revolutionary Lawyer', London Review of International Law 8, no. 3 (2020): 425–56.30 Challenging this presumption, Taylor Borowetz engages abolitionist thought to 'denaturalise the concept of property beneath the proprietorial logics limiting emancipation through legal-juridical rights'. See Taylor Borowetz, 'After Property? The Haitian Revolution, Racial Capitalism, and the Foundation for a Universal Right to Freedom from Enslavement', in this special issue.31 Judith Schacherreiter, 'Propertization as a Civilizing and Modernizing Mission: Land and Human Rights in the Colonial and Postcolonial World', in Decolonizing Enlightenment: Transnational Justice, Human Rights and Democracy in a Postcolonial World, ed. Nikita Dhawan (Politik und Geschlecht: Volume 24, Barbara Budrich Publishers, 2014), 227–42.32 Ibid., 239.33 Mishuana Goeman, 'Land as Life: Unsettling the Logics of Containment', in Native Studies Keywords, eds. Stephanie Nohelani Teves, Andrea Smith, and Michelle Raheja (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015), 71–89 (original emphasis).34 Eric Cheyfitz, The Disinformation Age: The Collapse of Liberal Democracy in the United States (New York: Routledge, 2017), 281 (original emphasis).35 Thomas Sikor, 'Conflicting Concepts: Contested Land Relations in North-western Vietnam', Conservation & Society 2, no. 1 (2004): 75–95.36 Robert Nichols, 'Theft is Property! The Recursive Logic of Dispossession', Political Theory 46, no. 1 (2018), 12 (original emphasis).37 D'Souza writes, 'Epistemological economism refers to a merchant's world view inscribed in the very structure of reason such that it extends an accountant's logic to every sphere of human life'. For a more elaborate discussion, see Radha D'Souza, 'The "Rights" Conundrum: Poverty of Philosophy amidst Poverty', in Rights in Context: Law and Justice in Late Modern Society, ed. Reza Banakar (New York: Routledge, 2010), 60.38 Ibid., 62 (original emphasis).39 Ibid., 61 (original emphasis).40 See Brenna Bhandar and Davina Bhandar's introduction and the articles in the Special Issue, 'Reflections on Dispossession: Critical Feminisms', darkmatter 14 (2016).41 My expression here echoes Patrick Wolfe's argument that settler colonial 'invasion is a structure not an event'. Patrick Wolfe, 'Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native', Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387–409.42 Relatedly, Louiza Odysseos engages with contemporary discussions of social death, abandonment, and disposability to investigate the systemic conditions that produce rightlessness and question the assumption that human rights can ameliorate rightlessness. See Louiza Odysseos, 'The Question Concerning Human Rights and Human Rightlessness: Disposability and Struggle in the Bhopal Gas Disaster', Third World Quarterly 36, no. 6 (2015): 1041–59.43 See Kalyan Sanyal, Rethinking Capitalist Development: Primitive Accumulation, Governmentality and Postcolonial Capitalism (New York: Routledge, 2013); Utsa Patnaik and Sam Moyo, The Agrarian Question in the Neoliberal Era: Primitive Accumulation and the Peasantry (Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2011); Onur Ulas Ince, 'Primitive Accumulation, New Enclosures, and Global Land Grabs: A Theoretical Intervention', Rural Sociology 79, no. 1 (2014): 104–31; Bikrum Gill, 'A Decolonial World-Ecological Reading of the Global Land Grab: Gambella, the River, and the Fall of Karuturi' in Recentering Africa in International Relations Beyond Lack, Peripherality, and Failure, eds. Marta Iñiguez de Heredia & Zubairu Wai (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018).44 See Gayatri Spivak's discussion of 'the spectralization of the rural' referenced in Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Death of A Discipline (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 92. See also Yan Hairong's investigation of what she calls 'the emaciation of the rural' in post-Mao culture of modernity. Hairong writes, '[e]mbedded in the post-Mao culture of modernity is an epistemic violence against the countryside that devalorizes the rural in both material and symbolic practices'. Yan Hairong, New Masters, New Servants: Migration, Development, and Women Workers in China (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), chapter 1.45 Jiwei Ci, 'Taking