The Colossus and the Sphinx: Two Cartographies of Africa in Nineteenth-Century Britain
2023; College Art Association; Volume: 105; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/00043079.2023.2176645
ISSN1559-6478
Autores Tópico(s)Colonialism, slavery, and trade
ResumoAbstractThis article compares G. F. Watts’s unfinished portrait of the mining magnate and imperialist Cecil John Rhodes (1898) with the artist’s earlier “portrait” of the Sphinx at Giza (1887). When he invoked this comparison, Rhodes revealed a clash between both men’s cartographies of the British empire. While Rhodes wished to see the entire African continent under British rule “from Cape Town to Cairo,” Watts found in Egypt an orientalist aesthetics that left the artist conflicted about the British empire’s presence there. For Watts, this disjuncture between Orientalism and imperialism elucidated the totality and fragility of the British empire. NotesI am deeply grateful to my dissertation advisor, Bridget Alsdorf. I would also like to thank Christy Anderson, Tim Barringer, Samuel Berlin, Luke Naessens, Steven Nelson, Mary Roberts, Jessica Womack, and the two anonymous peer reviewers for thoughtful editorial feedback. Thanks also to Lina Abushouk, Keren Hammerschlag, Jason Rosenfeld, Nicholas Tromans, and Robert Wellington for their valuable dialogue. Resources for this text were provided by Stacey Clapperton, Jennifer Kimble, Alexandra Olsman, and the Watts Gallery – Artists’ Village, Guildford, Surrey. My thanks to Carolyn Yerkes, Gina Migliaccio-Bilinski, and the Princeton University Department of Art & Archaeology Reproduction and Photography Fee Fund.1 Cecil John Rhodes, interview by Mortimer Menpes, February 22, 1900, interview MS 66, Brenthurst Library, Johannesburg; Rhodes to George Frederic Watts, May 12, 1898, GFW/1/4/61, G. F. Wattts Archive, National Portrait Gallery, London.2 For example, Rhodes complained in 1900 to Menpes that Watts had made him look “too severe.” Perhaps the artist thought that because Rhodes “had done big work & handled miles of country he should be painted full of dignity & look Imperial.” Rhodes, though, would have preferred “the happy young side to show.” It is unclear if Rhodes communicated this to Watts alongside his request for “the eyes of the Sphinx” overlooking his empire. Rhodes seems to have been a difficult sitter to please, and his requests and critiques often contradict one another. Rhodes, interview by Menpes.3 Rhodes to Mary Seton Watts, Madeira, 1898, GFW/1/4/63, G. F. Watts Archive.4 Mary Seton Watts, George Frederic Watts: The Annals of an Artist’s Life (London: Macmillan, 1912), 2:267.5 M. H. Spielmann, “The Works of Mr. G. F. Watts, RA: With a Complete Catalogue of His Pictures,” Pall Mall Gazette ‘Extra,’ no. 22 (1886): 13.6 Francis B. Nyamnjoh, “Lessons from Rhodes Must Fall,” in #RhodesMustFall: Nibbling at Resilient Colonialism in South Africa (Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa, 2016), 187–213. Brenda Schmahmann, “Bringing Cecil out of the closet: Negotiating portraits of Rhodes at two South African Universities,” de arte 46, no. 84 (2011): 7–30.7 Rhodes to Mary Seton Watts.8 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:271.9 Khaled Fahmy notes that the “entire rural population of Egypt” tends to fall “under the general rubric of ‘fellahin,’” a slippage of which he remains critical. I use the term throughout this essay to articulate a class of rural peasant laborers who were labeled “fellahin” in nineteenth-century accounts. Fahmy, All the Pasha’s Men: Mehmed Ali, His Army and the Making of Modern Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2002), 18; Fouad N. Ibrahim and Barbara Ibrahim, Egypt: An Economic Geography (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003), 8. See Timothy Mitchell, “The Invention and Reinvention of the Egyptian Peasant,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 2 (May 1990): 129–50; Gabriel Baer, Fellah and Townsman in the Middle East: Studies in Social History (Abingdon, UK: Frank Cass, 1982).10 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:268.11 Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978).12 Mary Roberts, Istanbul Exchanges: Ottomans, Orientalists, and Nineteenth-Century Visual Culture (Oakland: University of California Press, 2015). See also Keren Rosa Hammerschlag, “Christ’s Racial Origins: Finding the Jewish Race in