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Archaic Sculpture and Archaisms of Gender: Rethinking the “Brother and Sister Stele”

2023; College Art Association; Volume: 105; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês

10.1080/00043079.2023.2176641

1559-6478

Seth Estrin,

Art History and Market Analysis

AbstractThe study of Archaic Greek sculpture has long been shaped by an axiomatic yet rarely articulated belief: that differences between figures carved in stone reflect biological differences between male and female bodies. I confront and contest this framework by reevaluating the “Brother and Sister Stele,” one of the most important surviving works of Archaic sculpture. Exposing previous misreadings of the monument’s imagery, I use it to model an alternative history of early Greek art, one that understands depicted bodies not as records of gender difference, but as precisely the kinds of cultural objects through which gender difference was imagined. NotesResearch for this article was undertaken during my time as the J. Clawson Mills fellow in the Department of Greek and Roman Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2020–21. I am grateful to colleagues at the museum for facilitating my study of the monument, supporting my research, and sharing archival photographs for publication. I thank especially Seán Hemingway, Sarah Lepinski, Alexis Belis, Joan Mertens, and Sarah Szeliga. Claudia Brittenham, Simone Estrin, Aaron Hyman, Alice Goff, Tamara Golan, Jennifer Nelson, and Elizabeth Wueste offered important insights as I was preparing this article. David Getsy kindly read an early draft and made me rethink some of its most central arguments with his invaluable observations. Three anonymous readers of Art Bulletin greatly improved the manuscript with their stimulating comments.1 Berlin, Antikensammlung Sk 1531. Carl Blümel, Archaische Skulpturen der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1963), 16–17, no. 7.2 Reinhard Kekulé von Stradonitz, Über das Bruchstück einer altattischen Grabstele (Berlin: Reimer, 1902), 391.3 See Bernhard Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs (Darmstadt, Germany: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1993), 165; Nikolaus Himmelmann, Attische Grabreliefs (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1999), 13, fn. 14. A few monuments for women, do, however, exist, including the free-standing korai discussed below and a handful of stelai with mature, seated women; for discussion see Elena Walter-Karydi, Die Athener und ihre Gräber (1000-300 v. Chr.) (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), 94–98.4 Georges Perrot and Charles Chipiez, Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité, vol. 8: La Grèce archaïque, la sculpture (Paris: Hachette et Cie, 1903), 660.5 Idem.6 By “prophetic” I refer to a nineteenth-century discourse of forensic historical analysis in which fragments of the past could be restored into a complete whole through a form of psychological and intellectual projection. See Carlo Ginzburg, “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” History Workshop 9 (1980): 5–36. On the application of this method to archaeology in the early twentieth century see Cathy Gere, Knossos and the Prophets of Modernism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).7 For the findspot as Kataphygi see Seán Hemingway, How to Read Greek Sculpture (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2021), 69. Further information about the provenance of the Met’s fragments can be found at https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/248500. On John Marshall as collector and procurer of ancient sculpture, see now Guido Petruccioli, ed., Ancient Art and Its Commerce in Early Twentieth-Century Europe: A Collection of Essays Written by the Participants of the John Marshall Archive Project (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2022). On the larger landscape of funerary monuments of which the Kataphygi Stele was a part, see Wolf-Dieter Heilmeyer and Wolfgang Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin'—Schicksale einer archaischen Frauenstatue in Antike und Neuzeit (Berlin: Antikensammlung, 2014), 165–71.8 Edward Robinson, “An Archaic Greek Grave Monument,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 8, no. 5 (1913): 94–99.9 For the fragments in Athens, see Georges Despinis and Nikolaos Kaltsas, eds. Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο, Κατάλογος γλυπτών 1.1 (Athens: Archaeological Receipts and Expropriations Fund, 2014), 401 nos. 365 and 366. A complete history of the reconstruction of the monument, with photographs of its various stages of restoration at the Met, is given in Gisela M. A. Richter, “The Story of the Megakles’ Stele in New York,” in Mélanges Mansel, vol. 1, ed. Arif Müfid Mansel (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimeri, 1974), 1–5.10 See, for instance, John H. Oakley, “Death and the Child,” in Jennifer Neils and John H. Oakley, eds., Coming of Age in Ancient Greece: Images of Childhood from the Classical Past (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 180; Mark Golden, Children and Childhood in Classical Athens (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), 106–7.11 On the modern and ancient histories of sexual difference, see Thomas W. Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Helen King, The One-Sex Body on Trial: The Classical and Early Modern Evidence (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013); Brooke Holmes, “Let Go of Laqueur: Towards New Histories of the Sexed Body,” Eugesta 9 (2019), 136–75.12 David J. Getsy, Abstract Bodies: Sixties Sculpture in the Expanded Field of Gender (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015); Mary Weismantel, Playing with Things: Engaging the Moche Sex Pots (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2021). See also David J. Getsy, “How to Teach Manet’s Olympia after Transgender Studies,” Art History 45, no. 2 (2022): 342–69.13 Gisela M. A. Richter, Kouroi: Archaic Greek Youths (London: Phaidon, 1960); Gisela M. A. Richter, Korai: Archaic Greek Maidens (London: Phaidon, 1968). Similar divisions persist in more recent publications, such as Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1993), 61–121 (on kouroi) and 123–79 (on korai); Katerina Karakasi, Archaic Korai (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003); Marion Meyer and Nora Brüggermann, Kore und Kouros: Weihgaben für die Götter (Vienna: Phoibos, 2007). On Richter’s “anatomical modernism” in this context, see Whitney Davis, “Did Modernism Redefine Classicism? The Ancient Modernity of Classical Greek Art,” in Pam Meecham, ed., A Companion to Modern Art (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2018), 73–89. Significantly, Richter also produced the most important publication of Archaic Attic funeary monuments: Gisela M. A. Richter, The Archaic Gravestones of Attica (London: Phaidon, 1961).14 On nineteenth-century theories concerning the origins of early Greek sculpture, see Alice A. Donohue, Greek Sculpture and the Problem of Description (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 62–101.15 In such a system, even fragments of statues where the figure’s gender is indeterminate must end up either in the publication of kouroi or that of korai (see, for instance, Richter, Kouros, 81–82 cat. 65 and 105 cat. 109).16 My conceptualization and articulation of this problem is indebted to David Getsy. See especially Getsy, “How to Teach Manet’s Olympia.”17 Notably, however, even in rare instances where skeletal remains can be associated with a funerary monument, scientific determinations of sex confound as easily as they confirm artistic expressions of gender. In the case of the Polyxena Sarcophagus—a spectacular work of late Archaic funerary sculpture—excavated in the Granikos River Valley in 1994, for instance, some archaeologists continue to disbelieve that a sarcophagus whose carved walls are dominated by female figures could have been created to enclose the body discovered within, which has been sexed male. See Richard T. Neer, “‘A Tomb Both Great and Blameless’: Marriage and Murder on a Sarcophagus from the Hellespont,” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 61/62 (2012), 98–115; Catherine M. Draycott, “Making meaning of myth: On the interpretation of mythological imagery in the Polyxena Sarcophagus and the Kızılbel Tomb and the history of Achaemenid Asia Minor,” in Wandering Myths: Cross Cultural Uses of Myth in the Ancient World, ed. Lucy Audley-Miller and Beate Dignas (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2018), 23–70. Similarily, for the possibility of a kore marking the grave of a man see Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’ Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 228–29, 260, 270.18 The term kouros is never applied to a statue in ancient inscriptions. Kore is attested, but only sporadically and with qualified meaning. See Meyer and Brüggermann, Kore, 31–32, 93; Catherine M. Keesling, “Greek Statue Terms Revisited: What Does ἀνδριάς Mean?” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 57 (2017): 842, 844–46.19 On constructs of gender and sexuality in ancient Greece, see (among a large bibliography) David Halperin, One Hundred Years of Homosexuality (New York: Routledge, 1990); Froma I. Zeitlin, John J. Winkler, and David M. Halperin, eds., The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Brooke Holmes, Gender: Antiquity and Its Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Ruby Blondell and Kirk Ormand, eds., Ancient Sex: New Essays (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2015); Allison Surtees and Jennifer Dyer, eds., Exploring Gender Diversity in the Ancient World (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2020).20 On the recursivity of gender and sex in ancient Greece, see especially Holmes, Gender.21 Hesiod, Works and Days, 59–105. See Froma I. Zeitlin, Playing the Other: Gender and Society in Classical Greek Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1996), 53–86; Jean-Pierre Vernant, “Semblances of Pandora: Imitation and Identity,” trans. Froma I. Zeitlin, Critical Inquiry 37, no. 3 (2011): 404–18; Anna Uhlig, “Birth by Hammer: Pandora and the Construction of Bodies,” in Surtees and Dyer, Exploring Gender, 54–66.22 See Kenneth Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978); Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. 2: The Use of Pleasure, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985); Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Female Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Caspar Meyer, “Foucault’s Clay Feet: Ancient Greek Vases in Modern Theories of Sex,” History Workshop Journal 85 (2018): 143–68.23 A particularly important contribution in this regard is Gloria Ferrari, Figures of Speech: Men and Maidens in Ancient Greece (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002). Among many other significant studies, see Eva C. Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Guy P. R. Métraux, Sculptors and Physicians in Fifth-Century Greece: A Preliminary Study (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1995); Andrew Stewart, Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Susan Helen Langdon, Art and Identity in Dark Age Greece, 1100-700 B.C.E. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Mary Ann Eaverly, Tan Men/Pale Women: Color and Gender in Archaic Greece and Egypt (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013). For broader archaeological perspectives on such issues, see Rosemary Joyce, “Archaeology of the Body,” Annual Review of Anthropology 34 (2005): 139–58; Barbara L. Voss, “Sexuality Studies in Archaeology,” Annual Review of Anthropology 37 (2008): 317–36.24 See, for instance, Josef Floren, Die griechische Plastik: Band I, Die geometrische und archaische Plastik (Munich: Beck, 1987), 288.25 Known funerary korai from Attica are: 1) the Berlin Goddess (Berlin, Antikensammlung Sk 1800; see Heilmeyer and Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin’); 2) the kore of Phrasikleia (Athens, National Archaeological Museum 4889; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, no I.1.15); 3) the kore signed by Phaidimos (Athens, National Archaeological Museum 81; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 43–46 no. I.1.14); 4) the kore from Agios Ioannis Rentis (Piraeus Archaeological Museum 2530; Karakasi, Korai, 116); 5) the kore from Moschato (Athens, National Archaeological Museum 3859; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 24–25 no. I.1.8); 6) the kore from Anavyssos (Olga Tzachou-Alexandri, “Πρώιμη αρχαϊκή κόρη από την Ανάβυσσο,” in Kokkorou-Alevras and Niemeier, Neue Funde, 51-72). For discussion, see Karakasi, Korai, 116; Ridgway, Archaic Style, 143–46; Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 241–52. Notably, none of these had been excavated when the Berlin figure was first published.26 For the interpretation of such skullcaps as stylized or unfinished hair, see Vinzenz Brinkmann, Frisuren in Stein Arbeitsweisen frühgriechischer Bildhauer (Munich: Biering & Brinkmann, 1998), 25–27; Jacky Strenz, Männerfrisuren der Spätarchaik (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2001), 18–21. Such arguments, however plausible in the case of free-standing statues where the top of the head is difficult to see from below, are less convincing for stelai, where sculptors often carved the top of the head with a full head of hair when no skullcap was worn. Compare, for instance, the hair on Athens, National Archaeological Museum 7901 (in Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 393–94, no. I.1.361).27 See Ferrari, Figures, 115–17, who suggests prepubescent males were treated as a third gender. Persistent binarism can lead to intractable scholarly disagreements, as is the case with a fragment of an Archaic Attic funerary stele (Berlin, Antikensammlung 1835) where the depicted figure is interpreted as male by some scholars (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 21; Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs, 83, fn. 187) and as female by others (Friedrich Hiller, “Zur Berliner Ritzstele,” Marburger Winckelmann-Programm 1967, 18–26; Ridgway, Archaic Style, 233).28 See Hemingway, How to Read, 21.29 Frederick Henry Marshall, Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1911): 166, no. 1593, Fig. 47. The error is noted by Blümel, Archaische Skulpturen, 17.30 On the kolpos in Archaic sculpture see Ridgway, Archaic Style, 130-132; Schmaltz, “Peplos,” 4-5; Heilmeyer and Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin,’ 134.31 Gisela M. A. Richter, Archaic Attic Gravestones (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1944), 68. Cementing the figure’s female identity, Richter now described the chiton as a peplos—a distinctively female garment.32 See Semni Karouzou, “Συμβολή στη στήλη των δύο αδελφιών (Νέας Υόρκης, Αθήνας και Bερολίνου),” Archaiologikon Deltion 31 (1980): 9–22.33 Richter, “The Story,” 2.34 On the representation of these garments in Archaic Greek sculpture, see Yvette Morizot, “A propos de la représentation sculptée des vêtements dans l’art grec,” Revue des Études Anciennes 76 (1974), 117–32; Evelyn B. Harrison, “Notes on Daedalic Dress,” Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 36 (1977), 37–48; Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, “The Fashion of the Elgin Kore,” J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 12 (1984): 29–58; Ridgway, Archaic Style, 129–34; Bernhard Schmaltz, “Peplos und Chiton: Frühe griechische Tracht und ihre Darstellungskonventionen,” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 113 (1998), 1–30; Mireille M. Lee, Body, Dress, and Identity in Ancient Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 106–16.35 See Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 233–36. On draped kouroi, see also Barbara A. Barletta, “The Draped Kouros Type and the Workshop of the Syracuse Youth,” American Journal of Archaeology 91, no. 2 (1987): 233–36. For relevant discussion see Ferrari, Figures, 112–26. For a recently discovered kouros with both hair and dress resembling that of the smaller figure on the Kataphygi see Dimitrios Bosnakis, “Ενεπίγραφος ενδεδυμένος κούρος από την Κάλυμνο,” in Neue Funde archaischer Plastik aus griechischen Heiligtümern und Nekropolen, ed. G. Kokkorou-Alevras and W.-D. Niemeier (Athens, 2013), 157–87.36 On the draping of the himation see Lee, Body, 113–16. There are, however, exceptions to this “rule,” most famously the so-called Lyon kore from the Acropolis, which is often assumed to be a caryatid (see Ridgway, “Birds,” 601–2).37 On a kouros, see the so-called Ilissos Kouros: Athens, National Archaeological Museum 3687 (Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 258–60, no. I.1.246). For an example on vase painting, see the lekythos by the Amasis Painter in Copenhagen, Danish National Museum 14067; Dietrich von Bothmer, The Amasis Painter and his World: Vase-Painting in Sixth-Century B.C. Athens (Malibu, CA: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 1985), 192–93, no. 51.38 On the conventionality of nudity in Greek art, see Larissa Bonfante, “Nudity as a Costume in Classical Art,” American Journal of Archaeology 93, no. 4 (1989): 543–70; Stewart, Art, 24–42. More generally on this point, see Getsy, “How to Teach.”39 On the aryballos and its hanger, see J. D. Beazley, “Aryballos,” Annual of the British School at Athens 29 (1927/28): 187–215; Yael Young, “Aryballos and Hanger: An Iconography of a Unified Entity in Athenian Vase Painting,” Hyperboreus 26, no. 1 (2020): 5–25.40 On this effect of muscles more generally in Greek sculpture, see Stewart, Art, 86–97; R. R. R. Smith, “Pindar, Athletes, and the Early Greek Statue Habit,” in Pindar’s Poetry, Patrons, and Festivals, ed. Simon Hornblower and Catherine Morgan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 83–139.41 Smith, “Pindar,” 112–16.42 On hebe see Nicole Loraux, “Hebe et andreia,” Ancient Society 6 (1975), 1–31; Ferrari, Figures, 132–38. On the characterization of kouroi and related relief figures in