the Reasons for Human Rights Seriously', Political Theory 33, no. 2 (2005): 261.46 Ibid., 262. This argument accords with the critique of the minimal gesture of rights and their divergence from structural analysis and social, economic transformation. For instance, as Louiza Odysseos points out, 'The provision of rights can be seen as a minimal legal response, leaving the material conditions of the new rights holders largely unchanged (…). While rights are legal entitlements, in other words, they remain abstractions in the absence of societal change that would render them politically potent'. See Louiza Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom: Producing a Subject for Neoliberalism?', Millennium 38, no. 3 (2010), 764.47 Shaimaa Abdelkarim, 'Space-making "After Rights": Carcerality, Rights-claims, and the Practice of Freedom', in this special issue.48 See Foucault's conceptualisation of power in Michel Foucault, Power (The Essential Works of Foucault, 1954–1984, Vol. 3), ed. James D. Faubion (New York: The New Press, 2001).49 Ratna Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights: Freedom in a Fishbowl (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2018), 35. See also Bal Sokhi-Bulley's examination of rights as 'technologies of governmentality, via experts' and Louiza Odysseos' interrogation of how human rights produce homo juridicus, 'a subject amenable to self-government' which 'predicates liberalism and neoliberal governmentality and the evolving global liberal order'. Sokhi-Bulley, 'Government(ality) by Experts: Human Rights as Governance', Law Critique 22 (2011): 251–71; Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom', 748–9.50 Freedom here, Kapur notes, 'functions as a governance project – one that regulates the terms on which entry into the human rights stratosphere is permitted'. Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights, 201. For comparison, see, Shaimaa Abdelkarim's analysis contrasting liberal and abolitionist conceptions of freedom in Abdelkarim, 'Space-making "After Rights"', in this special issue. Also drawing on abolitionist thought, Taylor Borowetz critiques the articulation of legal-juridical freedom through rights under racial capitalism and explores a vision of freedom from enslavement 'after rights' that 'entail[s] thinking "after property"'. Borowetz, 'After Property?'.51 Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights, 29. See also Louiza Odysseos' discussion of the recast and directed meaning of freedom within the human rights framework. Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom'.52 Louiza Odysseos critically examines the scholarship on 'regime type' as part of the epistemic ontogenesis tied to human rights. Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom', 759–61. Lisa Yoneyama also interrogates the intimate relation between the human rights regime, knowledge production, and power/law as she urges us to ask, 'which and whose sufferings are known to us as human rights violations, and for whom and for which suffering is human rights justice practiced? Who has the power to represent them legitimately?' Yoneyama, Cold War Ruins: Transpacific Critique of American Justice and Japanese War Crimes (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016).53 See Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, 'Use and Abuse of Human Rights', boundary 2 32, no. 1 (2005): 132. Vasuki Nesiah investigates how specific invocations of international law contribute to the production of legitimacy for empire even when they signal dissent. Pertinent to the discussion here is the invocation of international legal norms regarding sovereignty and human rights to rationalise and refine regime change policy. See Vasuki Nesiah, 'Resistance in the Age of Empire: Occupied Discourse Pending Investigation', Third World Quarterly 27, no. 5 (2006): 903–22. Nesiah also tracks how 'representation that traffics in violence' provides the lens through which various countries gain 'visibility on the international radar screen' and a particular 'culture' of human rights interventions is authorised and promoted. Vasuki Nesiah, 'The Specter of Violence that Haunts the UDHR: The Turn to Ethics and Expertise', Maryland Journal of International Law 24, no.1 (2009): 135–54.54 Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights, chapter 1, 27–54.55 Louiza Odysseos, 'Sylvia Wynter and the Human Rights of Man: Probing the Coloniality of the Human Rights Problem Space' (unpublished manuscript). See also her discussion of the transitional subjectivity called 'rights holders in waiting' in Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom'.56 Dipesh Chakrabarty uses the term 'imaginary waiting room of history' to critique European historicist thought that deems the colonised 'not yet civilized enough to rule themselves': 'We were all headed for the same destination, (…) but some people were to arrive earlier than others'. Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 8–10. I invoke the term here to emphasise the implicit civilisational hierarchy underlying the developmental trope of 'not-yet-rights-holders', referenced in Odysseos's critique of the problem-space of rights.57 Louiza Odysseos uses the term 'liberal ontogenesis' with regard to the 'engendering of a mature moral and legal subject of human rights' to investigate how liberal governmental practice 'produce globally (…) the free and sovereign (here understood as self-governing) subject, whose behaviour can then be directed according to the 'right' (here understood as minimal) "disposition of things"'. Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom', 749–50 (original emphasis).58 Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights, 40–4. Relatedly, observing that '[h]uman rights activism operates on a spectacle of pain', Shaimaa Abdelkarim suggests that 'the only form of recognition human rights practices can offer the subaltern is one that affirms their subjugation'. Shaimaa Abdelkarim, 'Subaltern Subjectivity and Embodiment in Human Rights Practices', London Review of International Law 10, no. 2 (2022): 243–64.59 Odysseos, 'Human Rights, Liberal Ontogenesis and Freedom', 763.60 Ibid.61 Antony Anghie, 'International Human Rights Law and a Developing World Perspective', in Routledge Handbook of International Human Rights Law, eds. Scott Sheeran and Sir Nigel Rodley (New York: Routledge, 2013), 123.62 Antony Anghie, 'Inequality, Human Rights, and the New International Economic Order', Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 10, no. 3 (2019), 437.63 Relatedly, Siba Grovogui maintains, 'the human aspiration to justice, equality, and decency has been expressed in multiple languages, idioms, and institutions reflecting the complexity of the human condition'. Yet, he points out, 'neglect of alternative moral universes continues to plague human rights discourse'. See Siba N. Grovogui, 'No More, No Less: What Slaves Thought about Their Humanity', in Silencing Human Rights: Critical Engagements with a Contested Project, eds. Gurminder K. Bhambra and Robbie Shilliam (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 43–60.64 Odysseos, 'After Rights, After Man?'.65 Ibid.66 Sylvia Wynter, 'The Pope Must Have Been Drunk, The King of Castile a Madman: Culture as Actuality, and the Caribbean Rethinking Modernity', in The Reordering of Culture: Latin America, the Caribbean and Canada in the Hood, ed. Alvina Ruprecht (Carleton University Press, 1995), 17–42.67 John Law, 'What's Wrong with a One-World World?', Distinktion: Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory 16, no. 1 (2015): 127 (original emphasis).68 Mario Blaser, 'Is Another Cosmopolitics Possible?', Cultural Anthropology 31, no. 4 (2016): 563. Blaser critically engages with the theorisation of cosmopolitics by Bruno Latour and Isabelle Stengers. He notes that even though they keep open 'the question of who and what might compose the common world', cosmopolitics for both remains 'oriented to the composition of the common world'. Because this orientation fails to adequately address ontological conflicts, Blaser proposes another conception of cosmopolitics that allows for 'the uncommon' between different worldings.69 Mario Blaser, 'Notes Towards a Political Ontology of 'Environmental' Conflicts', in Contested Ecologies: Dialogues in the South on Nature and Knowledge, ed. Lesley Green (Human Sciences Research Council, 2013), 21.70 Anne Salmond, 'Ontological Quarrels: Indigeneity, Exclusion, and Citizenship In a Relational World', Anthropological Theory 12, no. 2 (2012): 115–41.71 E.g. ibid.; Helen Verran, 'Re-imagining