Victorian History Painting,” Art Bulletin 103, no. 1 (2021): 65–88; Nicholas Tromans, ed. The Lure of the East: British Orientalist Painting (London: Tate, 2008).13 Mary Roberts, “Saidian Time: Orientalism at the Fulcrum of Global Histories of Art,” Journal of the Society for Asian Humanities 52 (January 2021): 158. See also Roberts, “Networked Objects,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 570–73.14 Said, Orientalism, 49–72.15 M. van Wyk Smith, “The Origins of Some Victorian Images of Africa,” English in Africa 6, no. 1 (March 1979): 12. For this model’s contemporary legacies, see Mohamed Hassan Mohamed, “Africanists and Africans of the Maghrib: casualties of Analogy,” Journal of North African Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 350–351; Ali A. Mazrui, The Africans: A Triple Heritage (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986); Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, A Modern Economic History of Africa, vol. 1, The Nineteenth Century (Dakar, Senegal: CODESRIA, 1993). Art critics identified this division, and from the late 1990s major exhibitions on Africa began including artists from North Africa. See Steven Nelson, “Africa Remix Remix,” African Arts 41, no. 3 (Autumn 2008): 8n2. For this geographical divide in the art world: see Chika Okeke-Agulu, “Venice and Contemporary African Art,” African Arts 40, no. 3 (Autumn 2007): 5; Salah Hassan, “The Modernist Experience in African Art: Visual Expressions of the Self and Cross-Cultural Aesthetics,” in Reading the Contemporary: African art from Theory to the Marketplace, ed. Olu Oguibe and Okwui Enwezor (London: inIVA, 1999), 214–35.16 Hal Foster, “The ‘Primitive’ Unconscious of Modern Art,” October 34 (Autumn 1985): 45–70; Prita Meier, “Authenticity and its Modernist Discontents: The Colonial Encounter and African and Middle Eastern Art History,” Arab Studies Journal 18, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 26–27. See also Tim Barringer, “Fabricating Africa: Livingstone and the Visual Image, 1850–1874,” in David Livingstone and the Victorian Encounter with Africa, ed. John M. MacKenzie (London: National Portrait Gallery, 1996), 169–200.17 Ussama Makdisi, “Ottoman Orientalism,” American Historical Review 107, no. 3 (June 2002): 768–96; Selim Deringil, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-Colonial Debate,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45, no. 2 (April 2003): 311–42.18 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, The Philosophy of History, trans. J. Sibree (New York: Dover, 1956), 92–93. See also Ronald Kuykendall, “Hegel and Africa: An Evaluation of the Treatment of Africa in the Philosophy of History,” Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 4 (June 1993): 571–81.19 J. B. Harley, “Maps, Knowledge, and Power,” in Harley, The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography, ed. Paul Laxton (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002), 52–81; W. J. T. Mitchell, “Imperial Landscape,” in Landscape and Power, ed. Mitchell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 5–34; David Blayney Brown, “Mapping and Marking,” in Artist and Empire: Facing Britain’s Imperial Past, ed. Alison Smith, Brown, and Carol Jacobi, exh. cat. (London: Tate, 2015), 15–17.20 Tim Barringer, “Picturesque Prospects and the Labor of the Enslaved,” in Art and Emancipation in Jamaica: Isaac Mendes Belisario and His Worlds, ed. Barringer, Gillian Forrester, and Barbaro Martinez-Ruiz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 41–63.21 Edward S. Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting and Maps (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002); Ronald Rees, “Historical Links between Cartography and Art,” Geographical Review 70, no. 1 (January 1980): 60–78; Stephen Daniels, “Place and the Geographical Imagination,” Geography 77, no. 4 (October 1992): 310–22.22 Barringer, “Picturesque Prospects.” For the relationship between cartography, geography, power, and resistance, see Tiffany Lethabo King, The Black Shoals: Offshore Formations of Black and Native Studies (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019); Marisa J. Fuentes, Dispossessed Lives: Enslaved Women, Violence, and the Archive (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016); Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006); Stephanie