these terms, see Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 223–24; Stewart, Art, 63–70; Ferrari, Figures, 112–26.43 Gisela M. A. Richter, “An Archaic Greek Sphinx,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 35, no. 9 (1940), 178–80.44 For examples, see Nota Kourou, “Sphinx,” Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, vol. 8: Thespiades-Zodiacus (Zürich: Artemis Verlag, 1997), 1160, no. 168–81. For representations of sphinxes in relation to death and funerary monuments in Archaic Attic art, see Elizabeth Langridge-Noti, “Mourning at the Tomb: A Re-evaluation of the Sphinx Monument on Attic Black-figured Pottery,” Archäologischer Anzeiger 1 (2003): 141–55.45 See, for instance, Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 6; Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’ Greek Death, 270–72.46 On the polychromy, see Lindsley H. Hall, “Notes on the Colors Preserved on the Archaic Attic Gravestones in the Metropolitan Museum,” American Journal of Archaeology 48, no. 1, 334–36. The polychromy of the sphinx has recently been the subject of scientific analysis and a new reconstruction by Vincenz Brinkmann and Ulrike Koch-Brinkmann as part of the exhibition Chroma: Ancient Sculpture in Color at the Met; see https://www.metmuseum.org/exhibitions/listings/2022/chroma.47 Kouroi from outside Attica wear tresses over the chest, but those from Attica do not; see Ridgway, Archaic Style, 77.48 A paper by Tara Trahey, entitled “The Brother-and-Sister Stele Sphinx Has a Vagina” and delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Institute of Archaeology in 2021, discussed the sphinx’s genitalia on the Kataphygi Stele, but it is not yet published. The appearance of genitalia more generally on Attic funerary sphinxes has not been systematically studied. Some, such as one from the Kerameikos (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, no. 11) are less distinct while others, such as one in Boston (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, no. 38), appear as fully realized as on the Kataphygi Stele.49 Compare, for instance, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 24.97.87 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 10, no. 1).50 On the negative connotations of exposed female genitalia in ancient Greece, see Ann Suter “The Anasyrma: Baubo, Medusa, and the Gendering of Obscenity,” in Dorota Dutsch and Ann Suter, eds., Ancient Obscenities: Their Nature and use in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2015), 21–43.51 Compare the role of the Gorgon in early Greek art; see Rainer Mack, “Facing Down Medusa (An Aetiology of the Gaze),” Art History 25, no. 5 (2003): 571–604.52 On the role of inscribed epigrams in visualizing funerary monuments, see Joseph W. Day, “Rituals in Stone: Early Greek Grave Epigrams and Monuments,” Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (1989): 16–28.53 For the authoritative text of the inscription and complete bibliography, see Peter Allan Hansen, Carmina Epigraphica Graeca (Berlin: De Gruyter 1983), 18–19, cat. 25. For a discussion of the inscription in relationship to the sculpture, see Christoph W. Clairmont, Gravestone and Epigram: Greek Memorials from the Archaic and Classical Period (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1970): 13–15, no. 1. For context see also Nikolaus Dietrich, Johannes Fouquet, and Corinna Reinhardt, Schreiben auf statuarischen Monumenten (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020), 63-65.54 Marshall’s readings are published in Gisela M. A. Richter, “Archaic Grave Stele in the Metropolitan Museum of Art” Antike Denkmäler 4 (1929): 36–37. See also B. F. Cook, Greek Inscriptions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 18–19.55 Richter, “Archaic Grave Stele,” 36–37.56 Richter, 39–40.57 First published by Werner Peek, Grieschische Vers-Inschriften I (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1955), no. 148.58 E.g., Floren, Die griechische Plastik, 288.59 Margherita Guarducci, “Epigraphical Appendix,” in Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 159–65, cat. 37.60 Guarducci, “Epigraphical Appendix,” 159. Hiller von Gaertringen’s reading was produced for Inscriptiones Graecae I2 981, and is rejected in Richter, Archaic Grave Stele, 37.61 It is adopted, for instance, by Clairmont, Gravestone and Epigram, 13; Hemingway, How to Read, 69.62 See Clairmont, Gravestone and Epigram, 14 with fn. 12 and especially Hansen, Carmina, 18–19.63 Richter, Archaic Grave Stele, 37.64 Brauron, Archaeological Museum BE 838; Hansen, Carmina, 19, cat. 26.65 See also the base of the funerary kore signed by Phaidimos (Hansen, Carmina, 13–14; see fn. 37 above), where either the name of the deceased is also either Philo or, as Hansen considers more likely, she is simply described as “dear” daughter.66 μνε͂μα φίλοι c. 8 με – – – – – – | πατὲρ ἐπέθεκε θανόντ[ι : ] / | χσὺν δὲ φίλε μέτερ : vacat ?