Land Ownership in Australia', Postcolonial Studies 1, no. 2 (1998): 237–54; Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, 'The Crystal Forest: Notes on the Ontology of Amazonian Spirits', Inner Asia 9, no. 2 (2007): 153–72; Marisol de la Cadena, 'Indigenous Cosmopolitics in the Andes: Conceptual Reflections beyond "Politics"', Cultural Anthropology 25, no. 2 (2010): 334–70; Mario Blaser, 'Ontological Conflicts and the Stories of Peoples in Spite of Europe: Toward a Conversation on Political Ontology', Current Anthropology 54, no. 5 (2013); Sarah Hunt, 'Ontologies of Indigeneity: The Politics of Embodying a Concept', Cultural Geographies 21, no. 1 (2014): 27–32; Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, 'Land as Pedagogy: Nishnaabeg Intelligence and Rebellious Transformation', Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society 33, no. 3 (2014): 1–25.72 Verran, 'Re-imagining Land Ownership', 239, 250, 252. See also Mario Blaser, 'Ontology and Indigeneity: On the Political Ontology of Heterogeneous Assemblages', Cultural Geographies 21, no. 1 (2012): 1–10.73 Verran, 'Re-Imagining Land Ownership', 238.74 Ibid., 247–8.75 Verran argues that although 'picturing and stories embedding metaphors' are disavowed in modern orientation toward land, they are as much a part of the imaginary as rules and regularities. She points out, 'To be able to get on with their negotiations, the Cape York pastoralists need to recognise that collective picturing and storytelling about the land with its possibilities for emotional ladenness and material embeddedness is an inherent part of knowing it and owning it; and that Western picturing is no more and no less rational than Aboriginal ways of picturing and thus knowing and owning the land'. Ibid., 249.76 Blaser, 'Is Another Cosmopolitics Possible?', 562–3.77 Ibid., 555.78 Ibid., 558.79 E.g.: Annemarie Mol, The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002); John Law, After Method: Mess in Social Science Research (New York: Routledge, 2004); Wen-yuan Lin, 'Displacement of Agency: The Enactment of Patients' Agency In and Beyond Haemodialysis Practices', Science, Technology & Human Values (2012): 1–23.80 Mol, The Body Multiple, 55.81 As Mol explains, her book 'does not simply grant objects a contested and accidental history (that they acquired a while ago, with the notion of, and the stories about their construction) but gives them a complex present, too, a present in which their identities are fragile and may differ between sites. (…) If an object is real this is because it is part of a practice. It is a reality enacted'. Ibid., 43–4 (original emphasis).82 Ibid., 150.83 Ibid., 54 (original emphasis).84 For instance, people who are not ancestrally rooted in a place can also enact land relations that are ontologically distinct from those central to rights and development discourses. See Túlio Zille, '"The River is My Teacher": A Political Ecology of Development in the Brazilian Amazon' (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2019).85 Law, After Method, 61 (original emphasis).86 Quoted in Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet, 'Protests over Land in Vietnam: Rightful Resistance and More', Journal of Vietnamese Studies 9, no. 3 (2014): 35.87 Ms. Dơi's daughter was refused a marriage license by the local government because her family was among the ones that refused to take compensation in exchange for giving up their land. Quoted in Hoàng Anh and Lê Dương, 'Ruộng Đất, Nhìn từ Chuyện Cưỡng Chế ở Văn Giang' [Farmlands, Viewed from the Forced Land Seizure in Văn Giang], Báo Nông Nghiệp Việt Nam [Việt Nam Agriculture Newspaper], April 26, 2012.88 Trường Chinh and Võ Nguyên Giáp, The Peasant Question, 1937–1938, trans. Christine Pelzer White (Ithaca, New York: Southeast Asia Program, Department of Asian Studies, Cornell University, 1974), 12 (original emphasis).89 Trường Chinh, The August Revolution (Hà Nội: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1958), 56.90 Nguyễn Văn Bích, Nông Nghiệp Nông Thôn Việt Nam Sau Hai Mươi Năm Đổi Mới: Quá Khứ Và Hiện Tại [Agriculture and the Countryside in Việt Nam Twenty Years After Đổi Mới: Past and Present] (Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Chính Trị Quốc Gia, 2007), 42
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