M. H. Camp, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).23 E. I. Barrington, “George Frederick Watts, R.A.,” in Illustrated Catalogue of the Loan Collection of Paintings by G. F. Watts, R.A. in the Second West Gallery (May to October, 1885), exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1885), 10.24 Chloe Ward, “England’s Michelangelo in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: The G. F. Watts Exhibition, 1884–1885,” Comparative American Studies: An International Journal 14, no. 1 (2016): 68. Following the show’s success, the Metropolitan decided to show the work of “one English artist per year.” Ibid., 69.25 Watts to William Ewart Gladstone, Little Holland House, June 28, 1885, GFW/1/1/18, G. F. Watts Archive.26 There have been exceptions to this portrayal in recent scholarship. Alison Smith masterfully weaves together Watts’s allegorical works and national ambitions. Smith, “Watts and the National Gallery of British Art,” in Representations of G. F. Watts: Art Making in Victorian Culture, ed. Colin Trodd and Stephanie Brown (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2004), 153–68. Stephanie Brown writes of Watts’s ambivalence in the same volume. Brown, “Indefinite Expansion: Watts and the Physicality of Sculpture,” in Trodd and Brown, Representations, 83–106. See also David Stewart, “Deconstruction or Reconstruction? The Victorian Paintings of George Frederic Watts,” SECAC Review 12, no. 3 (December 1993): 181–86.27 In a letter to Mrs. Cameron, quoted in Watts, George Frederic Watts, 1:208.28 “Death of Mr. G. F. Watts: A Great Allegorical Artist and Sculptor,” Huntly Express, July 8, 1904. “Death of Mr. G. F. Watts, R.A.,” Aberdeen Daily Journal, July 2, 1904.29 Lara Perry argues that the Hall of Fame series was for Watts “less articulated than their current status suggests.” Drawing on the Lawrence portrait among others, Colin Trodd argues that for Watts “the face is not an indication of the social role of the subject,” but rather “a means of expressing a unique human nature defined by the mind.” Perry, “Nationalizing Watts: The Hall of Fame and the National Portrait Gallery,” in Trodd and Brown, Representations, 122; Trodd, “Illuminating Experience: Watts and the Subject of Portraiture,” in Trodd and Brown, Representations, 139.30 Charles Bruce, John Lawrence,‘Saviour of India’: The Story of his Life (Edinburgh: W. P. Nimmo, Hay, and Mitchell, 1893).31 Watts, quoted in Spielmann, “Works,” 13.32 As Trodd has described it, the Lawrence portrait reveals “a form of blankness or self-haunting,” in which “private identity and public character are blocked by a primal uneasiness or weariness.” Trodd, “Illuminating Experience,” 138.33 “Mr. Watts at the New Gallery,” Westminster Gazette, January 15, 1897; “G. F. Watts at the New Gallery,” The Artist 19 (February 1897): 57; Spielmann, “Works,” 10; Cosmo Monkhouse, “George Frederic Watts, RA,” in British Contemporary Artists (London: William Heinemann, 1899), 22.34 M. de la Sizeranne, “A French View of English Art: Mythic Art – G. F. Watts, RA,” trans. H. M. Poynter, The Artist 19 (April 1897): 150.35 Watts, quoted in Spielmann, “Works,” 15, 6. Earlier in his career, Watts painted works such as The Irish Famine in 1850 and Found Drowned in 1848–50. This article is concerned with his later works, and as such maintains a focus on Watts’s more allegorical pictures. For an overview on how the portraits fit within Watts’s career see Barbara Bryant, “G. F. Watts and the Potential of Portraiture,” in G. F. Watts Portraits: Fame and Beauty in Victorian Society (London: National Portrait Gallery, 2004).36 Ward, “England’s Michelangelo,” 64; R. E. D. Sketchley, Watts (London: Methuen, 1904), 3.37 Quoted in Watts, George Frederic Watts, 1:90.38 George Frederic Watts, “The National Position of Art (1889)” in George Frederic Watts, ed. Mary Seton Watts, vol. 3, His Writings, 271; Trodd, “Illuminating Experience,” 142.39 Uday Singh Mehta, Liberalism and Empire: A Study in Nineteenth-Century British Liberal Thought (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1999), 49. See also Lisa Lowe, The Intimacies of Four Continents (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015).40 Alison Smith, “National Gallery,” 155.41 Mehta, Liberalism and Empire, 52. Sylvia Wynter’s notion of Man1 and Man2 is also relevant here. Wynter, “Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom: Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation – An Argument,” CR: The New Centennial Review 3, no. 3 (Autumn 2003): 257–337.42 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:267.43 Rhodes to George Frederic Watts.44 Ibid. Dorothy Tennant, Lady Stanley, a mutual friend, helped to organize the sitting, although she noted in a letter to Watts that Rhodes did not have “a grand face.” Not as grand, it seemed, as her husband, Sir Henry Morton Stanley, who as she notes in her letter “founded the Congo Free State 900.000 square miles and offered it to England” and “through his efforts England now owns British East Africa.” Stanley was perhaps angling for a portrait of her husband, which Watts never painted. Stanley to Watts, London, May 10, 1898, GFW/1/4/60a, G. F. Watts Archive.45 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:267–68.46 Paul Maylam, The Cult of Rhodes: Remembering an Imperialist in Africa (Cape Town: David Philip, 2005), 2–3.47 D. Chanaiwa, “African Initiatives and Resistance in Southern Africa,” in General History of Africa, ed. A. Adu Boahen, vol. 7, Africa under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935 (Paris: UNESCO, 1985), 205. For more on Rhodes and King Lobengula, see Arthur Keppel-Jones, Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884-1902 (Kingston, Canada: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1983); Björd Lindgren, “Power, Education, and Identity in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe: the Fate of King Lobengula and Matabeleland,” African Sociological Review 6, no. 1 (2002): 51; Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, “Re-Thinking the Colonial Encounter in Zimbabwe in the Early Twentieth Century,” Journal of Southern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 2007): 173–91; Angie Todd, “A Chronicle of Land,” Black Scholar 37, no. 1 (Spring 2007): 20; and Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, and Alice Denny, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism, 2nd ed. (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan, 1981), 236–37.48 W. T. Stead, “Character Sketch: Cecil Rhodes, of Africa,” Review of Reviews 20 (July-December 1899): 461. The phrase “From Cape Town to Cairo,” has long been associated with Rhodes. Just a few examples in the British press include: “Daily Notes,” Echo, March 8, 1894; “An Uncrowned King: Statesman, Diamond King, Millionaire – A Remarkable Career,” Evening News, November 17, 1894; “From Cape Town to Cairo,” Daily Telegraph & Courier, October 11, 1898. For Rhodes and Stead, see Joseph O. Baylen, “W. T. Stead’s History of the Mystery and the Jameson Raid,” Journal of British Studies 4, no. 1 (November 1964): 104–32; A. J. Wilson, An Open Letter to Mr. W. T. Stead on his Friendship for Cecil J. Rhodes (London: J. Paterson, 1902). Red is the color associated with Britain and its military exploits.49 “The Rhodes Colossus: Striding from Cape Town to Cairo,” Punch, or the London Charivari, December 10, 1892, 266–67; “The Right Hon. Cecil J. Rhodes,” Illustrated London News, April 5, 1902; John A. Buttery, “The Colossus of Africa: For Weal or Woe,” Sheffield Daily Telegraph, July 25, 1900. The Colossus of Rhodes was a large-scale sculpture built in 280 bce, often reported to have straddled the city’s harbor before it was toppled by an earthquake fifty-four years after its creation.50 Arguing that this statue was a symptom of the University’s curricular and ethical failures related to its colonial legacy, student activists called for—and saw—its removal in 2015. Nyamnjoh, “Rhodes Must Fall”; Schmahmann, “Bringing Cecil Out.”51 One illustration for Song of the English is of a Sphinx, apparently situated on the banks of the Thames in modern London. Rudyard Kipling, A Song of the English, illustrated by W. Heath Robinson (1909; repr., London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1912) [104], [5].52 The romantic notion of Rhodes’s unrealized desire is clear in his obituaries. For example, Rhodes has died with “‘much still to do.’” See “Right Hon. Cecil Rhodes.” Another obituary laments that he “has not lived to see his dream of Empire realised!” See “Cecil Rhodes,” Huntly Express, 28 March, 1902. “Among Mr. Rhodes’ last utterances were the words, ‘So little done; so much to do.’” See “Good Friday,” Evening Telegraph, 28 March, 1902.53 Eric A. Walker, “The Jameson Raid,” Cambridge Historical Journal 