(Hansen, Carmina, 18–19). The last line remains problematic: see Clairmont, Gravestone, 14–15; Cook, Greek Inscriptions, 19.67 As indicated by the adjective philoi, which modifies a masculine name.68 On the meaning of mnema in this context see Seth Estrin, “Cold Comfort: Empathy and Memory in an Archaic Funerary Monument from Akraiphia,” Classical Antiquity 35, no. 2 (2016), 196–202.69 See Mark Golden, “Did the Ancients Care When Their Children Died?” Greece & Rome 35, no. 2 (1988): 152–63.70 See Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 260–64, 285–97; Marta González González, Funerary Epigrams of Ancient Greece (London: Bloomsbury, 2019), 37-91.71 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 30 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 48, no. 70; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 485–88, no. I.1.485).72 For such monuments see Ernst Berger, Das Basler Arztrelief: Studien zum griechischen Grab- und Votivrelief um 500 v. Chr. und zur vorhippokratischen Medizin (Basel: Archäologischer Verlag, 1970); Tonio Hölscher, “Eine frühe zweifigurige Grabstele,” in Kanon: Festschrift Ernst Berger zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Margot Schmidt (Basel: Antike Kunst, 1988), 166–70; Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs, 183–89.73 Dikaia stele: Komotini, Archaeological Museum and Athens, National Archaeological Museum 40 (Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 421–14, no. I.1.377). For an example where the figures appear to be in an erotic relationship, see Rhodes, Grand Master’s Palace Γ 1640; Eriphyle Kaninia, “An Early Fifth-Century BC Grave Stele from Rhodes,” in I. Jenkins and G. Waywell, eds., Sculptors and Sculpture of Caria and the Dodecanese (London: British Museum Press, 1997), 144–49. For other examples of similar compositions, see Berger, Das Basler Arztrelief.74 On the ideological implications of such compositions see Hölscher, “Eine frühe zweifigurige Grabstele,” 168.75 For an overview of multi-figure compositions in Classical Athenian funerary reliefs, see Walter-Karydi, Die Athener, 232–330.76 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 4472 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 42–43, no. 59; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 418–21 no. I.1.376).77 See Didier Viviers, Recherches sur les ateliers de sculpteurs et la cité d'Athènes à l'époque archaïque: Endoios, Philergos, Aristoklès (Brussels: Classe des Beaux-Arts, Académie royale de Belgique, 1992) 206–18; Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs, 160–63; Ridgway, Archaic Style, 233.78 Berlin, Antikensammlung Sk 734 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 49, no. 73; Hölscher, “Eine frühe zweifigurige Grabstele.” Compare also Athens, National Archaeological Museum 87 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 49–50, no. 74) as a possible two-person monument.79 Piraeus, Archaeological Museum 5329 (Pologiorgi, “Θραύσμα,” 23–38).80 For the Agora fragments, see Evelyn B. Harrison, The Athenian Agora, XI: Archaic and Archaistic Sculpture (Princeton: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1965), 46–47, no. 104, and 47–48, no. 105.81 See especially Athens, National Archaeological Musuem 36 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 55; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 416–18, I.1.375) and Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 2787 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 50–51, no. 77). For other possible two-figure monuments, see Ridgway, The Archaic Style, 244, 261–62.82 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 3892 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 50 no. 76; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 413–15, no. I.1.373).83 Athens, National Archaeological Museum 32 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 50 no. 75; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 404–5, I.1.369). Notably, on the stele from Thespiai, one figure is draped in a himation while the other is nude, suggesting a degree of difference, yet their overlapping forms and the configuration of the names render it impossible