6, no. 3 (1940): 283–84.54 Rhodes apparently returned from his portrait sessions with Watts “with a flushed face from standing for too long a time,” having had nothing to eat or drink there but coffee. Herbert Baker laments that Rhodes sat for Watts only after “his heart disease had transformed his features.” Baker, Cecil Rhodes (London: Oxford University Press, 1934), 82, 133. Although he had drafted an early will and suffered from a heart condition, Rhodes often declared he was not interested in his legacy. His will calls for bringing “the whole uncivilised world under British rule.” See “His Writings,” in The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes: With Elucidatory Notes, to Which are Added Some Chapters Describing the Political and Religious Ideas of the Testator, ed. W. T. Stead (London: “Review of Reviews” Office, 1902), 58–59, 61.55 Many obituaries looked favorably on Rhodes. Most did not, however, fail to mention that he was a controversial figure. “Mr. Cecil Rhodes,” The Globe, 27 March, 1902.56 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:267–68. It is difficult to discern how much of this complaint Watts actually expressed to Rhodes.57 Ibid., 268–69.58 “Appendix: Rhodes’s ‘Confession of Faith’ of 1877,” in John Flint, Cecil Rhodes (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974), 248–52 (248–49).59 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:268.60 George Frederic Watts, exercise book 4, “Boer War,” ed. Mary Seton Watts, 5, 1A, and 25, A.2018.3, Watts Gallery – Artists’ Village, Guildford, Surrey.61 This despite that “the Boers would have been swept away by the native Tribes but for our aid.” Ibid., 20, 22.62 George Frederic Watts, “Our Race as Pioneers (1901),” in Mary Seton Watts, George Frederic Watts, 3:283.63 Watts, exercise book 4, 52.64 Ibid., 13.65 See Tim Cresswell’s work on mobility: Cresswell, On the Move: Mobility in the Modern Western World (New York: Routledge, 2006).66 George Frederic Watts, exercise book 4, 12; and exercise book 1, “Miscellaneous Jottings,” ed. Mary Seton Watts, 29, A.2018.3.67 George Frederic Watts, “Our Race as Pioneers, ” 278; and exercise book 5, “Miscellaneous Jottings,” ed. Mary Seton Watts, 22, A.2018.3.68 Watts, “Our Race as Pioneers,” 280–81. A slightly different draft version of this can be found in exercise book 4, xx [page following 23].69 Watts, exercise book 5, 4.70 Watts, exercise book 1, 25.71 R. E. Gutch, “G. F. Watts’s Sculpture,” Burlington Magazine 110, no. 789 (December 1968): 693.72 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:271.73 Stephanie Brown, G. F. Watts, Physical Energy, Sculpture and Site (Compton, UK: Watts Gallery, 2007), 28.74 “I am sure you are deeply grieved by the death of your great friend and great man, for he was a great man even though making mistakes, and perhaps to make mistakes. I believe Alfred [the Great] himself would make mistakes in an age so full of complications as ours.” Watts to Lord Grey, Limnerslease, April 5, 1902, GFW/1/12/102, G. F. Watts Archive.75 Letter from George Frederic Watts to Mary Gertrude Mead, October 29, 1885, GFW/1/10/43, G. F. Watts Archive.76 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:63–65. Her description might be exaggerated, given the modern reforms in Egypt that had been taking place since the 1860s. See Adam Mestyan, Arab Patriotism: The Ideology and Culture of Power in Late Ottoman Egypt (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017), 86.77 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:65.78 Ibid., 65. Ancient Egypt was perceived as “an indecipherable culture” that, until translated, “seem[ed] to be outside of history.” See Avinoam Shalem, “Experientia and Auctoritas: ‘Abd al-Latif al-Baghdadi’s Kitāb al-Ifāda wa’l-i’tibār and the Birth of the Critical Gaze,” Muqarnas 32 (2015): 200.79 There is no original phrasing for the Sphinx’s riddle. Almut-Barbara Renger relays that a fragment by Pindar is the first text that mentions it. Renger, Oedipus and the Sphinx: The Threshold Myth from Sophocles through Freud to Cocteau, trans. Duncan Alexander Smart and David Rice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013), 11.80 Diary of Mary Seton Watts, January 3, 1887, MSW/1/2, The Watts Gallery.81 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:66. Watts became a founding member of the Society for the Preservation of the Monuments of Ancient Egypt in 1888.82 Christiane Zivie-Coche, trans. David Lorton, Sphinx: History of a Monument (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002), 40. Dorothea Arnold, When the Pyramids Were Built: Egyptian Art of the Old Kingdom, exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999), 57. The Sphinx also broadly represented empire’s failure in the British imaginary. See Elizabeth Martin, “The Great Sphinx and Other ‘Thinged’ Statues in Colonial Portrayals of Africa,” Victorian Literature and Culture 50, no. 1 (Spring 2022): 27–59.83 Zivie-Coche notes that this theory from Rudolph Anthes “goes beyond what can be advanced without falling into unverifiable hypotheses.” Zivie-Coche, Sphinx, 40.84 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:65–66.85 Ibid., 66.86 “The Excavation of the Great Sphinx,” St. James’s Gazette, January 7, 1887; “The Egyptian Sphinx,” Illustrated London News, June 19, 1886.87 Watts, George Frederic Watts, 2:269. For burial practices in this region, see Terence Ranger, “Dignifying Death: The Politics of Burial in Bulawayo,” Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 1–2 (February–May 2004): 114; Sihawukele Ngubane, “Traditional Practices on Burial Systems with Special Reference to the Zulu People of South Africa,” Indilinga – African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems 3, no. 2 (2004): 171–77.88 This in the context of the Mwari religious tradition, practiced by the Shona people (to which the Kalanga are related). Mzilikazi and the Ndebele people he led were first displaced by a conflict with Shaka and the Zulu Kingdom. The king eventually settled in Matabeleland, the site of his burial, in the 1860s. See M. K. Rodewald, “Understanding ‘Mwali’ as Traditional Supreme Deity of the Bakalanga of Botswana and Western Zimbabwe: Part One,” Botswana Notes and Records 42 (2010): 11; Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, The Ndebele Nation: Reflections on Hegemony, Memory and Historiography (Amsterdam: UNISA Press, 2009), 128–29; Pathisa Nyathi, Zimbabwe’s Cultural Heritage (Ascot, Zimbabwe: ‘amaBooks, 2005), 11–12; R. Kent Rasmussen, Migrant Kingdom: Mzilikazi’s Ndebele in South Africa (London: Rex Collings, 1978); Everett Jenkins Jr., Pan-African Chronology: A Comprehensive Reference to the Black Quest for Freedom in Africa, the Americas, Europe and Asia, vol. 2, 1865–1915 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1998), 52–54. For earlier histories of Mzilikazi’s movements, see Rasmussen, “Mzilikazi’s Migrations South of Limpopo, c.1821–1827: A Reassessment,” Transafrican Journal of History 5, no. 1 (1976): 52–74. Rhodes’s published will describes Mzilikazi’s resting place: Bertram Mitford, quoted in Rhodes, Last Will and Testament, 4.89 Svinurayi Joseph Muringaniza, “Heritage that Hurts: the Case of the Grave of Cecil John Rhodes in the Matopos National Park, Zimbabwe,” in The Dead and their Possessions: Repatriation in Principle, Policy and Practice, ed. Cressida Fforde, Jane Hubert, and Paul Turnball (London: Routledge, 2002), 317–26; André Maurois, Cecil Rhodes, trans. Rohan Wadham (1913; repr., New York: Macmillan, 1953), 137.90 The quote is recalled in retrospect by Gordon Le Sueur. Le Sueur, Cecil Rhodes: The Man and his Work (London: John Murray, 1913), 122.91 Rhodes, Last Will and Testament, 3–4.92 It is a Sphinx that adorns the 1899 cover of Morley Roberts’s The Colossus, a novel modeled after Rhodes himself. The protagonist, Loder, is a cipher for Rhodes. Roberts, The Colossus: A Story of To-day (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1899), 1–2.93 “For thousands of years a down-trodden race,” the fellahin, “have borne the stick from one master to another . . . pulverized atoms beneath the Turkish heel.” John Westlake, “England’s Duty in Egypt,” Contemporary Review 42 (December 1882): 831. The French novelist Edmond About ventriloquized a fellah man in 1870, who proclaimed that his forefathers were “the first men worthy of the name by which they were described in history,” having created “a perfect civilisation,” that is, ancient Egypt. About, The Fellah, trans. Randal Roberts (London: Chapman and Hall, 1870), 21. About’s work is listed in the well-known publisher John Murray’s essential purchases to be made in England before a journey to Egypt. See: [John Gardner Wilkinson], A Handbook for Travellers in Egypt; Including Descriptions of the Course