to distinguish between them. For a related monument see the stele of Dermys and Kittylos from Tanagra (Athens, National Archaeological Museum 56; Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 13–14, no. 9; Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, 377–80, no. I.1.352), where two identical figures are accompanied by two names. Similarly, see a recently discovered pair of kouroi from a cemetery at Klenia in the Argolid that been associated with paired burials of two men in their mid-30s; Konstantin Kissas, “Die Kouroi von Tenea: Die Entdeckung der Nekropole von Klenia,” Antike Welt 49 (2018), 45–54.84 For examples and discussion, see Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 224–26; Catherine Keesling, “Endoios's Painting from the Themistoklean Wall: A Reconstruction,” Hesperia 68 (1999): 536–41. On the Kataphygi Stele, such scenes may well have been painted below or above the figures, where the shaft is now blank; see Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 28.85 On this effect see Richard T. Neer, The Emergence of the Classical Style in Greek Sculpture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 39–40 drawing on Rainer Mack, Ordering the Body and Embodying Order: The Kouros in Archaic Greek Society (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1996).86 An exception is Schmaltz, Griechische Grabreliefs, 165, who rightly notes that the smaller “sister” is merely a supplement to the figure of the naked youth.87 On the unrealistic height of children in Archaic funerary sculpture, see Melpo Pologiorgi, “Θραύσμα αττικής υστεροαρχαϊκής επιτάφιας στήλης από τον ΄Αλιμο,” Archaeologikon Ephemeris 1989, 32. On the absence of childlike features on the figure on the Kataphygi Stele, see Floren, Die griechische Plastik, 288.88 On pederastic scenes in Archaic Attic vase painting, see (among many other publications) Dover, Greek Homosexuality; Andrew Lear and Eva Cantarella, Images of Pederasty: Boys Were Their Gods (London/New York: Routledge, 2008).89 For a compelling recent analysis of this cup, with reference to earlier interpretations, see Guy Hedreen, The Image of the Artist in Archaic and Classical Greece: Art, Poetry, and Subjectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 280–93. I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of Art Bulletin for suggesting I include this cup.90 On this point more generally in Attic vase painting, see especially Ferrari, Figures.91 On the eroticism of the funerary kouros, see Stewart 1997: 63–70. More generally on the eroticism of death in Greek art, see Emily Vermeule, Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 145–78.92 For the classic account of Phrasikleia’s epigram, see Jesper Svenbro, Phrasikleia: An Anthropology of Reading in Ancient Greece, trans. Janet Llyod (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), 8–25.93 Most explicitly, see Hansen, Carmina, no. 47.94 Thebes, Archaeological Museum 28200. See Angéliki K. Andreiomenou, “Notes de sculpture et d'épigraphie en Béotie I. La stèle de Mnasithéios, oeuvre de Philourgos: Étude stylistique,” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 130, no. 1, 39–61; Estrin, “Cold Comfort.”95 In contrast, all known funerary korai have close-set feet and are static; see Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 242.96 For the chthonic symbolism of the pomegranate on the Kataphygi Stele see Sourvinou-Inwood, ‘Reading’, 265–66 (who discusses the pomegranate in funerary sculpture more generally at 248-252); González González, Funerary Epigrams, 49–50. More generally on pomegranates in Greek art see Muthman, Der Granatapfel, 39–92. For the symbolism of the flower, when identified as a lotus, see Nuran Şahin, “À propos d'une stèle funéraire archaïque,” L'antiquité classique 61 (1992): 23236; followed by González González, Funerary Epigrams, 49–50.97 The fruit held by the funerary kore now in Berlin, for instance, was traditionally described as a pomegranate, but has been more recently identified as a poppy capsule; see Heilmeyer and Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin’, 144–45.98 Phrasikleia’s flower was first identified as a lotus by its excavator, Efthymios Mastrokostas, “Myrrhinous: La kore Phrasikleia, oeuvre d’Aristion de Paros et un kouros en marbre,” Athens Annals of Archaeology 5 (1972): 298–324. See also Mary Stieber, The Poetics of Appearance in the Attic Korai (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004), 141–78, whose interpretation depends on this identification. Against this identification see Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway, “Birds, ‘Meniskoi,’ and Head Attributes in Archaic Greece,” American Journal of Archaeology 94 (1990), 602 (who proposes it is a pomegranate bud); Heilmeyer and Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin’, 140, fn. 328. Similarly, Tzachou-Alexandri, “Πρώιμη αρχαϊκή,” 72, identifies the flower held by the kore from Anavyssos as a lotus, although it more closely resembles that of a pomegranate. The flower held by the figure on Mnasitheos’ stele has similarly been tentatively identified as a lotus; see Andreiomenou, “Notes de sculpture,” 48.99 Heilmeyer and Maßmann, Die ‘Berliner Göttin’, 140–42.100 See Stieber, Poetics, 148–49.101 For examples of cavetto capitals with alternatively opened and closed flowers, see New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 17.230.6 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 19–20 no. 21); Athens, National Archaeological Museum 5237/5237a (Despinis and Kaltsas, Κατάλογος, no. I.1. 353).102 Theognis, 1007–8. Similar references to the lost bloom of youth pervade funerary epigrams: see González González, Funerary Epigrams, 57–91. Explicit references to flowers occur at Hansen, Carmina, nos. 119 and 174.103 Anne Carson, “Putting Her in Her Place: Woman, Dirt, and Desire,” in Halperin, Winkler, and Zeitlin, Before Sexuality, 135–70. See also Ferrari, Figures, 95–96.104 See, for instance, New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 26.164.3. For further examples and discussion see Friedrich Muthman, Der Granatapfel: Symbol des Lebens in der Alten Welt (Fribourg: Office du Livre, 1982), 77–81. Aryballos and pomegranates are even more explicitly paired on an Archaic funerary stele said to be from Thebes, now in Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 08.288 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 22–23, no. 28).105 See Evelyn B. Harrison, “Greek Sculptured Coiffures and Ritual Haircuts,” in Robin Hägg, Nanno Marinatos and Gullög C. Nordquist, eds., Early Greek Cult Practice (Stockholm: Swedish Institute at Athens, 1988), 247–54; Ferrari, Figures, 116–26. For a typological approach to male hairstyles in Archaic Greek sculpture see Strenz, Männerfrisuren.106 Compare a fragment in the Archaeological Museum of Eleusis attributed to the same sculptor as the Kataphygi Stele, where the fruit has been replaced with the spear of a warrior (see Olga Alexandri, “Κεφαλή ἐπιτυμβίου ἀναγλύφου.” Athens Annals of Archaeology 2 (1969): 89–93).107 See Stewart, Art, 24.108 On these effects of drapery, see especially Janina K. Darling, “Form and Ideology: Rethinking Greek Drapery” Hephaistos 16/17 (1998): 47–69; Alice A. Donohue, Greek Sculpture and the Problem of Description (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 155–201. For similar dynamics between nudity and dress and their intersection with gender in Classic Maya art, see Rosemary Joyce, Gender and Power in Prehispanic Mesoamerica (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001).109 On the band of fabric between the legs of many female figures, known as a paryphe, see Harrison, “Notes,” 40–44.110 For this anachronism see Donohue, Greek Sculpture.111 C.v. κόλπος in Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon: Henry Stuart Jones, 9th ed. rev. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1925–40).112 See Mireille M. Lee, “Problems in Greek Dress Terminology: Kolpos and apoptygma,” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 150 (2004): 221–24.113 See Louvre, MND 1863 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 41, no. 57). For a possible exception to this pattern see Kerameikos, Archaeological Museum P 474 (Richter, Archaic Gravestones, 41–42, no. 58), which depicts a naked figure holding a wreath in his right hand, and, possibly, a flower in his left.114 Christos Piteros, “Υστεροαρχαϊκή επιτύµβια στήλη από το Άργος,” in Kokkorou-Alevras and Niemeier, Neue Funde, 245–61.115 On the absence of genitalia see Piteros, “Υστεροαρχαϊκή επιτύµβια στήλη,” 252.116 Berlin, Antikensammlung F 2159. Erika Simon, Die griechischen Vasen (Munich: Hirmer, 1981), 91–92; Robin Osborne, The Transformation of Athens: Painted Pottery and the Creation of Classical Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 62–63.117 See Ferrari, Figures, 135.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSeth EstrinSETH ESTRIN is Assistant Professor in the Department of History of Art and Architecture at Harvard University [485 Broadway, Cambridge, MA 02138, sestrin@fas.harvard.edu].