of the Nile Through Egypt and Nubia, Alexandria, Cairo, the Pyramids, and Thebes, the Suez Canal, the Peninsula of Mount Sinai, the Oases, the Fyoom, &c., rev. ed. (London: John Murray, 1873), xix. See also Daniel Hack Tuke, Insanity in Ancient and Modern Life: With Chapters on its Prevention (London: Macmillan, 1878), 36.94 John Ninet, “Origin of the National Party in Egypt,” Nineteenth Century 13 (January 1883): 117.95 C. F. Moberly Bell, From Pharaoh to Fellah (London: Wells Gardner, Darton, 1888), 3.96 Ibid., 3. See C. B. Roylance Kent, “Life in Modern Egypt,” The Gentleman’s Magazine 275 (October 1893): 353. Some believed the fellahin built the monuments: “Editorial Selections: Mr. Cotton on Technical Education,” Englishman’s Overland Mail, November 30, 1886; Daily News, May 26, 1877.97 To be sure, the khedives were guilty of making concessions to foreign investors and prioritizing elite agendas. See Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. 2, Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808-1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 193. For the use of “Mehmed,” see Ehud R. Toledano, “Mehmet Ali Paşa or Muhammad Ali Basha? An Historiographic Appraisal in the Wake of a Recent Book,” Middle Eastern Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1985): 141–59.98 In the 1830s, Mehmed Ali had built his army from the fellahin through forced conscription. See Fahmy, All the Pasha’s Men, 41–77.99 John Sabunji to Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, Alexandria, July 5, 1882, quoted in Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt: Being a Personal Narrative of Events, 2nd ed. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1907), 550. See also Priyamvada Gopal, Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent (London: Verso Books, 2019): 127–65. Gopal masterfully traces connections between ‘Urabi and British anti-imperialists, showing that the British were far from unified in the colonization of Egypt.100 Shaw and Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire, 2:193–94.101 Britain was the protector of the Ottoman Empire following the Cyprus Convention of 1878. Ibid., 193–94.102 For more on Ottoman Egypt, see Juan R. I. Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East: Social and Cultural Origins of Egypt’s ‘Urabi Movement (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Aaron G. Jakes, Egypt’s Occupation: Colonial Economism and the Crises of Capitalism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020).103 Kent, “Life in Modern Egypt,” 353; S. H. Leeder, Modern Sons of the Pharaohs: A Study of the Manners and Customs of the Copts of Egypt (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1918), 65. See also Winifred S. Blackman, The Fellahin of Upper Egypt: Their Religious, Social and Industrial Life, With Special Reference to Survival From Ancient Times (London: George G. Harrap, 1927), 284; “The New Egypt: Interview with Mr. Gilbert Parker: First Article,” Morning Post, February 21, 1899. See also About, The Fellah, 21. The province’s class conflicts eventually contributed to an Egyptian Nationalist movement that drew on Egypt’s pharaonic past. See Michael Wood, “The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998): 180–81. For Egyptian nationalism, see Adeed Dawisha, “Consolidating Arab Nationalism: The Emergence of ‘Arab’ Egypt,” chap. 6 in Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).104 The fellah was “the aboriginal Egyptian by blood and descent,” as one American source described, and was “as immoveable from it as the Pyramids, reared by the toil, sweat, and blood of his forefathers.” See Edwin de Leon, The Khedive’s Egypt, or the Old House of Bondage Under New Masters (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1878), 225.105 294 Parl. Deb. (3rd ser.) (1884–45) col. 1555.; The Egyptian Question No. 1: The Fellaheen and Ismaïl Pasha (London: Gilbert and Rivington, 1884), 3. See also W. St. Chad Boscawen, “A Day in Ancient Egypt,” Northern Whig, August 20, 1892; Robert Brown, The Peoples of the World: Being a Popular Description of the Characteristics, Condition, and Customs of the Human Family (London: Cassell, Petter, Galpin, 1882), 1:198.106 E. A. Wallis Budge, The Nile: Notes for Travellers in Egypt (London: Thos. Cook and Son, 1890), 37.107 Charles W. Wood, “In the Lotus-Land,” The Argosy 54 (August 1892
Referência(s)